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To the right of 


The hills to the right, which belong 


Behind Hissarlik extends the site of Novum Jlium. The clouds to the left are over Mount Ida. 


The Theatre is in the hills to the left which border the Valley of the Simois. 


TROY AS IT APPEARS AFTER THE EXCAVATIONS OF 1879. 


to the same plateau, dominate the Plain of the Scamander. 


The View is taken from the Bridge on the ancient Scamander. 
Hissarlik are Dr. Schliemann’s houses and magazines. 





eos CITY AND COUNTRY 


eee UO NS 


THE RESULTS OF RESEARCHES AND DISCOVERIES ON THE SITE OF TROY AND 
THROUGHOUT THE TROAD IN THE YEARS 1871-72-73-78-79 


INCLUDING AN 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR 


By DR. HENRY SCHLIEMANN 


F.S.A., F.R.I. BRITISH ARCHITECTS 
AUTHOR OF “TROY AND ITS REMAINS” ‘‘MYCENZ”’ ETC. 


WITH A PREFACE, APPENDICES, AND NOTES 


BY PROFESSORS RUDOLF VIRCHOW, MAX MULLER, A. H. SAYCE, J. P, MAHAFFY, H. BRUGSCH-BEY 
P, ASCHERSON, M. A. POSTOLACCAS, M. E. BURNOUF, Mr. F, CALVERT, anp Mr. A. J. DUFFIELD 


κέκλυτέ μευ, Τρῶες καὶ ἐὐκνήμιδες ᾿Αχαιοί 
ἤτοι ἐγὼν εἶμι προτὶ Ἴλιον ἠνεμόεσσαν 
Il, iii. 804, 80 
νῶϊ δ᾽, ἐγὼ Σθένελός τε, μαχησόμεθ᾽, εἰς ὕ κε τέκμωρ 
Ἰλίου εὕρωμεν " σὺν γὰρ θεῷ εἰλήλουθμεν 
il. ix. 48, 49 


WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND ABOUT 1800 ILLUSTRATIONS 


NEW YORK 
HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 








- Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1880, by 
Ba HENRY SCHLIEMANY, 


In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 





All rights reserved. 





TO 


THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 


WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE, M.P., D.C.L., 


AS A TRIBUTE TO HIS 


ENTHUSIASTIC LABOURS AND SINGULAR INGENUITY IN ILLUSTRATING 


THE POEMS OF HOMER, 
THIS 


ACCOUNT OF RESEARCHES AND DISCOVERIES ON THE SITE OF 
SACRED ILIOS 
Es Respectiully Hedicated 
BY HIS ADMIRING AND GRATEFUL FRIEND 


THE AUTHOR. 





CONTENTS. 


PREFACE.—By Professor Rupotr VircHow ; 1 


INTRODUCTION.—AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR, AND NARRATIVE OF 
His Work AT TROY ; : ᾿ ‘ 


CHAPTER I.—Tue Country or THE Trosans (οἱ Τρῶες). 


τ 11...- ΠἸΤΗΝΟΘΒΑΡΗΥ OF THE TROJANS: THEIR SEVERAL DomINIoNS 
IN THE Troap: TopocRAPHy oF ΒΟΥ 


55 1Π|ι:- Ὑπὴ History or’ Troy : ὃ : : 

us IV.—Tue True Sire or Homer’s Iiium ; 
λο V.—Tue First Pre-Historic Ciry on toe Hitt ΟΕ Hissar 
᾿" VI.—TueE Stconp Pre-Hisroric City on THE SITE or Troy 


Hy ΝΠ Ὑπὸ Tuirp, tHe Burnt City . ς " 


» ΥΓὙΠ|.- ΤῊΕ Fourta Pre-Historic ΟἾΤΥ oN THE SITE or Troy 


ed IX.—Tue FirtnH Pre-Historic Ciry or Troy . ; 
μὴ X.—Tue ΒΊΧΤΗ ΟἾΤΥ, Most PROBABLY A LypIAN SETTLEMENT 
i XJ.—Tue SeventH City: THE GREEK ILIumM; or Novum ILium 


Ε΄ ΧΙ]. ΤῊΝ ΟΌΧΝΙΟΑΙ, Mounps ΙΝ THE TROAD CALLED THE ΗΈΒΟΙΟ 
TUMULI F ; ᾿ς : : : ς 





APPENDIX I.—Troy anp Hissariix. By Professor VircHow : 


me Il.—On tHe Revation or Novum IJxium ΤῸ THE ILi0s or 
Homer. By Professor J. P. Mauarry : 
Ἢ 11.- -ΤῊΕΞ Inscriptions rounp aT ΗΙΒΒΑΒΙΙΚ. By Professor 
A. H. Saycr : ὃ : 3 : : : 
8 IV.—Tuymepra, Hanai Teren. By Mr. Consul Frank CaLvert 
= V.—Mepicat Practice ΙΝ THE Troap IN 1869. By Pro- 
fessor RupoLtr VircHow : : 3 : 
ἢ VI—CatTaALocuE oF THE PLANTS HITHERTO KNOWN OF THE 


TROAD, COMPILED ACCORDING TO THE COLLECTIONS OF — 


Proresson RupoLF Vircnow AND Dr. JuLius SCHMIDT, 
AND FROM THE LireraAry Sources BY PRoFEssoR PAUL 
ASCHERSON OF Beruin, Proresson THEeopor von HELp- 
REICH OF ATHENS, AND Docror F. Kurtz or BERLIN 


” VII.—On tue Lost Arr or Harpentna Copper. By A. J. 

DUFFIELD . : : : : : : ‘ 
᾽» VIIIl.—On Hera Boérts. By Professor Henry Brucscu-Bey 
᾿ TX.—Troy anp Eayrr. By Professor Henry Brucscu-Bey 


INDEX : : 


Note.—Spccial attention is also called to Professor Max Miiller’s Dissertation on 
the F} and 4 at pages 316-349. 


686 


727 


737 
740 
745 


752 


MAPS AND PLANS 
AT THE END OF THE BOOK. 


ee ae el 


Map or tue Troap. By Eure Burnour 
PraX I.—Or Troy. Idem. 
» J1.—Or Tae Hevuesic Inium. Idem; 


», ΠΙ|.--ΤῊΒ Grear Centra Trexcu. (Section from North to South: 
West Side.) Idem. 


~[V.—Great Trexcu, rrom Souru-East to Nortu-West. (North Front.) 
Idem. 


99 


V.—PLAN OF THE SUBTERRANEAN BUILDINGS OF THE ‘TUMULUS CALLED 
Usex ΤΈΡΒΗ. By M. Gorxiewicz. 


bP) 


» W1I.—TRANSVERSE SECTION OF THE SAME. Idem. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


DE 


Numpers 1—1570.—Woop Encravines In THE Bopy or THE Work. 


Norre.—These are so fully described in their places, that the repetition of the 
descriptions here would be superfluous. 


Numpers 1801—-2000.— Trerra-corra Wuorts, Bats, Erc., oN THE PLATES 


AT THE END. 


Note.—The intermediate Numbers have been left vacant to avoid double 
Numbers, as the Numbers on the Plates had to be engraved before the 
Numbers in the text were fixed. 


DIAGRAM 


SHOWING THE SUCCESSIVE STRATA OF REMAINS ON TUE 
HILL OF HISSARLIK. 



































Metres. Feet (abt.). Surface. 
Ἔ || Stratum of the 7th City, the Aeolic lium. 
Nile Gop seca eR ee en σι A Ἂν τ 
9 Il 64 Remains of the 6th, the Lydian City. ul 
bo = Stratum of the 5th City. 
Πάδον Ὁ mR te “cS ena a 

Ι" 
ΠῚ Ι Stratum of the 4th City. 

il | 
|) 29 
ὃ = Stratum of the 3rd, the Burnt City (the 

ἘΞ Homeric 11105). 

10 ii 33 5: 

τ he 2nd Ci 

τ ' | Stratum of the 2nd City. 

τ - 

τὸ HF to Stratum of the Ist City. | 
16 Ι | 525 | 





Native rock.—Its present height above the 
sea is 109} feet. Its present height above the 
plain at the foot of the hill is consequently 
591 feet, but it may probably have been 16 or 
20 feet more at the time of the Trojan war, the 
plain having increased in height by the alluvia 
of the rivers and the detritus of vegetable and 
animal matter. 








COMPARATIVE TABLE OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH MEASURES, 
EXACT AND APPROXIMATE. 



























































Metric. Inches. it. Inch. Approximate. 
Millimétre 0°0393708 Tr 03937 "04 or οἷς of inch. 
Centimétre 0°393708 MO SGOT a ee ae 
Décimétre 3°93708 τῷ 3°9371 4 inches. 

Matre 39-3708 8 88708 81. feet, 
2 78°7416 6 6°7416 ᾿ς 
9 118°1124 9 10°1124 PON ee: 
4 157°4832 18 1°48382 TS: Mags 
5 196: 8840 16 4°8540 161 ,, 
6 236° 2248 19 8:°2248 Loe, 
7 275° 5956 72 V1*8956 99. ἢ: 
8 314°9664 26 © 2:°9664 261 ,, 
9 304°3372 29 ὦ 291 ,, 
10 393°7089 32 9:7080 oo. . os 
1 4885 0788 36 1:0 788 36 (12 yds.) 
12 472:°4496 39 4:°4496 391 feet 
13 511°8204 42 7°9204 422 ,, 
14 551°1912 45 111912 AG ot 
15 590: ὅ620 49 2:8620 491. 
16 620°9328 D2» )°9a25 o24 ,, 
17 669-8036 5d =. 9 8086 δῦ, 
18 708°6744 59 0᾽6744 BO) 
19 748 +0452 62  4:0452 621 |, 
20 787-416 65 7:4160 652. ,, 
30 1181°124 98 5°124 982 ,, 
40 1574: 832 181 2.632 ia ome 
50 1968 +54 164 0°54 Gy τς | 
100 3937°08 328 1°08 328 (109 yds.) 
N.B.—The following is a convenient approximate rule :--- To turn Metres 


into Yards, add 1-11th to the number of Métres.” 


PREFACE 





A Book like the present, certain to be so long talked of after (Nachrede), 
has no real need of a Preface (Vorrede). Nevertheless, as my friend 
Schlemann insists on my introducing it to the public, I put aside all 
the scruples which, at least according to my own feeling, assign to me 
only an accessory position. A special chance allowed me to be one of 
the few eye-witnesses of the last excavations at Hissarlik, and to see 
the “ Burnt ” City emerge, in its whole extent, from the rubbish-heaps of 
former ages. At the same time 1 saw the Trojan land itself, from week to 
week, waking up out of its winter’s sleep, and unfolding its natural glories 
in pictures ever new, ever more grand and impressive. I can therefore 
bear my testimony, not only to the labours of the indefatigable explorer, 
who found no rest until his work lay before him fully done, but also to the 
truth of the foundations, on which was framed the poetical conception that 
has for thousands of years called forth the enchanted delight of the edu- 
cated world. And I recognize the duty of bearing my testimony against 
the host of doubters, who, with good or ill intentions, have never tired of 
carping alike at the trustworthiness and significance of his discoveries. 

It is now an idle question, whether Schliemann, at the beginning of 
his researches, proceeded from right or wrong presuppositions. Not only 
has the result decided in his favour, but also the method of his investiga- 
tion has proved to be excellent. It may be, that his hypotheses were too 
bold, nay arbitrary ; that the enchanting picture of Homer’s immortal 
poetry proved somewhat of a snare to his fancy; but this fault of 
imagination, if I may so call it, nevertheless involved the secret of 
his success. Who would have undertaken such great works, continued 
through so many years,—have spent such large means out of his own 
fortune,—have dug through layers of débris heaped one on the other in a 
series that seemed almost endless, down to the deep-lying virgin 501], --- 
except a man who was penetrated with an assured, nay an enthusiastic 
conviction? The Burnt City would still have jain to this day hidden in 
the earth, had not imagination guided the spade. 

But severe enquiry has of itself taken the place of imagination. Year 
by year the facts have been more duly estimated. The search for truth— 
for the whole truth and nothing but the truth—has at last so far rele- 
gated the intuitions of poetry to the background, that I—a naturalist 
habituated to the most dispassionate objective contemplation (mit der 
Gewohnheit der kiltesten Objectivitdt)—felt myself forced to remind my 


x PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. 


friend, that the poet was not a poet only, that his pictures must also have 
had an objective foundation, and that nothing ought to deter us from 
bringing the reality, as it presented itself to us, into relation with the old 
legends formed upon definite recollections of the locality and of the events 
of the olden time. I rejoice that the book, as it now lies before us, fully 
satisfies both requirements: while it gives a true and faithful description 
of the discoveries and of the conditions of the land and the place, it 
everywhere links together the threads, which allow our imagination to 
bring the personal agents into definite relations with actual things. 

The excavations at Hissarlik would have had an imperishable value, 
even if the Idad had never been sung. Nowhere else in the world has the 
earth covered up so many remains of ancient settlements lying upon one 
another, with such rich contents within them. When we stand at the 
bottom of the great funnel, which has opened up the heart of the hill- 
fortress, and the eye wanders over the lofty walls of the excavations, 
beholding here the ruins of dwellings, there the utensils of the ancient 
inhabitants, at another spot the remnants of their food, every doubt as to 
the antiquity of this site soon vanishes. A mere dreamy contemplation 
is here excluded. The objects present such striking peculiarities as 
to position and stratification, that the comparison of their properties, 
whether among themselves, or with other remote discoveries, is of neces- 
sity forced upon us. One cannot be otherwise than realistic (objectiv), 
and I have pleasure in testifying that Schliemann’s statements satisfy 
every demand of truthfulness and accuracy. Whoever has himself made 
-an excavation knows that minor errors can hardly be avoided, and that 
the progress of an investigation almost always corrects some of the results 
of earlier stages of the enquiry. But at Hissarlik the correction was 
simple enough to guarantee the accuracy of the general result, and what 
is now offered to the world may be placed, in respect of the authenticity 
of the facts, beside the best researches of archeology. Besides, an error 
in verifying the position of any object could in each case relate to details 
only; the great mass of results cannot be affected thereby. 

The simple investigation of the fortress-hill of Hissarlik suffices to 
prove with complete exactness the succession of the settlements, of which 
Schliemann now supposes seven. But order of succession is not yet 
chronology. From the former we learn what is older and what later, but 
not how old each separate stratum is. This question involves a comparison 
with other lke places, or at least objects, the date of which is well 
established ; in other words, interpretation. But, with interpretation, 
uncertainty also begins. ‘The archeologist is seldom in the position 
of being able to support his interpretation by the identity of all the 
objects found. And especially, the farther the comparisons have to be 
fetched, the less is it possible to calculate that discoveries will corre- 
spond in their totality. Attention is therefore directed to single objects, 
just as the paleontologist seeks for characteristic shells (Leitmuschcln), 
to determine the age of a geological stratum. But experience has shown 
how uncertain are the Leitmuscheln of archeology. The human intellect 
invents identical things at different places, and different things at the 


PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. ΧΙ 


same place. Certain artistical or technical forms are developed simul- 
taneously, without any connection or relation between the artists or 
craftsmen. I recal the case of the maeander ornament, which appears 
in Germany quite late, probably not till the time of the Roman empe- 
rors, but presents itself much later still in Peru and on the Amazon, 
where it appears as yet inadmissible to regard it as imported. Local 
fashions and artistic forms are so far from being uncommon, that 
the expert sometimes recognizes the source of the discovery from a 
single piece. 

In the case of Hissarlik, the strata which can be defined according to 
their whole character occur very near the surface. Under the Greek 
City (Novum Ilium), and the wall which is probably Macedonian, the 
excavator comes upon objects, especially upon pottery which, accord- 
ing to its form, material, and painting, belongs to what is called the 
Archaic period of Greek art. Then begins the Pre-historic age, in the 
narrower sense of the term. Dr. Schliemann has endeavoured, on good 
grounds, to show that the Sixth City, reckoning upwards, should be 
ascribed, in accordance with tradition, to the Lydians, and that we may 
recognize in its artistic forms an approximation to Ktrurian or Umbrian 
pottery. But the deeper we go, the fewer correspondences do we find. 
In the Burnt City we occasionally meet with one or another object, which 
reminds us of Mycenae, of Cyprus, of Egypt, of Assyria; or probably 
rather, which points to a lke origin, or at least to similar models. 
Perhaps we shall succeed in multiplying these connecting links, but as 
yet so little is known of all these relations, that the adaptation of a 
foreign chronology to the new discoveries seems in the highest degree 
dangerous. : 

An example full of warning as to this sort of casuistical archeology 
is furnished by the latest attack upon Dr. Schliemann by a scholar at 
St. Petersburg. Because Hissarlik offers certain points of correspondence 
with Mycenae, and the latter again with South Russia, this scholar there- 
fore concludes that the South Russian chronology must also be the measure 
for Hissarlik, and that both Mycenae and Hissarlik are to be referred 
to roving hordes of Heruli in the third century after Christ. Going 
right to the opposite extreme, other scholars have been inclined to ascribe 
the oldest “cities” of Hissarlik to the Neolithic Age, because remarkable 
weapons and utensils of polished stone are found in them. Both these 
conceptions are equally unjustified and inadmissible. To the third century 
after Christ belongs the surface of the fortress-hill of Hissarlik, which 
still lies above the Macedonian wall; and the oldest “cities ”°—although 
not only polished stones but also chipped flakes of chalcedony and obsidian 
occur in them—neyertheless fall within the Age of Metals. For even in 
the First City, utensils of copper, gold, nay even silver, were dug up. 

It is beyond doubt that no Stone People, properly so-called, dwelt 
upon the fortress-hill of Hissarlik, so far as it has been as yet uncovered. 
A progressive development of such a people to a higher metallic civili- 
zation can no more be spoken of here, than at any other point of Asia 
Minor hitherto known. Implements of polished stone are also found else- Ὁ 


xl PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. 


where in Asia Minor—as, for example, in the neighbourhood of the 
ancient Sardes—but it is not yet proved that they belong to the “Stone 
Age.” Probably this people immigrated at a period of their development, 
at which they had already entered on the “Metal Age.” Were we to 
take for the foundation of the discussion what first suggests itself, the 
frequent occurrence of nephrite and jadeite, we might suppose that the 
immigration took place from the borders of China, and that, when 
the people reached the Hellespont, they had already acquired a high 
degree of technical dexterity and of finished manufacture. 

It may be an accident that even in the oldest city two stone hammers 
have been found with holes bored through them, whereas in no other spot 
of all Asia Minor, so far as I know, has any similar object occurred. In 
any case the art of stone-working was already far advanced, and the story 
of the foundation of Ilium, as sketched out in the Iliad, exactly coincides 
with the discoveries. The few skulls also, which were saved out of the 
lower “ cities,” have this in common, that without exception they present 
the character (habitus) of a more civilized people ; all savage peculiarities, 
in the stricter sense, are entirely wanting in them. 

It is strange enough that this race, according to all appearance, had 
no tron. Although there occasionally occur native red iron-stones, which 
have evidently been used, yet every object which was originally regarded 
as an iron instrument has proved, on closer investigation, not to be iron. 

No less strange is it that even in the Burnt City no proper sword has 
anywhere been found. Weapons of copper and bronze occur frequently— 
lance-heads, daggers, arrow-heads, knives, if we may designate these as 
weapons—but no swords. Corresponding to this deficiency is another in 
the case of ornaments, which to us Occidentals is still more striking,— 
I mean the absence of the fibula (the buckle of the brooch). Among the 
copper and bronze pins are many which, judging from their size and 
curvature, may be regarded as pins for dress; but no single fibula in our 
sense has occurred. I was always of opinion, that the abundance of 
fibule in the northern discoveries is explained by the greater necessity 
for fastening the garments tighter in colder climates. The Roman 
provincial fibula, which in the northern countries 15. all but the most 
frequent object in the discoveries of the Imperial age, falls even in Italy 
quite into the background. But the fact that, among a race so rich 
in metals as the ancient Trojans, absolutely no fibula has occurred, is 
certainly a sign of very high antiquity, and a sure mark of distinction 
from the majority of Western discoveries which have been adduced in 
comparison. The same may be said, in passing, of the absence of lamps 
in the ancient “ cities.” 

The pottery presents many more points of correspondence with that 
of the West. To be sure I could not cite any place where the whole of 
the pottery found agreed with that of any one of the older cities upon 
Hissarlik. [Ὁ is not till the Sixth City that we find,as Dr. Schliemann 
has very convincingly proved, manifold relations with the Etruscan 
vases; and I might still further remark, that not a few of the forms 
which occur at Hissarlik in clay are executed in Etruria in bronze. 


PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. X11 


In this connection I may also refer, as Leitmuscheln, to the Etruscan 
beaked pitchers, which have been dug up in the heart of Germany and 
Belgium. In most of the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik there are terra- 
cottas just like those which are frequently met with in Hungary and 
Transylvania, in eastern and middle Germany, nay even in the pile- 
dwellings of Switzerland. I myself possess, through the kindness of 
Dr. Victor Gross, fragments of black polished clay bowls from the Lake of 
Bienne, the inner surfaces of which are covered with incised geometrical 
patterns, filled with white earth, such as 1 brought away from the oldest 
city of Hissarlik. Quite lately I was present at the excavation of a great 
conical barrow, conducted by Prof. Klopfleisch in the territory of Anhalt: 
the greater number of the clay vessels discovered there had broad wing- 
shaped excrescences with perpendicular perforations, and very large and 
particularly broad handles, which were put on quite low down close 
to the bottom, like those met with in the Burnt City. I have before 
alluded to the similarity of the little animal figures, the ornamented 
stamps, and other terra-cottas in Hungary. The strange perforated 
incense-vessels (lanterns) of Hissarlik find numerous analogies in the 
burial-grounds of Lusatia and Posen. 

I am not prepared to affirm that these are proofs of a direct connection. 
That question can only be reviewed when the countries of the Balkan 
peninsula shall have been more thoroughly investigated archexologically, 
a thing which is urgently to be desired. But evenif a real connection 
should appear, the question will still remain open, whether the current 
of civilization set from Asia Minor to Kastern Europe, or the inverse 
way; and, since the former is presumptively the more probable, little 
would be gained hence for the chronology of Hissarlk. 

Much might be brought in here, as, for instance, the hooked cross 
(Suastika), the Triquetrum, the circular and spiral decoration, the wave- 
ornament ; but I pass by these, as being widely-diffused marks, which, 
as we learn from experience, furnish little support for the determination 
of time. On the other hand, I cannot entirely refrain from touching on a 
point, on which I do not completely agree with Schliemann. I refer to 
our I’ace- Vases, such as occur plentifully in Pomerellen and East Pomerania, 
as far as Posen and Silesia, in a region distinctly defined. I cannot deny 
that there is a great resemblance between them and the Trojan “Owl- 
Vases,” though I also admit that the “Owl’s Face” does not,occur upon 
them. But as to this matter I am disposed somewhat to modify my 
friend’s expression. So far as I see, there is not a single Trojan Face- 
Vase, which can be said to have a true Owl’s Head, or in which the part 
of the vase referred to can be regarded as completely in the form of a bird. 
As a matter of Natural History, the type of the form modelled on this 
upper part is human, and it is only within the human outlines and pro- 
portions that the nose and the region of the eyes are owl-formed. The 
ear, on the other hand, is always put on like that of a man, never like that 
of an owl. Ido not deny that the form of the face often represents the 
owl-type, and I have no objection to make against the connection with 
the γλαυκῶπις, but I should not like to extend the likeness to a larger 


X1V PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. 


surface than around the eyes and the upper part about the nose: the ears, 
and the mouth (where it occurs), as well as the breasts, are exclusively 
human, And so—only still more in the human form—are also the Face- 
Urns of Pomerellen. Ido not therefore give up the hope that a certain 
connection may yet be discovered; but, if so, 1 am prepared to find that 
our Face-Urns will have to be assigned to a much later period than those 
of Troy. 

My conclusion is this: that the discoveries at Hissarlik will not be 
explained by those made in the North or the West, but, inversely, that 
we must test our collections by Oriental models. For Hissarlik also, the 
probable sources of connection lie East and South; but their determina- 
tion requires new and far more thorough studies in the fields of the 
Oriental world, hitherto so scantily reaped. It was not the Iliad itself 
that first brought the Phoenicians and the Ethiopians into the Trojan 
legendary cycle ; the discoveries at Hissarlik themselves, in placing before 
our eyes ivory, enamel, figures of the hippopotamus, and fine works in 
gold, point distinctly to Egypt and Assyria. It is there that the ehrono- 
logical relations of Hissarlik must find their solution. 

Meanwhile, however, there stands the great hill of ruins, forming for 
realistic contemplation a phenomenon quite as unique as the “ Sacred Lios ” 
for poetical feeling. It has not its ike. Neyer once in any other heap of 
ruins is a standard given by which to judge it. Therefore it will not fit 
into the Procrustean bed of systematizers (Schematiker). Hinc illae irae. 
This excavation has opened for the studies of the archeologist a completely 
new theatre—like a world by itself. Here begins an entirely new science. 

And in this unique hill there is a Stratum, and that one of the 
deepest—according to Schliemann’s present reckoning, the Third from 
the bottom,—which especially arrests our attention. Here was a great 
devouring fire, in which the clay walls of the buildings were molten and 
made fluid like wax, so that congealed drops of glass bear witness at the 
present day to the mighty conflagration. Only at a few places are cinders 
left, whose structure enables us still to discover what was burnt,—whether 
wood or straw, wheat or pease. A very small part of this city has 
upon the whole escaped the fire; and only here and there in the burnt 
parts have portions of the houses remained uninjured beneath the rubbish 
of the foundering walls. Almost the whole is burnt to ashes. How enor- 
mous must have been the fire that devoured all this splendour! We seem 
to hear the crackling of the wood, the crash of the tumbling buildings ! 
And, in spite of this, what riches have been brought to light out of the 
ashes! Treasures of gold, one after another, presented themselves to the 
astonished eye. In that remote time, when man was go little advanced in 
the knowledge of the earth and of his own power, in that time when, 
as the poet tells us, the king’s sons were shepherds, the possession of 
such treasures of the precious metals, and that in the finest and most 
costly workmanship, must have become famous far and wide. The 
splendour of this chieftain must have awakened envy and covetousness ; 
and the ruin of his high fortress can signify nothing else than his own 
downfall and the destruction of his race. 


PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. XV 


Was this chieftain Priam? -Was this city Sacrep Inios? No one 
will ever fathom the question, whether these were the names which men 
used when the celebrated king still looked out from his elevated fortress 
over the Trojan Plain to the Hellespont. Perhaps these names are 
only the poet’s inventions. Who can know? Perhaps the legend had 
hanled down no more than the story of the victorious enterprise of war 
undertaken from the West, to overthrow the kingdom and the city. But 
who will doubt that on this spot a terrible conquest was really won in 
fight against a garrison, who not only defended themselves, their families, 
and their houses, with weapons of stone and bronze, but who also had great 
wealth in gold and silver, ornaments and furniture, to protect? It is in 
itself of little consequence to quarrel about the names of these men or of 
their city. And yet the first question that rises to every one’s lips, to-day 
as in the time of Homer, is this:—Who and whence among mankind 
were they? ‘Though the severe enquirer may refuse them names, though 
the whole race may glide past before the judgment-seat of science 
like the ghosts of Hades,—yet for us, who love the colours of daylight, 
the dress of life, the glitter of personality, for us Priam and Itium 
will remain the designations upon which our thoughts fasten, as often 
as they concern themselves with the events of that period. It was here, 
where Asia and Europe for the first time encountered in a war of 
extermination (in vélkerfressendem Kampfe); it was here that the only 
decisive victory was won in fight, which the West gained over the Kast 
on the soil of Asia, during the whole time down to Alexander the Great. 

And now, under our eyes, this site has been again disclosed. When those 
men whom we call the Classics wrote, the burnt abodes lay hidden beneath 
the ruins of succeeding settlements. To the question—“ Where was 
Tlum ?”’—no one hadan answer. Even the legend had no longer a locality. 
It must assuredly have been otherwise when the poem had its origin. 
Whether we call the poet Homer, or substitute in his place a host of 
nameless. bards,—when the poetic tale originated, the tradition must still 
have been preserved upon the spot, that the royal fortress had stood 
exactly on this mountain spur. It is in vain to dispute with the poet 
his knowledge of the place by his own eyesight. Whoever the “divine 
bard” was, he must have stood upon this hill of Hissarlik—that is, the 
Castle- or Fortress-Hill—and have looked out thence over land and sea. 
In no other case could he possibly have combined so much truth to 
nature in his poem. I have described, in a brief essay,’ the Trojan country 
as it is, and compared it with what the Iliad says of it, and I believe 
I may call any one to bear witness, whether it is possible that a poet 
living αὖ a distance could have evolved out of his own imagination so 
faithful a picture of the land and people as is embodied in the Iliad. 

To this is to be added another consideration. ‘The J/éad is not merely 
an Epic which sings of human affairs: in the conflict of men the great 
circle of the Olympic gods takes part, acting and suffering. Hence it 
happered that the I//ad became the special religious book, the Bible of 


1 See Appendix I., Zroy and Hissarlik. 


ΧΥΪ PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. 


the Greeks and partly of the Romans. This must not be overlooked. 
Therefore I have especially called attention to the fact, that the theatre 
for the action of the gods has been drawn much larger than for the 
-men. The range of these poems extends far beyond the Plain of Troy. 
Its limit is there, where the eye finds its boundary, on the lofty summits 
of Ida and the peak of Samothrace, where the clouds have birth and the 
storms make their home. Who could have lighted upon such a story 
of the gods with this fineness of localizing, except one who had himself 
beheld the mighty phenomena of nature which are here displayed? 
Who, that had not gazed on them in their alternate course for days 
and weeks together ? 

The question of the vad is not simply the old question—Uli Ilium 
fuit ? No, it embraces the whole. We must not sever the story of the gods 
from the story of the men. ‘The poet who sang of Ilium painted also the 
picture of the whole Trojan country. Ida and Samothrace, Tenedos and 
the Hellespont, Callicolone and the Rampart of Herakles, the Scamander 
and the memorial tumuli of the heroes—all this appeared before the view 
of the enraptured hearer. All this is inseparable. And therefore it is not 
left to our choice, where we should place Ilium. Therefore we must have 
a place, which answers to all the requirements of the poetry. There- 
fore we are compelled to say :—Here, upon the fortress-hill of Hissarlik, 
—here, upon the site of the ruins of the Burnt City of Gold,—here 
was Ilium. 

And therefore thrice happy the man to whose lot it has fallen to realize 
in the maturity of manhood the dreams of his childhood, and to unveil the 
Burnt City. Whatever may be the acknowledgement of contemporaries, 
no one will be able to rob him of the consciousness, that he has solved 
the great problem of thousands of years. A barbarous government, which 
weighed as a heavy burthen on the land, has upon the whole kept down 
the condition of the surface of the country and the habits of human life 
in the Troad at the same level as when it imposed its yoke. Thus, 
much has been preserved which elsewhere would probably have been 
destroyed by daily cultivation. Schliemann was able to make his exca- 
vations, as it were, in a virgin soil. He had the courage to dig deeper 
and still deeper, to remove whole mountains of rubbish and débris ; and 
at last he saw before him the treasure sought and dreamt of, in its full 
reality. And now the treasure-digger has become a scholar, who, with 
long and earnest study, has compared the facts of his experience, as well 
as the statements of historians and geographers, with the legendary tradi- 
tions of poets and mythologers. May the work which he has terminated 
become to many thousands a source of enjoyment and instruction, as it 
will be to himself an everlasting glory ! 


RUDOLF VIRCHOW. 
Beruin, September 10th, 1880. 


ee EOS 


INTRODUCTION. 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR, AND NARRATIVE OF HIS WORK 
AQ TROY. 


§ I. Earny anp Commerciant Lire: 1822 to 1866. 


Ir I begin this book with my autobiography, it is not from any feeling of 
vanity, but from a desire to show how the work of my later life has been 
the natural consequence of the impressions I received in my earliest 
childhood; and that, so to say, the pickaxe and spade for the excavation 
of Troy and the royal tombs of Mycenae were both forged and sharpened 
in the little German village in which I passed eight years of my earliest 
childhood. I also find it necessary to relate how I obtained the means 
which enabled me, in the autumn of my life, to realize the great projects 
I formed when I was a poor little boy. But I flatter myself that the 
manner in which I have employed my time, as well as the use I have 
made of my wealth, will meet with general approbation, and that my 
autobiography may aid in diffusing among the intelligent public of all 
countries a taste for those high and noble studies, which have sustained 
my courage during the hard trials of my life, and which will sweeten the 
days yet left me to live. 

I was born on the 6th of January, 1822, in the little town of Neu 
Buckow, in Mecklenburg-Schwerin, where my father,’ Ernest Schliemann, 
was Protestant clergyman, and whence, in 1823, he was elected in that 
capacity to the parish of the village of Ankershagen between Waren and 
Penzlin, in the same duchy. In that village I spent the eight following 
years of my life; and my natural disposition for the mysterious and the 
marvellous was stimulated to a passion by the wonders of the locality in 
which I lived. Our garden-house was said to be haunted by the ghost of 
my father’s predecessor, Pastor von Russdorf; and just behind our garden 
was a pond called “das Silberschilchen,”’ out of which a maiden was 
_ believed to rise each midnight, holding a silver bowl. There was also in 
the village a small hill surrounded by a ditch, probably a pre-historic 





1 Deceased in November 1870, at the age of 90 years. 
B 


2 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [Ivrrop. 


burial-place (or so-called Hiinengrab);? in which, as the legend ran, a 
robber knight in times of old had buried his beloved child in a goiden 
cradle. Vast treasures were also said to be buried close to the ruins of a 
round tower in the garden of the proprietor of the village. My faith in 
the existence of these treasures was so great that, whenever I heard my 
father complain of his poverty, I alwsys expressed my astonishment that 
he did not dig up the silver bowl or the golden cradle, and so become 
rich. There was likewise in Ankershagen a medieval castle, with secret 
passages in its walls, which were six feet thick, and an underground road, 
which was supposed to be five miles long, and to pass beneath the deep 
lake of Speck; it was said to be haunted by fearful spectres, and no 
villager spoke of it without terror.2 There was a legend, that the castle 
had once been inhabited by a robber knight of the name of Henning von 
Holstein, popularly called “ Henning Bradenkirl,” who was dreaded over 
the whole country, for he plundered and sacked wherever he could. But, 
to his vexation, the Duke of Mecklenburg gave safe-conducts to many 
of the merchants who had to pass by his castle. Wishing to wreak 
vengeance upon the duke, Henning begged him to do him the honour of a 
visit. The duke accepted the invitation, and came on the appointed day 
with a large retinue. But a cowherd, who was cognizant of Henning’s 
design to murder his guest, hid himself in the underwood on the road- 
side, behind a hill a mile distant from our house, and lay in wait for the 
duke, to whom he disclosed his master’s murderous intention, and the 
duke accordingly returned instantly. The hill was said to have derived 
its present name, ““ Wartensberg” or ‘‘ Watch-mount,”’ from the event. 
Henuing, having found out that his design had been frustrated by the 
cowherd, in revenge fried the man alive in a large iron pan, and gave 
him, when he was dying, a last kick with his left foot. Soon after this 
the duke came with a regiment of soldiers, laid siege to the castle, and 
captured it. When Henning saw that there was no escape for him, he 
packed all his treasures in a box and buried it close to the round tower in 
his garden, the ruins of which are still standing, and he then committed 
suicide. A long line of flat stones in our churchyard was said to mark 
the malefactor’s grave, from which for centuries his left leg used to grow 
out, covered with a black silk stocking.* Nay, both the sexton Prange 
and the sacristan Wo6llert swore that, when boys, they had themselves cut 
off the leg and used its bone to knock down pears from the trees, but 
that, in the beginning of the present, century, the leg had suddenly 
stopped growing out. In my childish simplicity I of course believed all 





2 This sepulchre still exists, and when 1 unhappy days as tutor. See Dr. Fr. Schlie, 


lately revisited Ankershagen I strongly recom- 
mended its present proprietor, the excellent 
Mr. E. Winckelmann, and his accomplished 
lady, whose bountiful hospitality I here grate- 
fully acknowledge, to excavate it, on the ground 
that they would in all probability find there, not 
indeed a golden cradle, yet very interesting pre- 
historic antiquities. 

3 In this very same castle, the famous German 
transiator of Homer, J. H. Voss, passed very 


Schliemann und seine Bestrebungen, who cites 
W. Herbst, Johann Heinrich Voss, i. p. 46. 

* According to the tradition, one of these 
legs had been buried just before the altar. 
Strange to say, when some years ago the church 
of Ankershagen was being repaired, a single 
leg-bone was found at a small depth before 
the altar, as my cousin the Rey. Hans Becker, 
the present clergyman of Ankershagen, assures 
me. 


-1829.] THE BOY’S. DESIRE TO DIG UP TROY. 9 


this; nay, I often begged my father to excavate the tomb or to allow me 
to excavate it, in order to see why the foot no longer grew out. 

ΠΑ very deep impression was also made upon my mind by the terra- 
cotta relief of a man on the back wall of the castle, which was said to be 
the portrait of Henning Bradenkirl himself. As no paint would stick to 
it, popular belief averred that it was covered with the blood of the cow- 
herd, which could not be effaced. A walled-up fireplace in the saloon was 
indicated as the place where the cowherd had been fried on the iron pan. 
Though all pains were said to have been taken to obliterate the joints of 
that terrible chimney, nevertheless they always remained visible; and this 
too was regarded as a sign from heaven, that the diabolic deed should 
never be forgotten. 

I also believed in a story that Mr. von Gundlach, the proprietor of the 
neighbouring village, Rumshagen, had excavated a mound near the church, 
and had discovered in it large wooden barrels containing Roman beer. 

Though my father was neither a scholar nor an archeologist, he had 
a passion for ancient history. He often told me with warm enthusiasm 
of the tragic fate of Herculaneum and Pompeii, and seemed to consider 
him the luckiest of men who had the means and the time to visit the 
excavations which were going on there. He also related to me with 
admiration the great deeds of the Homeric heroes and the events of the 
Trojan war, always finding in me a warm defender of the Trojan cause. 
With great grief I heard from him that Troy had been so completely 
destroyed, that it had disappeared without leaving any traces of its 
existence. My joy may be imagined, therefore, when, being nearly eight 
years old, I received from him, in 1829, as a Christmas gift, Dr. Georg 
Ludwig Jerrer’s Universal History,® with an engraving representing Troy 
in flames, with its huge walls and the Scaean gate, from which Aeneas is 
escaping, carrying his father Anchises on his back and holding his son 
Ascanius by the hand; and I cried out, “Father, you were mistaken: 
Jerrer must have seen Troy, otherwise he could not have represented it 
here.” ‘My son,” he replied, “that is merely a fanciful picture.” But 
to my question, whether ancient Troy had such huge walls as those 
depicted in the book, he answered in the affirmative. ‘ Father,” retorted 
I, “if such walls once existed, they cannot possibly have been completely 
destroyed: vast ruins of them must still remain, but they are hidden 
away beneath the dust of ages.” He maintained the contrary, whilst I 
remained firm in my opinion, and at last we both agreed that I should 
one day excavate Troy. 

What weighs on our heart, be it joy or sorrow, always finds utterance 
from our lips, especially in childhood ; and so it happened that I talked 
of nothing else to my playfellows, but of Troy and of the mysterious 
and wonderful things in which our village abounded. I was continually 
laughed at by every one except two young girls, Louise’ and Minna’ 








5 Niirnberg, 1828. 7 Minna Meincke married, in 1846, the excel- 
* Louise Meincke has been, since 1838, the lent farmer Richers, and is now living happily at 
happy wife of the Rey. E. Frélich, and is now Friedland, in Mecklenburg. 
living at Neu Brandenburg, in Mecklenburg, 


δι AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [Ixrrop. 


Meincke, the daughters of a farmer in Zahren, a village only a mile 
distant from Ankershagen; the former of whom was my senior by six 
years, the latter of my own age. Not only did they not laugh at me, 
but, on the contrary, they always listened to me with profound attention, 
especially Minna, who showed me the greatest sympathy and entered into 
all my vast plans for the future. Thus a warm attachment sprang up 
between us, and in our childish simplicity we exchanged vows of eternal 
love. In the winter of 1829-30 we took lessons in dancing together, 
alternately at my little bride’s house, at ours, and in the old haunted 
castle, then occupied by the farmer Mr. Heldt, where, with the same 
profound interest, we contemplated Henning’s bloody bust, the ominous 
joints of the awful fireplace, the secret passages in the walls, and the 
entrance to the underground road. Whenever the dancing-lesson was at 
our house, we would either go to the cemetery before our door, to see 
whether Henning’s foot did not grow out again, or sit down in admiration 
before the church-registers, written by the hand of Johann Chr. von 
Schroder and Gottfriederich Heinrich von Schroder, father and son, who 
had occupied my father’s place from 1709 to 1799; the oldest records 
of births, marriages, and deaths inscribed in those registers having a 
particular charm for us. Or we would visit together the younger Pastor 
von Schréder’s daughter,’ then eighty-four years of age, who was living 
close to us, to question her about the past history of the village, or to look 
at the portraits of her ancestors,’ of which that of her mother, Olgartha 
Christine von Schrider, deceased in 1795, was our special delight, partly 
because we thought it a masterpiece of workmanship, partly because it 
resembled Minna. 

We also often visited the village tailor Wollert,"° who was one-eyed, had 
only one foot, and was for this reason called “ Peter Hiippert,” or Hopping 
Peter. He was illiterate, but had such a prodigious memory that he could 
repeat my father’s sermon word by word after having heard it in church. 
This man, who might possibly have become one of the greatest scholars 
of the world, had he had a university education, was full of wit, and 
excited our curiosity to the utmost by his inexhaustible stock of anec- 
dotes, which he told with a wonderful oratorical skill. Thus, to give but 
one of them: he told us how, being desirous to know whither the storks 
migrated for the winter, he had, in the time of my father’s predecessor, 
Pastor von Russdorf, caught one of the storks which used to build their 
nests on our barn, and had fastened round its foot a piece of parchment, 
on which, at his request, the sexton Prange had written that he himself, 
the sexton, and Wollert the tailor, at the village of Ankershagen in Meck- 
lenburg-Schwerin, humbly begged the proprietor of the barn, on which 


δ᾽ Deceased in 1844, at the age of 98. 

° By the kind efforts of Miss Ida Frélich, the 
accomplished daughter of Mrs. Louise Frilich, 
all these portraits—five in number—have lately 
become my property, and I have assigned to them 
the place of honour in my library, facing the 
Acropolis of Athens. At the death of Miss von 
Schroder, these portraits had passed over into the 


possession of my father's successor, Pastor Con- 
radi, who had bequeathed them to the church 
of Ankershagen, but he ceded them to me in 
order to use the proceeds for presenting to 
that church, while he still lived, a more durable 
object, namely, a silver calyx. 

19 Deceased in 1856. 


1831.] MINNA MEINCKE. 5 


the stork had its nest in the winter, to inform them of the name of his 
country. When the stork was again caught by him in the spring, 
another parchment was found attached to its foot, with the following 
answer in bad German verse :— 


“ Schwerin Mecklenburg ist uns nicht bekannt, 
Das Land wo sich der Storch befand 
Nennt sich Sankt Johannes-Land.”’ 


“We do not know Schwerin Mecklenburg: the country where the stork was is called Saint 
John’s Land.” 

Of course we believed all this, and would have given years of our 
life to know where that mysterious Saint John’s Land was to be found. 
If this and similar anecdotes did not improve our knowledge of geo- 
eraphy, at least they stimulated our desire to learn it, and increased 
our passion for the mysterious. 

From our dancing-lessons neither Minna nor I derived any profit at 
all, whether it was that we had no natural talent for the art, or that our 
minds were too much absorbed by our important archeological inyesti- 
gations and our plans for the future. 

It was agreed between us that as soon as we were grown up we 
would marry, and then at once set to work to explore all the mysteries 
of Ankershagen ; excavating the golden cradle, the silver basin, the vast 
treasures hidden by Henning, then Henning’s sepulchre, and lastly Troy ; 
nay, we could imagine nothing pleasanter than to spend all our lives in 
digging for the relics of the past. 

Thanks to God, my firm belief in the existence of that Troy has 
never forsaken me amid all the vicissitudes of my eventful career; but it 
was not destined for me to realize till in the autumn of my life, and then 
without Minna—nay, far from her—our sweet dreams of fifty years ago. 

My father did not know Greek, but he knew Latin, and availed him- 
self of every spare moment to teach it me. When I was hardly nine 
years old, my dear mother died: this was an irreparable misfortune, 
perhaps the greatest which could have befallen me and my six brothers 
and sisters.11_ But my mother’s death coincided with another misfortune, 
which resulted in all our acquaintances suddenly turning their backs 
upon us and refusing to have any further intercourse with us. I did not 
care much about the others; but to see the family of Meincke no more, 
to separate altogether from Minna—never to behold her again—this was 
a thousand times more painful to me than my mother’s death, which 
I soon forgot under my overwhelming grief for Minna’s loss. In later 
life I have undergone many great troubles in different parts of the world, 
but none of them ever caused me a thousandth part of the grief I felt at 
the tender age of nine years for my separation from my little bride. 
Bathed in tears and alone, I used to stand for hours each day before 
Olgartha von Schréder’s portrait, remembering in my misery the happy 


™ My two brothers are dead. Of my four of Professor Wilhelm Kuhse in Dillenburg 
sisters only the eldest, Elise, is unmarried. The (Hesse-Cassel); and the fourth, Louise, is the 
second, Doris, was the happy wife of the late happy wife of the teacher Martin Pechel ip 
secretary Hans Petrowsky in Roebel (Mecklen- Dargun (Mecklenburg). 
burg); the third, Wilhelmine, is the happy wife 


6 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [InTRop. 


days I had passed in Minna’s company. ‘The future appeared dark to 
me; all the mysterious wonders of Ankershagen, and even Troy itself, 
lost their interest for a time. Seeing my despondency, my father sent 
me for two years to his brother, the Reverend Friederich Schliemann,’ 
who was the pastor of the village of Kalkhorst in Mecklenburg, where for 
one year I had the good fortune of having the candidate Carl Andres’ from 
Neu Strelitz as a teacher; and the progress I made under this excellent 
philologist was so great that, at Christmas 1832, I was able to present my 
father with a badly-written Latin essay upon the principal events of the 
Trojan war and the adventures of Ulysses and Agamemnon. At the age 
of eleven I went to the Gymnasium at Neu Strelitz, where I was placed 
in the third class. But just at that time a great disaster befel our family, 
and, being afraid that my father would no longer have the means of 
supporting me for a number of years, I left the gymnasium after being 
in it only three months, and entered the Realschule of the same city, 
where I was placed in the second class. In the spring of 1835 I advanced 
to the first class, which I left in April 1836, at the age of fourteen, to 
become apprentice in the little grocer’s shop of Ernest Ludwig Holtz,° in 
the small town of Fiirstenberg in Mecklenburg-Strelitz. 

A few days before my departure from Neu Strelitz, on Good Friday 
1836, I accidentally met Minna Meincke, whom I had not seen for more 
than five years, at the house of Mr. C. E. Laué.* I shall never forget that 
interview, the last I ever had with her. She had grown much, and was 
now fourteen years old. Being dressed in plain black, the simplicity of 
her attire seemed to enhance her fascinating beauty. When we looked at 
each other, we both burst into a flood of tears and fell speechless into 
each other’s arms. Several times we attempted to speak, but our emotion 
was too great; neither of us could articulate a word. But soon Minna’s 
parents entered the room, and we had to separate. It took me a long 
time to recover from my emotion. I was now sure that Minna still loved 
me, and this thought stimulated my ambition. Nay, from that moment 
I felt within me a boundless energy, and was sure that with unremit- 
ting zeal I could raise myself in the world and show that I was worthy 
of her. I only implored God to grant that she might not marry before 
I had attained an independent position. 

I was employed in the little grocer’s shop at Fiirstenberg for five 
years and a half; for the first year by Mr. Holtz, and afterwards by 
his successor, the excellent Mr. Theodor Hiickstaedt.2 My occupation 
consisted in retailing herrings, butter, potato-whiskey, milk, salt, coffee, 
sugar, oil, and candles; in grinding potatoes for the still, sweeping the 
shop, and the like employments. Our transactions were on such a small 
scale, that our aggregate sales hardly amounted to 3000 thalers, or £450 
annually; nay, we thought we had extraordinary luck when we sold two 





1 Deceased in 1861. now eighty-four years old, is still living at Neu 
2. Candidate Carl Andres is now librarian of  Strelitz, where the author lately saw her. 
the Grand-ducal library and keeper of the Mu- 5 Th. Hiickstaedt died in 1872, but the little 
seum of Antiquities in Neu Strelitz. grocer’s business is continued by his excellent 
3 Deceased in 1836, widow and her son-in-law, Mr. Meyer. 


4 Mr. Laué died in 1860, but Mrs. Laué, 


1837. | THE MILLER RECITING HOMER. 7 


pounds’ worth of groceries in a day. There I of course came in contact 
only with the lowest classes of society. I was engaged from five in the 
morning till eleven at night, and had not a moment’s leisure for 
study. Moreover I rapidly forgot the little that I had learnt in child- 
hood; but I did not lose the love of learning ; indeed I never lost it, 
and, as long as I live, I shall never forget the evening when a drunken 
miller came into the shop. His name was Hermann Niederhoffer. He 
was the son of a Protestant clergyman in Roebel (Mecklenburg), and had 
almost completed his studies at the Gymnasium of Neu Ruppin, when he 
was expelled on account of his bad conduct. Not knowing what to do 
with him, his father apprenticed him to the farmer Langermann in the 
village of Dambeck ; and, as even there his conduct was not exemplary, he 
again apprenticed him for two years to the miller Dettmann at Giistrow. 
Dissatisfied with his lot, the young man gave himself up to drink, which, 
however, had not made him forget his Homer; for on the evening that 
he entered the shop he recited to us about a hundred lines of the poet, 
observing the rhythmic cadence of the verses.° Although I did not 
understand a syllable, the melodious sound of the words made a deep 
impression upon me, and I wept bitter tears over my unhappy fate. 
Three times over did I get him to repeat to me those divine verses, 
rewarding his trouble with three glasses of whiskey, which I bought with 
the few pence that made up my whole fortune. From that moment 
I never ceased to pray God that by His grace I might yet have the 
happiness of learning Greek. 

There seemed, however, no hope of my escaping from the hapless and 
humble position in which I found myself. And yet I was relieved from 
it, as if by a miracle. In lifting a cask too heavy for me, I hurt my 
chest ; I spat blood and was no longer able to work. In despair I went 
to Hamburg, where I succeeded in obtaining a situation with an annual 
salary of 180 marks, or £9 sterling: first in the grocer’s shop of 
Lindemann junior, on the Fishmarket in Altona; and afterwards in that 
of EK. L. Deycke junior, at the corner of the Mihren and Matten- 
Twiete in Hamburg. But as I could not do the heavy work, owing to 
my weakness in the chest, I was found useless by my employers, and 
was turned away from each place, after having occupied it for only eight 
days. Seeing the impossibility of filling a situation as grocer’s shop- 
man, and prompted by want to engage in any work, however humble, 


§ This Hermann Niederhéffer is now 66 years 
old, and is living in easy circumstances at Roebel, 
where the author lately saw him, and instantly 
recognized him by the pathos with which he de- 
claimed Homer, as well as by other circumstances. 
Having been born in 1813, he was twenty-four 
years of age when, in 1837, he entered the little 
shop of Ernest Ludwig Holtz, at Fiirstenberg, 
where the author was apprenticed. He remained 
for seven years afterwards, making in all ten 
years, a journeyman miller, working successively 
at a great many different places in Germany. 
Having in 1844 returned to his family at Roebel, 
through the influence of his relations he obtained 


employment as communal clerk at Wredenhagen, 
and remained for four years in that capacity, until 
in 1848 the magistrate of Roebel gave him the 
office of collector on a turnpike road. In this 
employment he at once married an excellent 
wife, who induced him to give up intoxi- 
cating liquors, so that he retained the same 
place for thirty-one years, only leaving it in 
the spring of 1879, when he retired to Roebel. 
Wonderful to say, in spite of all the vicissitudes 
of his eventful life, he has forgotten neither his 
Homer nor his Virgil, and still declaims them 
with the same warm enthusiasm as he did forty- 
three years ago in the shop at Fiirstenberg. 


8 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. LIyrRop. 


merely to earn my food, I endeavoured to obtain employment on board 
a ship, and at the recommendation of a very kind-hearted shipbroker, 
Mr. J. F. Wendt, a native of Sternberg in Mecklenburg, who when a child 
had been brought up with my late mother, I succeeded in obtaining a 
situation as cabin-boy on board the little brig Dorothea, commanded by 
Captain Simonsen, owned by the merchants Wachsmuth and Kroogmann 
of Hamburg, and bound for La Guayra in Venezuela. 

I had always been poor, but never yet so utterly destitute as at that 
time ; I had even to sell my only coat in order to buy a blanket. On 
the 28th of November, 1841, we left Hamburg with a fair wind; but in 
a few hours it turned contrary, and we were accordingly detained for 
three days in the river Eibe, near Blankenese, until on the Ist of 
December the wind again became fair. On that day we passed Cux- 
haven and entered the open sea, but we had no sooner reached Heligo- 
land than‘the wind returned to the west, and remained there up to the 
12th of December. We were continually tacking, but made little or 
no progress, until in the night of the 11th-12th December we were 
shipwrecked in a fearful storm off the island of Texel, on the bank called 
“de Hilandsche Grond.” After escaping innumerable dangers, and having 
been tossed about by the fury of the elements for nine hours in a very 
small open boat, the crew, consisting of nine men, were all saved. I 
shall always remember with gratitude to Heaven the joyful moment 
when our boat was thrown by the surf on a bank close to the shore of 
the Texel, and all danger was over. I did not know the name of the 
land we had been cast upon, but I perceived that it was a foreign 
country. I felt as if on that bank a voice whispered to me that the 
tide in my earthly affairs had come, and that I had to take it at its 
flood. My belief was confirmed when, on the very day of our arrival, my 
little box, containing a few shirts and stockings, as well as my pocket- 
book with the letters of recommendation for La Guayra procured for me 
by Mr. Wendt, was found floating on the sea and was picked up, while all 
my comrades and the captain himself lost everything. In consequence of 
this strange event, they gave me the nickname of “ Jonah,” by which I 
was called as long as we remained at the Texel. We were kindly received 
there by the consuls Sonderdorp and Ram, who proposed to send me, 
together with the rest of the crew, by way of Harlingen, back to Hamburg. 
But I declined to return to Germany, where I had been so overwhelmingly 
unfortunate, telling them that I regarded it as my destiny to remain in 
Holland, that I intended to proceed to Amsterdam to enlist as a soldier, 
for I was utterly destitute, and saw, for the moment, no other means of 
obtaining a living. At my urgent request, therefore, Messrs. Sonderdorp 
and Ram paid 2 guilders (3s. 4d.) for my passage to Amsterdam. 

The wind having now changed to the south, the little vessel by 
~ which I was forwarded had to stay a day at the town of Enkhuyzen, and 
it took us no less than three days to reach the capital of Holland. For 
want of clothes I suffered fearfully on this passage. Fortune did not 
smile on me at first at Amsterdam: winter had set in; I had no coat, 
and was suffering cruelly from the cold. My intention to enlist as a 


1842. ] MODE OF LEARNING LANGUAGES. 9 


soldier could not be realized so soon as I had imagined; and the few 
florins which I had collected as alms on the island of Texel and in 
Enkhuyzen, as well as the two florins which I obtained from Mr. Quack, 
the consul for Mecklenburg at Amsterdam, were soon spent in the tavern 
of Mrs. Graalman in the Ramskoy at Amsterdam, where I had taken my 
lodgings. As my means of living were entirely exhausted, I feigned 
illness and was taken into the hospital. From this terrible situation 
I was released by the kind shipbroker already mentioned, Mr. Wendt? 
of Hamburg, to whom I had written from the Texel, informing him of 
my shipwreck and my intention to try my fortune at Amsterdam. By 
a lucky chance my letter reached him when he was sitting at a dinner 
party with numerous friends. The account of the disaster which had 
befallen me excited universal compassion, and a subscription which he 
at once raised for me produced the sum of 240 florins (£20), which he 
sent me through Consul Quack. At the same time, he recommended me 
to the excellent Consul-General of Prussia at Amsterdam, Mr. W. Hepner,’ 
who procured me a situation in the office of Mr. F. C. Quien.® 

In my new situation my work consisted in stamping bills of exchange 
and getting them cashed in the town, and in carrying letters to and from 
the post-office. This mechanical occupation suited me, for it left me time 
to think of my neglected education. 

First of all I took pains to learn to write legibly, and this I 
succeeded in doing after twenty lessons from the famous calligraphist 
Magnée, of Brussels. Afterwards, in order to improve my position, I 
applied myself to the study of modern languages. My annual salary 
amounted only to 800 francs (£32), half of which I spent upon my 
studies; on the other half I lived—miserably enough, to be sure. My 
lodging, which cost 8 francs a month, was a wretched garret without 
a fire, where I shivered with cold in winter and was scorched with the 
heat in summer. My breakfast consisted of rye-meal porridge, and my 
dinner never cost more than two-pence. But nothing spurs one on to 
study more than misery and the certain prospect of being able to 
release oneself from it by unremitting work. Besides, the desire of 
showing myself worthy of Minna created and developed in me a boundless 
courage. I applied myself with extraordinary diligence to the study 
of English. Necessity taught me a method which greatly facilitates 
the study of a language. ‘This method consists in reading a great deal 
aloud, without making a translation, taking a lesson every day, con- 
stantly writing essays upon subjects of interest, correcting these under 
the supervision of a teacher, learning them by heart, and repeating in 
the next lesson what was corrected on the previous day. My memory 
was bad, since from my childhood it had not been exercised upon any 
object; but I made use of every moment, and even stole time for study. 


7 My benefactor J. F. Wendt died in January founder of the house is dead, but his two sons, 
1856. Charles and George Quien, who were already 

§ Consul Hepner died in 1870. partners in the house when the author first 

® The commercial house of F. C. Quien still entered it at the beginning of 1842, are both 
exists at Amsterdam, under the same name. The _ still alive. 


10 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [Ixrrop. 


In order to acquire a good pronunciation quickly, I went twice every 
Sunday to the English church, and repeated to myself in a low voice 
every word of the clergyman’s sermon. I never went on my errands, 
even in the rain, without having my book in my hand and learning 
something by heart ; and I never waited at the post-office without reading. 
By such methods I gradually strengthened my memory, and in three 
months’ time found no difficulty in reciting from memory to my teacher, 
Mr. Taylor, in each day’s lesson, word by word, twenty printed pages, 
after having read them over three times attentively. In this way 1 
committed to memory the whole of Goldsmith’s Vicar of Wakefield and 
Sir Walter Scott’s Ivanhoe. From over-excitement I slept but little, 
and employed my sleepless hours at night in going over in my mind 
what I had read on the preceding evening. ‘he memory being always 
much more concentrated at night than in the day-time, I found. these 
repetitions at night of paramount use. Thus I succeeded in acquiring 
in half a year a thorough knowledge of the English language. 

I then applied the same method to the study of French, the difficulties 
of which I overcame likewise in another six months. Of French authors 
I learned by heart the whole of Fénelon’s Aventures de Télémaque and 
Bernardin de Saint Pierre’s Paul et Virginie. This unremitting study 
had in the course of a single year strengthened my memory to such 
a degree, that the study of Dutch, Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese 
appeared very easy, and it did not take me more than six weeks to write 
and speak each of these languages fluently. 

Whether from my continual readings in a loud voice, or from the 
effect of the moist air of Holland, my complaint in the chest gradually 
disappeared during my first year’s residence in Amsterdam, and it has 
never returned. But my passion for study caused me to neglect my 
mechanical occupation in the office of Mr. F. C. Quien, especially as I 
began to consider it beneath me. My principals would give me no 
promotion; they probably thought that a person who shows his in- 
capacity for the business of a servant in an office proves thereby his 
unfitness for any higher duties. At last, however, through the inter- 
cession of my worthy friends, Louis Stoll’? of Mannheim and J. H. 
Ballauf* of Bremen, I had on the 1st of March, 1844, the good fortune 
to obtain a situation as correspondent and book-keeper in the office of 
Messrs. B. H. Schroder & Co. of Amsterdam,’ who engaged me at 
a salary of 1200 francs (£48); but when they saw my zeal, they added 
800 francs a year more by way of encouragement. This generosity, for 
which I shall ever be grateful to them, was in fact the foundation of 
my prosperity ; for, as I thought that I could make myself still more 
useful by a knowledge of Russian, I set to work to learn that language 
also. But the only Russian books I could procure were an old grammar, 


10 Mr. L. Stoll is still flourishing at Mann- Mr. B. H. Schréder died in 1849, but Mr. Henry 
heim. Schréder, the same who personally engaged me 

11 Deceased in 1873. on the 1st of March, 1844, and who was then 

1 The house of B. H. Schréder and Co. of already a partner in the house, is still one of its 
Amsterdam still exists and continues to flourish. principals. 


1846. ] BEGINS BUSINESS IN RUSSIA. 11 


a lexicon, and a bad translation of Les Aventures de Télémaque. In spite 
of all my enquiries, I could not find a teacher of Russian, since, with 
the exception of the Russian Vice-Consul, Mr. Tannenberg, who would 
not consent to give me lessons, there was no one in Amsterdam who 
understood a word of the language. So I betook myself to the study 
of it without a master, and, with the help of the grammar, I learned 
the Russian letters and their pronunciation in a few days. Then, 
following my old method, I began to write short stories of my own 
composition, and to learn them by heart. As I had no one to correct 
my work, it was, no doubt, extremely bad; but I tried at the same 
time to correct my mistakes by the practical exercise of learning the 
Russian Aventures de Télémaque by heart. It occurred to me that I 
should make more progress if I had some one to whom I could relate 
the adventures of Telemachus; so I hired a poor Jew for four francs a 
weck, who had to come every evening for two hours to listen to my 
Russian recitations, of which he did not understand a syllable. 

As the ceilings of the rooms of the common houses in Holland consist 
of single boards, people on the ground-floor can hear what is said in the 
third storey. My recitations therefore, delivered in a loud voice, annoyed 
the other tenants, who complained to the landlord, and twice while stu- 
dying the Russian language I was forced to change my lodgings. But 
these inconveniences did not diminish my zeal, and in the course of six 
weeks I wrote my first Russian letter to Mr. Vasili Plotnikoff, the London 
agent for the great indigo-dealers, Messrs. M. P. N. Malutin Brothers, at 
Moscow, and I found myself able to converse fluently with him and the 
Russian merchants Matweieff and Froloff, when they came to Amsterdam 
for the indigo auctions. After I had completed my study of the Russian 
language, I began to occupy myself seriously with the literatures of 
the languages I had learned. 

In January, 1846, my worthy principals sent me as their agent to 
St. Petersburg. Here, as well as in Moscow, my exertions were in the 
very first two months crowned with the fullest success, which far ex- 
ceeded the most sanguine expectations of my employers and myself. No 
sooner had I rendered myself indispensable to Messrs. B. H. Schroder 
& Co. in my new career, and thus obtained a practically independent 
position, than I hastened to write to the friend of the Meincke family, 
Mr. ©. E. Laué of Neu Strelitz, describing to him all my adventures, 
and begging him to ask Minna at once for me in marriage. But, to my 
horror, I received a month later the heartrending answer, that she was 
just married. I considered this disappointment at the time as the 
greatest disaster which could have befallen me, and I was for some time 
utterly unfit for any occupation and sick in bed. I constantly recalled to 
mind all that had passed between Minna and myself in early childhood, 
all our sweet dreams and vast plans, for the ultimate realization of which 
I now saw such a brilliant chance before me; but how could I think of 


* The three brothers Malutin have been long dead, but the commercial house continues to flourish 
under the same name. 


12 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. LIntRop. 


realizing them without her participation? Then again I bitterly accused 
myself for not having demanded her in marriage before proceeding to St. 
Petersburg; but again I recollected that I could not have done so without 
exposing myself to ridicule, because while in Amsterdam I was only a 
clerk, and my position was a dependent one, subject to the caprice of my 
employers; besides, I was not sure of succeeding at St. Petersburg, 
where instead of success I might have made a complete failure. I fancied 
that neither could she be happy with anyone else besides me, nor that 
I could possibly ever live with another wife but her. Why then should 
fate be so cruel as to tear her from me when, after having for sixteen 
long years striven to reach her, I seemed at last to have succeeded in 
attaining her? It had indeed happened to Minna and me as it often 
happens to us in our sleep, when we dream that we are pursuing some- 
body and can never catch him, because as often as we reach him he 
escapes us again. I thought I could never get over the misfortune of 
losing Minna as the partner of my life; but time, which heals all wounds, 
at last healed mine, so that, although I remained for years mourning 
for her, I could at least continue my mercantile pursuits without further - 
interruption. 

In my very first year at St. Petersburg my operations had already 
been so successful, that in the beginning of 1847 I was inscribed in the 
Guild as a wholesale merchant. But, in spite of my new functions, 
I remained in connection with Messrs. B. H. Schroder and Co. of 
Amsterdam, whose agency I kept for nearly eleven years. As I had 
acquired in Amsterdam a thorough knowledge of indigo, my transactions 
were almost exclusively limited to that article; and, as long as my 
fortune was below 200,000 frs. (£8000), I never gave credit except to 
merchants of the very first standing. Thus I had to content myself at 
first with very small profits, but my business was a perfectly safe one. 

Not having heard of my brother, Louis Schliemann, who in the 
beginning of 1849 had emigrated to California, I went thither in the 
spring of 1850, and found that he was dead. Happening, therefore, to 
be in California when, on the 4th of July, 1850, it was made a State, and 
all those then resident in the country became by that very fact naturalized 
Americans, I joyfully embraced the opportunity of becoming a citizen of 
the United States. 

At the end of 1852 I established a branch-house at Moscow for 
wholesale dealing in indigo, first under the direction of my excellent 
agent, Mr. Alexei Matweieff, and after his death under the direction of 
his servant Jutchenko, whom I raised to the dignity of a merchant of 
the Second Guild, considering that an able servant may easily become 
a good director, whilst a director can never become a good servant. 

As I was always overwhelmed with work at St. Petersburg, I could 
not continue my linguistic studies there, and it was not until the year 
1854 that I found it possible to acquire the Swedish and Polish languages. 

Divine Providence protected me marvellously, and on more than one 
occasion I was saved from apparently certain destruction by a mere 
accident. All my life long I shall remember the morning of the 4th of 


1854. | A WONDERFUL ESCAPE. 13 


October, 1854. It was at the time of the Crimean war. The Russian 
ports being blockaded, all the merchandise intended for St. Petersburg 
had to be shipped to the Prussian ports of Memel or Konigsberg, thence 
to be forwarded overland. Some hundreds of chests of indigo, as well as 
large quantities of other goods, had been thus shipped by Messrs. J. 
Henry Schroder & Co. of London? and Messrs, B. H. Schréder & Co. of 
Amsterdam, on my account, by two steamers to my agents, Messrs. Meyer 
& Co. of Memel, to be sent on by the latter overland to St. Petersburg. 
I had just returned from the indigo auctions at Amsterdam in order to 
see after my goods at Memel, and had arrived late in the evening of the 
3rd of October at the Hotel de Prusse in Koénigsberg, when, happening 
to look out of the window of my bedroom on the following morning, I 
saw the following ominous inscription, written in large gilt letters on the 
tower of the gate close by, called “ das Griine Thor :” *— 
“ Vultus fortunae variatur imagine lunae, 
Crescit decrescit, constans persistere nescit.” 

Though I am not superstitious, the inscription made a profound im- 
_ pression upon me, and I was seized with a kind of panic, as though an 
unknown disaster were hanging over me. In continuing my journey by 
the mail-coach, I was horror-stricken to learn, at the first station beyond 
Tilsit, that the whole city of Memel had been consumed on the previous 
day by a fearful conflagration; and I saw this but too well confirmed 
on my arrival before the city, which resembled an immense graveyard 
on which blackened walls and chimneys stood out like tombstones, 
mournful monuments of the fragility of human things. Almost in despair, 
I ran among the smouldering ruins in search of Mr. Meyer. At last 
I found him, and asked him whether my goods were safe: by way of 
answer, he pointed to his smouldering warehouses and said, “There they 
are buried.” The blow was tremendous: by eight and a half years’ hard 
labour in St. Petersburg I had only saved 150,000 thalers, or £22,500, and 
this was now all lost. But no sooner had I acquired the certainty that 
I was ruined, than I recovered my presence of mind. It gave me great 
comfort to think that I had no debts to pay, for it was only at the 
beginning of the Crimean war, and business being then very unsafe, 
I had bought only for cash. So I thought Messrs. Schréder of London 
and Amsterdam would give me credit, and I felt confident that I should 
make up the loss in course of time. In the evening, when on the point of 
leaving by the mail for St. Petersburg, I was telling my misfortune to 
the other passengers, when a bystander suddenly asked me my name, and, 
having heard it, exclaimed: “Schliemann is the only man who has not 
lost. anything! I am Meyer & Co.’s first clerk. Our warehouse being 





3 The house of Messrs. J. Henry Schroder 
and Co. of London and Hamburg, with whom I 
have had the good fortune to be in connection now 
for thirty-four years, is one of the richest and 
most eminent commercial houses in the world. 
The senior partner, the venerable Baron John 
Henry von Schréder, now ninety-six years old, 
the founler of the celebrated house of benevo- 


lence das Schrédersche Sift, still manages the 
Hamburg house; his partner is the very able 
Mr. Vogler. The London house is managed by 
the venerable Baron J. H. W. Schroder, jun., 
and his very able partners Mr. Henry Tiarks 
and Mr. von der Meden. 

4 This gate was pulled down in August 1864, 
in consequence of municipal improvements. 


14 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. TINTROD. 


erammed full of goods when the steamers arrived with his merchandise, 
we were obliged to build close to it a wooden barrack, in which all his 
property hes perfectly safe.” 

The sudden transition from profound grief to great joy is difficult to 
bear without tears: I was for some minutes speechless; it seemed to 
me like a dream and incredible that I alone should have escaped unhurt 
from the universal ruin. But so it was. The strangest thing was that 
the fire had originated in Meyer & Co.’s stone warehouse, at the northern 
extremity of the town, whence, owing to a furious gale which was blowing 
from the north at the time, the flames rapidly spread over the whole 
city; whereas, under the protection of the same storm, the wooden 
barrack remained unhurt, though it was not more than a couple of 
yards north of the warehouse. My goods having thus been preserved, 
I speedily sold them to great advantage; turned the money over and 
over again; did a large business in indigo, dyewoods, and war material 
(saltpetre, brimstone, and lead); and, as capitalists were afraid to do 
much business during the Crimean war, I was able to realize large 
profits, and more than doubled my capital in a single year. I was 
greatly assisted in my transactions during the Crimean war by the great 
tact and ability of my agent, my dear friend Mr. Isidor Lichtenstein, 
senior, partner in the house of Messrs. Marcus Cohn & Son at Konigs- 
berg, and his junior partner, Mr. Ludwig Leo, who forwarded all my 
transit goods to me with a promptitude really wonderful. 

My wish to learn Greek had always been great, but before the 
Crimean war I did not venture upon its study, for I was afraid that this 
language would exercise too great a fascination over me and estrange 
me from my commercial business; and during the war I was so over- 
whelmed with work, that I could not even read the newspapers, far 
less a book. When, however, in January 1856, the first tidings of peace 
reached St. Petersburg, I was no longer able to restrain my desire to 
learn Greek, and at once set vigorously to work, taking first as my teacher 
Mr. Nicolaos Pappadakes and then Mr. Theokletos Vimpos, both from 
Athens, where the latter is now archbishop. I again faithfully followed 
my old method; but in order to acquire quickly the Greek vocabulary, 
which seemed to me far more difficult even than the Russian, I procured 
a modern Greek translation of Paul et Virginie, and read it through, com- 
paring every word with its equivalent in the French original. When 
I had finished this task, I knew at least one-half the Greek words the 
book contained, and after repeating the operation I knew them all, or 
nearly so, without having lost a single minute by being obliged to use a 
dictionary. In this manner it did not take me more than six weeks 
to master the difficulties of modern Greek, and I next applied myself 
to the ancient language, of which in three months I learned sufficient 
to understand some of the ancient authors, and especially Homer, whom 
I read and re-read with the most lvely enthusiasm. 

I then occupied myself for two years exclusively with the literature 
of ancient Greece; and during this time I read almost all the classical 
authors cursorily, and the Ilad and Odyssey several times. Of the 


1856-57. ] STUDY OF GREEK AND LATIN. 15 


Greek grammar, I learned only the declensions and the verbs, and 
never lost my precious time in studying its rules; for as I saw that 
boys, after being troubled and tormented for eight years and more in 
schools with the tedious rules of grammar, can nevertheless none of them 
write a letter in ancient Greek without making hundreds of atrocious 
blunders, I thought the method pursued by the schoolmasters must be 
altogether wrong, and that a thorough knowledge of the Greek grammar 
could only be obtained by practice,—that is to say, by the attentive 
reading of the prose classics, and by committing choice pieces of them to 
memory. Following this very simple method, I learnt ancient Greek as 
I would have learnt a living language. I can write in it with the greatest 
fluency on any subject I am acquainted with, and can never forget it. 
Iam perfectly acquainted with all the grammatical rules without even 
knowing whether or not they are. contained in the grammars ; and when- 
ever a man finds errors in my Greek, I can immediately prove that I am 
right, by merely reciting passages from the classics where the sentences 
employed by me occur.’ 

Meanwhile my mercantile affairs in St. Petersburg and Moscow went 
on steadily and favourably. I was very cautious in my business; and 
although I received severe blows during the fearful commercial crisis 
of 1857, they did not hurt me much, and even in that disastrous year 
I made, after all, some profits. 

In the summer of 1858 I renewed with my friend, Professor Ludwig 
von Muralt,® in St. Petersburg, my study of the Latin language, which 
had been interrupted for nearly twenty-five years. Now that I knew 
both modern and ancient Greek, I found the Latin language easy enough, 
and soon mastered its difficulties. 

I therefore strongly recommend all directors of colleges and schools 
to introduce the method I have followed; to do away with the 
abominable English pronunciation of Greek, which has never been in 
use outside of England; to let children first be taught modern Greek 
by native Greek professors, and only afterwards begin ancient Greek 





51 hear with pleasure from my honoured 
friend Professor Rudolf Virchow of Berlin, that 
he learned the classical languages in a similar 
way; he writes to me on the subject as follows: 
“Up to my thirteenth year I took private lessons 
in a small Pomeranian town. My last teacher 
there was the second clergyman, whose custom 
was to make me translate and write a great deal 
extemporaneously ; on the other hand, he did not 
let me learn by heart a single grammatical rule in 
the stricter sense of the word. In this way the 
learning of the ancient languages afforded me so 
much pleasure, that I also very frequently made 
translations for myself which had not been set 
me asatask. When I was sent to the Gymnasium 
at Coslin, the director was so highly pleased with 
my Latin that, until my departure from the 
school, I remained his particular favourite. On 
the other hand, the teacher of Greek, Professor 
Grieben, who had studied theology, could so 


quired for the University. 


little conceive how any one could make a good 
Greek translation without a literal knowledge of 
Buttmann’s Grammar, that he openly accused me 
of deceit; even when in spite of all his vigilance - 
he could not detect me in any illicit expedient, 
he nevertheless pursued me with his suspicions 
until my examen abiturientis. At this he ex- 
amined me out of the Greek text of the New 
Testament ; and, when I passed successfully, he 
declared to the assembled teachers, who unani- 
mously bestowed upon me a favourable tes- 
timony, that he had to decide against me, since 
I did not possess the maturity of morals re- 
Fortunately this 
protest remained without effect. Having passed 
the examination, I sat down in my room and 
learned Italian without any assistance.” 

6 Professor von Muralt is now living at Lau- 
sanne, in Switzerland. 


16 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [Inrrop. 


when they can speak and write the modern language with fluency, which 
it can hardly take them more than six months to do. The same professors 
can teach the ancient language, and by following my method they will 
enable intelligent boys to master all its difficulties in a year, so that 
they will not only learn it as a living language, but will-also understand 
the ancient classics, and be able to write fluently on any subject they are 
acquainted with. 

This is no idle theory, but a stubborn fact, which therefore ought to 
be listened to. It is a cruel injustice to inflict for years upon an 
unhappy pupil a language of which, when he leaves college, as a general 
rule he knows hardly more than when he first began to learn it. The 
causes of this miserable result are, in the first place, the arbitrary and 
atrocious pronunciation of Greek usual in England ;’ and in the second 
place the erroneous method employed, according to which the pupils learn 
to disregard the accents entirely, and to consider them as mere impedi- 
ments, whereas the accents constitute a most important auxiliary in 
learning the language. What a happy effect would be produced on 
general education, and what an enormous stimulus would be given to 
scientific pursuits, if intelligent youths could obtain in eighteen months 
a thorough knowledge of modern Greek, and of that most beautiful, 
most divine, and most sonorous language, which was spoken by Homer 
and Plato, and could learn the latter as a living tongue, so as never 
to forget it! And how easily, at how small an expense, could the 
change be made! Greece abounds with highly-educated men, who have 
a thorough knowledge of the language of their ancestors, who are per- 
fectly acquainted with all the classics, and who would gladly and at 
moderate salaries accept places in England or America. How greatly 
the knowledge of modern Greek assists the student in mastering ancient 
Greek I could not illustrate better than by the fact, that I have seen here 
in Athens office-clerks who, feeling no inclination for commerce, have 
left the counting-house, settled down to study, and been able in four 
months’ time to understand Homer, and even Thucydides. 

Latin should, in my opinion, be taught not before, but after, Greek. 

In the year 1858 I thought I had money enough, and wished to retire 
from commercial pursuits. I travelled in Sweden, Denmark, Germany, 
Italy, and Egypt, where I sailed up the Nile as far as the Second 
Cataracts. I availed myself of this opportunity to learn Arabic, and 
I afterwards travelled across the desert from Cairo to Jerusalem. I 
visited Petra, and traversed the whole of Syria; and in this manner had 
abundant opportunity of acquiring a practical knowledge of Arabic, the 
deeper study of which I continued afterwards in St. Petersburg. After 
leaving Syria I visited Smyrna, the Cyclades, and Athens, in the summer 
of 1859, and I was on the point of starting for the island of Ithaca when 





7 To say the least, Greek was pronounced in Russian just as they are now pronounced 
892 years ago precisely as it is now in Greece, in Greece. The same may be said of the Greek 
since all the Greek words borrowed by the names which occur in the cuneiform inscriptions 
Russian language, when in 988 A.D. Russia of the time of the Seleucids. 
adopted the Greek religion, are pronounced 


. Petersburg 


1863.] RETIRES FROM BUSINESS. 17 


I was seized with fever.. At the same time I received information from 
St. Petersburg that a merchant, Mr. Stepan Solovieff, who had failed, 
owing me a large sum of money, and with whom I had agreed that he 
should repay it in the course of four years by annual instalments, not 
only had not made his first payment, but had brought a suit against me 
in the Commercial Court. I therefore hurried back to St. Petersburg, 
was cured of fever by the change of air, and promptly gained my cause. 
But my antagonist appealed to the Senate, where no lawsuit can be 
terminated in less than three and a half or four years; and my presence 
on the spot being necessary, I went into business once more, much against 
my will, and on a much larger scale than before. My imports from May 
to October 1860 reached as high a sum as £500,000. Besides indigo and 
olive oil, 1 also in 1860 and 1861 embarked largely in cotton, which gave 
great profits, owing to the Civil War in the United States of America, and 
the blockade of the Southern ports. But when cotton became too dear, 
I abandoned it, and in its stead went into tea, the importation of which 
by sea was permitted from May 1862 and onwards. My first tea order to 
Messrs. J. Henry Schréder and Co. of London was for 30 chests; and 
when these were advantageously disposed of, I imported 1000, and after- 
wards 4000 and 6000 chests. 1 also bought of Mr. J. E. Ginzburg of St. 

g, who was withdrawing from the trade in goods, his whole 
stock of tea, at a cheap rate, and gained in the first six months £7000 
on my transactions in that commodity. But when in the winter of 
1862-1863 the insurrection broke out in Poland, and the Jews, profiting 
by the disorder then prevailing there, smuggled immense quantities of 
tea into Russia, 1 could not stand this competition, being obliged to pay 
the high import duty. I therefore retired again from the tea trade, 
but it took me a long time to sell at a small profit the 6000 chests which 
had remained on my hands. But my staple commodity always remained 
indigo; for, as I knew the article well, and was always favoured by 
Messrs. John Henry Schroder and Co. of London with choice and cheap 
purchases, and as I also imported large quantities direct from Calcutta, 
and never confided the sale of indigo to clerks or servants, as others 
did, but always stood myself in my warehouse, and showed and sold it 
personally and wholesale to. the indigo dealers, I had no competition to 
fear, and my net profit on this article was on an average £10,000 annually, 
with 6 per cent. interest on the capital employed. 

Heaven continued to bless all my mercantile undertakings in a won- 
derful manner, so that at the end of 1863 I found myself in possession 
of a fortune such as my ambition had never ventured to aspire to. But 
in the midst of the bustle of business I never forgot Troy, or the agree- 
ment I had made with my father and Minna in 1830 to excavate it. I 
loved money indeed, but solely as the means of realizing this great idea 
of my life. Besides, I had recommenced business much against my will, 
and merely in order to have some occupation and distraction while the 
tedious lawsuit with the merchant who had attacked me was going on. 
When therefore his appeal had been rejected by the Senate, and I had 
received from him the last payment, in December 1863, I began to liqui- 

Cc 


1& PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATIONS. [Ivrrop. 


date my business. But before devoting myself entirely to archeology, 
and to the realization of the dream of my life, I wished to see a little 
more of the world. So I started in April, 1864, for Tunis, to investigate 
the ruins of Carthage, and went thence, by way of Egypt, to India. I 
visited in succession the island of Ceylon, Madras, Calcutta, Benares, 
Agra, Lucknow, Delhi, the Himalaya Mountains, Singapore, and the 
island of Java, and stayed for two months in China, where I visited Hong 
Kong, Canton, Amoy, Foochoo, Shanghai, Tin-Sin, Peking, and the Great 
Wall. I then went to Yokohama and Jeddo in Japan, and thence crossed 
the Pacific Ocean in a small English vessel to San Francisco in California. 

Our passage lasted fifty days, which I employed in writing my first work, 
~ La Chine et le Japon.® From San Francisco I went, by way of Nicaragua, 
to the Eastern United States, travelled through most of them, visited 
Havannah and the city of Mexico, and in the spring of 1866 settled down 
in Paris to study archeology, henceforth with no other interruption than 
short trips to America. 


§ 1. Frmsr Vistts to IrHaca, tHE PELoponnesus, AND Troy: 
1863, 1870. 


At last I was able to realize the dream of my life, and to visit at my 
leisure the scene of those events which had always had such an intense 
interest for me, and the country of the heroes whose adventures had 
delighted and comforted my childhood. I started therefore, in April 
1868, by way of Rome and Naples, for Corfu, Cephalonia, and Ithaca. 
This famous island I investigated carefully ; but the only excavations I 
made there were in the so-called Castle of Ulysses, on the top of Mount 
Aétos. I found the local character of Ithaca to agree perfectly with the 
indications of the Odyssey, ana shall have occasion to describe this island 
more fully in the subsequent pages. 

I afterwards visited the Peloponnesus, and particularly examined the 
ruins of Mycenae, where it appeared to me that the passage in Pausanias?® 
in which the Royal Sepulchres are mentioned, and which has now become 
so famous, had been wrongly interpreted ; and that, contrary to the general 
belief, those tombs were not at all understood by that writer to be in the 
lower town, but in the Acropolis itself. I visited Athens, and started 
from the Piraeus for the Dardanelles, whence I went to the village of 
Bounarbashi, at. the southern extremity of the Plain of Troy. Bounarbashi, 
together with the rocky heights behind it, called the Bali Dagh, had until 
then, in recent times, been almost universally considered to be the site of 
the Homeric Ilium; the springs at the foot of that village having been 
regarded as the two springs mentioned by Homer,’ one of which sent 
forth warm, the other cold water. But, instead of only two springs, I 
found thirty-four, and probably there are forty, the site of them being 
called by the Turks Kirk-Gids,—that is to say, “forty eyes ;’ moreover, 
I found in all the springs a uniform temperature of 17° centigrade, 
equal to 62°°6 Fahrenheit. In addition to this, the distance of Bounar- 





8 Paris, 1866, Librairie Centrale. ® Paus. ii. 16, ὃ 4. 10 J], xxii. 147-156. 


1868.] BOUNARBASHI. 19 


bashi from the Hellespont is, in a straight line, eight miles, whilst all the 
indications of the Idad seem to prove that the distance between Ilium 
and the Hellespont was but very short, hardly exceeding three miles. 
Nor would it have been possible for Achilles to have pursued Hector in 
the plain round the walls of Troy, had Troy stood on the summit of 
Bounarbashi. I was therefore at once convinced that the Homeric city 
could not possibly have been here. Nevertheless, I wished to investigate 
so important a matter by actual excavations, and took a number of work- 
men to sink pits in hundreds of different places, between the forty springs 
and the extremity of the heights. But at the springs, as well as in 
Bounarbashi and everywhere else, I found only pure virgin soil, and struck 
the rock at a very small depth. At the southern end of the heights alone 
there are some ruins belonging to a very small fortified place, which I 
hold with the learned archeologist, my friend Mr. Frank Calvert, United 
States Vice-Consul at the Dardanelles, to be identical with the ancient 
city of Gergis. Here the late (acess Consul, G. von Hahn, made some 
excavations, in May 1864, in company with the astronomer Schmidt, of 
Athens. The average depth of the débris was found not to exceed a foot 
and a half; and Von Hahn, as well as myself, discovered there only frag- 
ments of inferior Hellenic pottery of the Macedonian time, and not a 
single relic of archaic pottery. The walls too of this little citadel, in 
which so many great luminaries of archxology have recognized the walls 
of Priam’s Pergamus, have been erroneously called Cyclopean. 

Bounarbashi having thus given negative results, I next carefully 
examined all the heights to the right and left of the Trojan Plain, 
but my researches bore no fruits until I came to the site of the city 
called by Strabo New Ilium,’ which is at a distance of only three miles 
from the Hellespont, and perfectly answers in this, as well as in all 
other respects, to the topographical requirements of the Iliad. My 
particular attention was attracted to the spot by the imposing position 
and natural fortifications of the hill called Hissartix, which formed the 
north-western corner of Novum Ilium, and seemed to me to mark the 
site of its Acropolis as well as of the Pergamus of Priam. According 
to the measurement of my friend M. Emile Burnouf, honorary director δὲ 
the French School at Athens, the elevation of this hill is 49. 45 métres 
or 162 ft. above the level of oe sea. 

In a hole dug here at random by two villagers, some twenty-five years 
ago, on the brink of the northern slope, in a part of the hill which 
belonged to two Turks of Konm-Kaleh, there was found a small treasure 
of about 1200 silver staters of Antiochus III. 

The first recent writer who asserted the identity of Hissarlik with the 
Homeric Troy was Maclaren.” He showed by the most convincing argu- 
ments that Troy could never have been on the heights of Bounarbashi, 
and that, if it ever existed, Hissarlik must mark its site. But already 


1 Or, to use his exact phrase, “the present 2 Dissertation on the Topography of the Plain 
Hlium,” the Ilium of his day, τὸ νῦν Ἴλιον, 4 of Troy, Edinburgh, 1822; and The Plain of 
νῦν πόλις, τὸ σημερινὸν Ἴλιον. : Troy described, Edinburgh, 1863. 


20 PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATIONS. (Intron. 


before him, Dr. Edw. Dan. Clarke* had declared himself against Bounar- 
bashi, and thought that the Homeric city had been at the village of 
Chiblak, a theory afterwards adopted by P. Barker Webb.* Such weighty 
authorities as George Grote,? Julius Braun,’ and Gustav von Ecken- 
brecher,’ have also declared in favour of Hissarlik. Mr. Frank Calvert 
further, who began by upholding the theory which placed Troy at 
Bounarbashi, became, through the arguments of the above writers, and 
particularly, it appears, through those of Maclaren and Barker Webb, a 
convert to the Troy-Hissarlik theory and a valiant champion of it. He 
owns nearly one-half of Hissarlik, and in two small ditches he had dug on 
his property he had brought to light before my visit some remains of the 
Macedonian and Roman periods; as well as part of the wall of Hellenic 
masonry, which, according to Plutarch (in his Life of Alexander), was 
built by Lysimachus. I at once decided to commence excavations here, 
and announced this intention in the work Ithaque, le Péloponnese et Troie, 
which I published at the end of 1868.8 Having sent a copy of this work, 
together with a dissertation in ancient Greek, to the University of Rostock, 
that learned body honoured me with the diploma of Doctor of Philosophy. 
With unremitting zeal I have ever since endeavoured to show myself 
worthy of the dignity conferred on me. 

In the book referred to I mentioned (p. 97) that, according to my 
interpretation of the passage of Pausanias (11. 16, § 4) in which he 
speaks of the Sepulchres at Mycenae, the Royal Tombs must be looked 
for in the Acropolis itself, and not in the lower town. As this inter- 
pretation of mine was in opposition to that of all other scholars, it was 
at the time refused a hearing; now, however, that in 1876 I have actu- 
ally found these sepulchres, with their immense treasures, on the very 
site indicated by me, it would seem that my critics were in the wrong 
and not myself. 

Circumstances obliged me to remain nearly the whole of the year 
1869 in the United States, and it was therefore only in April 1870 
that I- was able to return to Hissarlk and make a preliminary excavation, 
in order to test the depth to which the artificial soil extended. I made it 
at the north-western corner, in a place where the hill had increased 
considerably in size, and where, consequently, the accumulation of débris 
of the Hellenic period was very great. Hence it was only after digging 
16 ft. below the surface, that I laid bare a wall of huge stones, 64 ft. 
thick, which, as my later excavations have shown, belonged to a tower 
of the Macedonian epoch. 





3 Travels in various Countries of Europe, Asia, 
and Africa; London, 1812. 

ξ Topographie de la Troade ; Paris, 1844, 

5 Hist. of Greece; 4th edit. London, 1872, i. 
pp- 305, 306. 

6 Geschichte der Kunst in ihrem Entwicklungs- 
gange, Wiesbaden, 1856; and Homer und sein 


Zeitalter, Heidelberg, 1856-1858, ii. pp. 206- 
274. 

* Die Lagz des Homerischen Troja; Diissel- 
dorf, 1875. 

δ In French, published by C. Reinwald, 15 rue 
des Saints Peres, Paris; in German, by F. A. 
Brockhaus, Leipzig. 


1871.] FIRST YEAR'S EXCAVATIONS AT TROY. 21 


§ II. Fist Year’s Work at Hissarux: 1871. 


In order to carry on more extensive excavations I needed a firman 
‘from the Sublime Porte, which I only obtained in September 1871, 
through the kind offices of my friends the United States Minister 
Resident at Constantinople, Mr. Wyne McVeagh, and the late dragoman 
of the United States Legation, Mr. John P. Brown. 

At length, on the 27th of September, I made my way to the Darda- 
nelles, together with my wife, Sophia Schliemann, who is a native of 
Athens and a warm admirer of Homer, and who, with glad enthusiasm, 
joined me in executing the great work which, nearly half a century ago, 
my childish simplicity had agreed upon with my father and planned with 
Minna. But we met with ever-recurring difficulties on the part of the 
Turkish authorities, and it was not until the 11th of October that we 
could fairly commence our work.. There being no other shelter, we were 
obliged to live in the neighbouring Turkish village of Chiblak, a mile and 
a quarter from Hissarlik. After working with an average number of 
eighty labourers daily up to the 24th of November, we were compelled 
to cease the excavations for the winter. But during that interval we had 
been able to make a large trench on the face of the steep northern slope, 
and to dig down to a depth of 33 ft. below the surface of the hill. 

We first found there the remains of the later Aeolic Ihum, which, 
on an average, reached to a depth of 61 Ὁ. Unfortunately we were 
obliged to destroy the foundations of a building, 59ft. long and 49 ft. 
broad, of large wrought stones, which, by the inscriptions found in or 
close to 10, which will be given in the chapter on the Greek Ilium, seems 
to have been the Bouleuterion or Senate House. Below these Hellenic 
ruins, and to a depth of about 138 ft., the débris contained a few stones, 
and some very coarse hand-made pottery. Below this stratum I came to 
a large number of house-walls, of unwrought stones cemented with earth, 
and, for the first time, met with immense quantities of stone implements 
and saddle-querns, together with more coarse hand-made pottery. From 
about 20 ft. to 90 ft. below the surface, nothing was found but calcined 
debris, immense masses of sun-dried or slightly-baked bricks and house- 
walls of the same, numbers of saddle-querns, but fewer stone implements 
of other kinds, and much better hand-made pottery. Ata depth of 30 ft. 
and 33 ft. we discovered fragments of house-walls of large stones, many 
of them rudely hewn; we also came upon a great many very large blocks. 
The stones of these house-walls appeared as if they had been separated 
from one another by a violent earthquake. My instruments for excavating 
were very imperfect: I had to work with only pickaxes, wooden shovels, 
baskets, and eight wheelbarrows. 


§ IV. Sreconp YEAR'S Work at Hissaruik: 1872. 


I returned to Hissarlik with my wife at the end of March 1872, 
and resumed the excavations with 100 workmen. But I was soon able 
to increase the number of my labourers to 130, and had often even 
150 men at work. I was now well prepared for the work, having been 


pops NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. ~ [Ivrrop. 


provided by my honoured friends, Messrs. John Henry Schroder & Co. 
of London, with the very best English wheelbarrows, pickaxes, and 
spades, and having also procured three overseers and an engineer, Mr. 
A. Laurent, to make the maps and plans. The last received monthly 
£20, the overseers £6 each, and my servant £7 4s.; whilst the daily 
wages of my common labourers were 1 fr. 80¢., or about 18 pence 
sterling. I now built on the top of Hissarlik a wooden house, with three 
rooms and a magazine, kitchen, &c., and covered the buildings with 
waterproof felt to protect them from the rain.° 


























































































































































































































































































































































































































τ ΕΠ 223ΞΞΞ Zs 
ΞΕΞ ΕΞ 77: τω ) ἼΤΩ προς -Ξ 


πε ες 


SU wd ὦ USTinN SSSAY PHY WY, 
No. 1. Troy as seen from ee Kina in June 1879. 


On the steep northern slope of Hissarlik, which rises at an angle 
of 45°, and at a perpendicular depth of 464 ft. below the surface, I 
dug out a platform 233 ft. wide,and found there an immense number of 
poisonous snakes; among them remarkably numerous specimens of the 
small brown adder called antelion (ἀντήλιον), which is hardly thicker 
than an earthworm, and gets its name from the vulgar belief, that the 
person bitten by it only survives till sunset. 

I first struck the rock at a depth of about 53 ft. below the surface of 
the hill, and found the lowest stratum of artificial soil to consist of very 
compact débris of houses, as hard as stone, and house-walls of small 
pieces of unwrought or very rudely cut limestone, put together so that 
the joint between two of the stones in a lower layer is always covered by 
a single stone in the course above it. This lowest stratum was succeeded 
by house-walls built of large limestone blocks, generally unwrought, but 
often rudely cut into something resembling a quadrangular shape. Some- 
times I came upon large masses of such massive blocks lying close upon 
one another, and having all the appearance of being the broken walls 
of some large building. There is no trace of a general conflagration, 
either in this stratum of buildings built with large stones or in the 
lowest layer of débris; indeed, the multitudinous shells found in these 
two lowest strata are uninjured, which sufficiently proves that they have 
not been exposed to a great heat. I found in these two lowest strata the 





® These houses are seen in the views on the subsequent pages, No. 5 on p. 29, το. 


1872.] SECOND YEAR’S EXCAVATIONS. 23 


same stone implements as before, but the pottery is different. The 
pottery differs also from that in the upper strata. 

As the cutting of the great platform on the north side of Hissarlik 
advanced but slowly, I began on the Ist of May a second large trench 
from the south side; but the slope being there but sheht, I was forced 
to give it a dip of 14°. I here brought to light, near the surface, a 
pretty bastion, composed of large blocks of limestone, which may date 
from the time of Lysimachus. ‘The southern part of Hissarlik has been 
formed principally by the débris of the later or Novum Ilium, and for 
this reason Greek antiquities are found here at a much greater depth than 
on the top of the hill. 

As it was my object to excavate Troy, which I expected to find 
in one of the lower cities, I was forced to demolish many interesting 
ruins in the upper strata; as, for example, at a depth of 20 ft. below 
the surface, the ruins of a pre-historic building 10 ft. high, the walls 
of which consisted of hewn blocks of limestone perfectly smooth and 
cemented with clay. The building evidently belonged to the fourth of 
the enormous strata of débris in succession from the virgin soil; and 
if, as cannot be doubted, each stratum represents the ruins of a distinct 
city, it belonged to the fourth city. It rested on the calcined bricks and 
other débris of the third city,’ the latter being apparently marked by 
the ruins of four different houses, which had succeeded each other on 
the site, and of which the lowest had been founded on remnants of 
walls or loose stones of the second city. I was also forced to destroy 
a small channel made of green sandstone, 8 in. broad and 7 in. deep, 
which I found at a depth of about 36ft. below the surface, and which 
probably served as the gutter of a house. 

With the consent of Mr. Frank Calvert, I also began on the 20th 
of June, with the help of seventy labourers, to excavate in his field on 
the north side of Hissarlik,! where, close to my large platform and at a 
perpendicular depth of 40ft. below the plateau of the hill, I dug out 
of its slope another platform, about 109 ft. broad, with an upper ter- 
race and side galleries, in order to facilitate the removal of the débris. 
No sooner had I commenced the work than I struck against a marble 
triglyph with a splendid metope, representing Phoebus Apollo and the 
four horses of the Sun.? This triglyph, as well as a number of drums 
of Doric columns which I found there, can leave no doubt that a temple 
of Apollo of the Doric order once existed on the spot, which had, how- 
ever, been so completely destroyed that I did not discover even a stone 
of its foundations in situ. 

When I had dug this platform for a distance of 82 feet into the hill, 
I found that I had commenced it at least 161 ft. too high, and I therefore 
abandoned it, contenting myself with cutting into its centre a trench 


10 In my former work, Troy and its Remains, 1 See the large trench marked v on the north 
this burnt city, which I hold to be the Ilium of 5146 to the right of point c, on Plan I. (of Troy). 
Homer, was reckoned as the second from the 2 See the engraving and description in the 


virgin soil. The reasons for now reckoning it chapter on the Greek Ilium. 
the third will be given at the proper place. 


24 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Ixrrop. 


26 ft. wide at the top and 13 ft. wide at the bottom.? At a distance of 
131 ft. from the slope of the hill, I came upon a great wall, 10 ft. high 
and Οἱ ft. thick (see No. 2, 8), 
the top of which is just 84 ft. 
below the surface. It is built in 
the so-called Cyclopean manner, 
of large blocks joined together 
with small ones: it had at one 
time been much higher, as the 
quantity of stones lying beside 
it seemed to prove. It evidently 
belonged to the city built with 
= large stones, the second in suc- 
= ra cession from the virgin soil. At 

Ἷ a depth of 6 ft. below this wall I 
found a retaining wall of smaller 





No. 2. Front View of Walls belonging to the First and 
Second Cities. 


The wall x is built of large blocks joined with small ones; stones (see No. 2, A), rising at an 
its courses are sloping, and appear to have followed the O . 
dip of the ancient soil. The wall A is still more ancient; angle of 45 ° This latter wall 
it is an abamwrus or retaining wall, and has served to must of course be much older 


sustain the slope of the hill. 


than the former: it evidently 
served to support the slope of the hill, and it proves beyond any doubt 
that, since its erection, the hill had increased 131 ft. in breadth and 84 ft. 
in height. As my friend Professor A. H. Sayce was the first to point out, 
this wall, a, is built in exactly the same style as the house-walls of the 
first and lowest city, the joint between two of the stones in the lower 
layer being always covered by a third in the upper layer. Accordingly, 
in agreement with him, I do not hesitate to attribute this wall to the 
first city. The débris of the lower stratum being as hard as stone, I 
had very great difficulty in excavating it in the ordinary way, and 
I found it easier to undermine it by cutting it vertically, and with the 
help of windlasses and enormous iron levers, nearly 10 ft. in length and 
6 in.- in circumference, to loosen and so break it down in fragments 
16 ft. high, 16 ft. broad, and 10ft. thick. But I found this manner of 
excavating very dangerous, two workmen having been buried alive under a 
mass of débris of 2561) cubic feet, and having been saved as by a miracle. 
In consequence of this accident I gave up the idea of running the great 
platform 233 ft. broad through the whole length of the hill, and decided 
on first digging a trench, 98 ft. wide at the top and 65 ft. at the bottom.* 
As the great extent of my excavations rendered it necessary for me to 
work with no less than from 120 to 150 labourers, I was obliged, on the 
1st of June, on account’ of the harvest season, to increase the daily wages 
to 2 francs. But even this would not have enabled me to collect the 
requisite number of men, had not the late Mr. Max Miller, German 
Consul at Gallipoli, sent me 40 workmen from that place. After the Ist 





3 See this trench marked w in the middle of Plan III. at the end of the volume, the letters 
the large trench v, to the right of point c on X-Y on this plan marking the east side of this 
Plan I. (of Troy). , great trench, which is indicated by the same 

4 See No. 4, p. 28, ta the right ; also Sectional _ letters on Plan I. (of Troy). 


1872.) DISCOVERY OF GREAT WALLS. 20 


of July, however, I easily procured a constant supply of 150 workmen. 
Through the kindness of Mr. Charles Cookson, English Consul at Constan- 
tinople, I secured 10 hand-carts, which are drawn by two men and pushed 
by a third. I thus had 10 hand-carts and 88 wheelbarrows to work with, 
in addition to which I kept 6 horse-carts, each of which cost 5 francs 
or 4s. a day, so that the total cost of my excavations amounted to more 
than 400 francs (£16) a day. Besides screw-jacks, chains and wind- 
lasses, my implements consisted of 24 large iron levers, 108 spades, and 
103 pickaxes, all of the best English manufacture. I had three capital 

















































































































































































































ἢ ἣν 


Hecate 


Gee 


ἰδ 




























































































































































































No. 8. The Great Tower of Ilium, seen from the 5.Ε. The top is 8 μ. (20 {t.) below the surface of the hill: 
the foundation is on the rock, 14m. (464 ft.) deep: the height of the Tower is 20 ft. 


foremen, and my wife and myself were present at the work from sunrise 
to sunset; but our difficulties increased continually with the daily 
augmenting distance to which we had to remove the débris. Besides 
this, the constant strong gale from the north, which drove a blinding 
dust into our eyes, was exceedingly troublesome. 

On the south side of the hill, where on account of the slight natural 
slope I had to make my great trench with an inclination of 76°, I dis- 
covered, at a distance of 197 ft. from its entrance, a great mass of masonry, 
consisting of two distinct walls, each about 15 ft. broad, built close 


26 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. | [Ixrrop. 


together, and founded on the rock at a depth of 464 ft. below the surface. 
Both are 20 ft. high; the outer wall slopes on the south side at an angle 
of 15°, and is vertical on the north side. The inner wall falls off at an 
angle of 45° on its south side, which is opposite to the north side of the 
outer wall. There is thus a deep hollow between the two walls. The 
outer wall is built of smaller stones cemented with clay, but it does 
not consist of solid masonry. The inner wall is built of large unwrought 
blocks of limestone; it has on the north side solid masonry to a depth 
of only 4 ft., and leans here against a sort of rampart 653 ft. broad and 
163 ft. high, partly composed of the limestone which had to be removed 
in order to level the rock for building the walls upon it. These two walls 
are perfectly flat on the top, and have never been higher; they are 140 ft. 
long, their aggregate breadth being 40 ft. on the east and 30 ft. at the 
west end. The remnants of brick walls and masses of broken bricks, 
pottery, whorls, stone implements, saddlequern-stones, &c., with which 
they were covered, appear to indicate that they were used by the inha- 
bitants of the third or burnt city, as the substructions of a great tower ; 
and I shall therefore, to avoid misunderstanding, call these walls, through- 
out the present work, “the Great Tower,” though they may originally 
have been intended by their builders for a different purpose. The accom- 
panying engraving (No. 3) gives a sketch of the two walls as they looked 
when they were first brought to light and when they still appeared to 
be one solid mass of masonry. A much better view of these two great 
walls is given by the engraving No. 144. 


§ Υ. Turrp Year’s Worx at Hissarzi: 1879. 


I ceased excavating on the 14th of August, 1872, and resumed my 
operations, in company with my wife, on the 1st of February of the 
following year. In the preceding autumn, by the side of my two wooden 
buildings, we had built a house for ourselves composed of stones brought 
to light in my excavations, and had made the walls 2ft. thick ;° but we 
were compelled to let our foremen occupy it, as they were not sufficiently 
provided with clothes and wrappers, and would otherwise have perished 
during the great cold of the winter. My poor wife and myself, therefore, 
suffered very much, since the icy north wind, which recals Homer’s fre- 
quent mention of the blasts of Boreas, blew with such violence through 
the chinks of our house-walls, which were made of planks, that we were 
not even able to light our lamps in the evening; and although we had 
fire on the hearth, yet the thermometer showed —4° Réaumur or 23° 
Fahrenheit, while the water which stood near the hearth froze into solid 
masses. During the day we could to some degree bear the cold by work- 
ing in the excavations, but in the evenings we had nothing to keep us 
warm except our enthusiasm for the great work of discovering Troy.° 


See engraving No. 9, p. 34, the house to out this work use the name “Troy,” specially 
the right, represented also on No. 10, p. 35, on employing it to denote the burnt city, the third 
which the house to the left is one of the wooden __ in succession from the virgin soil, whatever may 
buildings removed hither. be the name which will be ultimately given to 

6 For the sake of convenience, I shall througn- _it by the scientific world. 


1873.] THIRD YEAR’S EXCAVATIONS. ba 


Once we had the narrowest possible escape from being burnt alive. 
The stones of our fireplace rested merely upon the boards of the floor, 
and, whether through a crevice in the cement between the stones or from 
some other cause, one night the floor took fire; and when I accidentally 
awoke at 3 o’clock, I found flames extending over a large part of it. The 
room was filled with dense smoke, and the north wall was just beginning 
to catch fire; a few seconds would have sufficed to burn a hole into it, 
and the whole house would then have been in flames in less than a 
minute, for a high north gale was blowing on that side. I did not, 
however, lose my presence of mind. Pouring the contents of a bath upon 
the burning wall, I at once stopped the fire in that direction. Our cries 
awoke a labourer who was asleep in the adjoining room, and he called the 
foremen from the stone house to our assistance. Without losing a moment 
they fetched hammers, iron levers, and pickaxes: the floor was broken 
up, torn to pieces, and quantities of damp earth thrown upon it, as we 
had no water. But, as the lower beams were burning in many places, a 
quarter of an hour elapsed before we got the fire under and all danger 
was at an end. 

For the first three weeks I had an average number of 100 workmen 
only, but on the 24th of February we were able to increase the number 
to 158, and later on to 160, which remained our average number of 
labourers up to the last. 

Besides continuing the excavations on the north side in the field of 
Mr. Frank Calvert, I opened another trench, 42} ft. broad, on the same 
side, at the eastern end of the large platform,’ upon which I had to 
throw the greater part of the débris which was dug up, as it would 
have been difficult to carry it to a greater distance. I also dug in a 
north-westerly direction, from the south-eastern corner of the ancient 
city.® 

As the hill at this point has only a very gradual slope, 1 was com- 
pelled to give the new trench a considerable dip, but nevertheless was 
able to make eight side passages for removing the débris. Hxperience 
had shown me that much precious time was lost in breaking down an 
earthen wall with long iron levers driven in by a ram, and that it was 
much more profitable and less dangerous for the workmen to keep the 
earthen wall always at an ascending angle of 55°, since they can then 
dig as occasion requires, and cut away the débris from below with 
pickaxes. 

In this new trench I had first to break through a wall 10 ft. thick, 
consisting of large blocks of marble, most of which were drums of 
Corinthian columns cemented with lime; then I had to pierce the wall of 
Lysimachus, which was also 10 ft. thick, and built of large hewn stones. 
Besides this, we had to cut our way through two Trojan walls, the first 
51 ft. thick, and the second 10 ft.; both consisting of stones joined 
together with earth.2 While making this excavation I found a great 





™ See No. 4 to the left, and on Plan I. (of and on Sectional Plan IV. the points Ζ--Ζ. 
Troy) the letters PP to the south of point c. ® See ibid. 
8 See on Plan I. (of Troy) the trench z-z 


NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Ixrrop, 


28 


number of large earthen wine-jars (πίθοι), from 81 to 62 ft. high and 
from 2 to 4ft. wide, as well as numerous drums of Corinthian columns 


‘TI®AA 19}Π0 Yo 04} Jo 4104 9] Ι51Δ 51 4191 ΡῈ 2311 9Π} 04 - 
‘BUIUUISEq 511 Ὁ 6181 oun ut ῬοΙΌΘ Ὁ suoryvavoxa oy} 58 ΤΠΠῚῚ 9101 oy} YSno1yy yno Yousry, 2891) oY} 4Π511 90} OF, 9015 qyA0U ayy τὸ ssulpting uvfoly, Ὁ ‘ON 











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Sa ει -- -- Ξ ἘΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΈΞΞΕ τὶ Ἐπεὶ τι 
ees EIN δὶ τὰ την es —JV= ——_——— 







































































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All these marbles must have 


belonged to the Hellenic buildings, the southern wall of which I laid 


and other sculptured blocks of marble. 


1815. GREEK TEMPLE OF ATHENE. 99 


bare to a distance of 285} ft..° At first this wall is composed of small 
stones joined with cement, and it rests upon well-hewn blocks of lime- 
stone ; further on it consists solely of this latter masonry. The direction 
of the wall, and hence of the whole building, is east south-east. 

Three inscriptions, which I found among its ruins," and one of which 
states that it was set up in the éepov—that is to say, in thé temple— 
leave no doubt that this was the temple of the Tlian Athené, the πολι- 
οὔχος θεώ, for it is only this sanctuary that could have been called 
simply τὸ ἱερόν on account of its size and importance, which surpassed 
that of all the other temples of Novum Ilium. 
























































































































































































































































“᾿"ὰ 
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eh 
ἢ ἢ 











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———_ - --, —— 





No. 5. The Excavations below the Temple of Athené. From the East. 
As the excavations appeared in April 1873. 


Its foundations nowhere extended to a greater depth than ΟΣ ft. The 
floor, which consisted of large slabs of limestone resting upon double 
layers of hewn blocks of the same material, was frequently covered with 
only a foot of vegetable soil, and never with more than 3} ft. of it. 
This explains the total absence of entire sculptures; for whatever sculp- 
tures there were in or upon the temple could not sink into the ground 
on the summit of the hill when the building was destroyed, and they 
therefore remained on the surface for many centuries, till they were 
broken up by religious zeal or out of sheer mischief. Hence we can 
easily explain the enormous mass of fragments of statues which cover 
the entire hill. In order to bring Troy itself to light, I was forced to 
sacrifice the ruins of this temple, of which I left standing only some 
parts of the north and south walls.! 





10 See Sectional Plan IV., line z-z, and Plan I. Greek Ilium. 
_ (of Troy) under the same letters. 1 See the woodcuts No. 5, No. 7, and Sectional 
| They will be given in the chapter on the Plan IV., points z-z in the upper row, marked v. 


30 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Isrrop, 


Just below the south wall of the temple I brought to light the 
remains of a small round cellar, 3} ft. in diameter and about 24 ft. high, 
which stood beneath the foundations, and must therefore be older than the 
temple. It was built of chalk and stones, but the inner side had been 
daubed over with a kind of varnish or glaze, and had a glossy appearance. 
This small cellar was filled with fragments of Greek terra-cottas, among 
which, however, I found six small vases almost uninjured. 

Below the temple, at a depth of from 23 to 26 ft. beneath the surface, 
I discovered a house with eight or nine chambers:? its walls consist 
of small stones cemented with earth, from 192 to 25} in. thick. Several 
of these walls were 10 ft. high, and on some of them could be seen large 
patches of a plaster made of yellow or white clay. In most of the rooms 
the floors had been of wood; in one only I found a floor of unhewn 
slabs of limestone. 

By the side of the house, as a as in its larger apartments, I found 
a great quantity of human bones, but only two πε, which must 
be those of warriors, for they were found at a depth of 29 ft., with 
fragments of helmets on or near their heads. Unfortunately the frag- 
ments are so small and corroded, that the helmets cannot be put together 
again ; but their upper portions (φάλοι) were well preserved, and a draw- 
ing of one of them will be given in its place. My honoured friend, 
Professor Rudolf Virchow of Berlin, has kindly made exact drawings of 
these skulls, which will be given in the chapter on the Third, the burnt 
City, together with his dissertation on them. By the side of one of 
the skeletons, I found a large lance-head, of which I shall also give 
a drawing. 

The quantity of pottery found in and around this house was really 
enormous. It deserves particular mention that, when the Temple of 
Athené was built, the site on which it stood was artificially levelled, and 
a considerable portion of it was cut away. This is proved by the calcined 
ruins of the burnt city which are here found immediately below the 
foundations of the temple, whereas elsewhere two distinct strata of débris, 
16 ft. deep, intervene between the Hellenic city and the burnt city. 

On the east side of the house was a sacrificial altar of a very 
primitive description, which is turned to the N.W. by W., and consists 
of a slab of slate-granite about 5} ft. long and 54 ft. broad* The 
upper part of the stone is cut into the form of a crescent, probably 
to facilitate the slaughter of the animal which was intended for sacrifice. 
About 4 ft. below the sacrificial altar I found a channel made of slabs 
of green slate, which probably served to carry off the blood. The altar 
stood on a pedestal of bricks but very slightly burnt, and was surrounded 
by an enormous quantity of similar bricks and wood- ashes to a height of 
10 feet. Both the sacrificial stone and its pedestal were daubed over with 
a white crust of clay, which upon the pedestal was nearly an inch thick. 

Below the level of the altar and the pre-historic house already 
mentioned, I came upon walls of fortification* and very ancient houses,’ 





2 See the engraving No. 7. two places marked f, h. 
3 See the engraving No. 6. 5 See No. 7 to the left, just below the over- 
4 See Plan of Troy on the south side, in the hanging marble block. 


1873.] LABYRINTH OF HOUSE-WALLS. 91 


the walis of which are still partially covered with a coating of clay and 
white colour, all bearing traces of a terrible conflagration, which had 


(| 





























| 


Hin 


\_———— | 


LL 
) i 


“ΤΠ 
Ἂν 
WW” 


.. : 
Ι 


ἘΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΖΕ -ΞΞΞΞ-ΞΞΞ-Ξ 


i 
St Wh 
Ss | Ἂ Ν 
[πῃ A ἮΝ 
ΣΝ A ἐν τς 
| TiO ae 
La 














No. 6. Great Altar for Sacrifices, found in the depths of the Temple of Athené. (1 : 25 actual size.) 
As the altar appeared in 1873. 


so completely destroyed everything in the chambers, that we only occa- 
sionally found charred fragments of pottery among the red and yellow 
wood-ashes with which the spaces were filled. Curiously enough, other 
house-walls were again found below: these must be still older than those 
above; like them, they show indications of having been exposed to a 
great heat. 

In fact, this labyrinth of ancient house-walls, built one above another 
and discovered under the Temple of Athené erected by Lysimachus, is 
unique, and presents the archeologist. with the richest materials for 
investigation. The greatest difficulty connected with the discovery, 
however, is afforded by one of the above-mentioned walls of fortification, 
11? ft. high, which runs through the labyrinth from W.N.W. to E.S.E. 
This is likewise built of stones joined together with earth, and is 6 ft. 
broad at the top and 12 ft. broad at the foot. It does not stand directly 
upon the native rock, nor was it built till the rock had gradually become 
covered with a layer of earth 13 ft. in thickness. Running parallel 
with this wall of fortification, only 24 ft. from it and at the same depth, 
there is a wall 2 ft. high, which is likewise built of stones cemented ~ 
with earth.® 

The chamber at the greatest depth to which I have excavated is 
10 ft. high and 111 ft. wide; but it may have been higher: its length 
I have not been able to ascertain. One of the compartments of the 


6 See Plan I. (of Troy), on the south side, in the places marked ἡ, ἢ. 


[IntTRoD. 


NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. 
uppermost houses, below the Temple of Athené and belonging to the 
third, the burnt city, appears to have been used as a magazine for storing 


92 





[ ΞΞΕΞΙ ῈΞ 





















































τ 

— ase 
SS A 

= Ψ 
















































































SESS 
SSS 


2 











ΠΠ 







































































































































































































































































































































































“πο οη θα pus αὐ} ν 


corn or wine, for there are in it nine enormous earthen jars {(πίθοι) of 


various forms, about 5j ft. high and 47 ft. across, their mouths being from 


1873.] THE COLOSSAL JARS. 99 


201 to 551 1η. broad.’ Each of them has four handles, 83 in. broad, and 
the clay of which they are made is as much as 2}in. thick. Upon the 























































































































Sain 


een Iie 

me ΚΡ}. 
HN 
9 nt 


at i a 
᾿ ll 


SSA 
ΠΝ 
yy) 


ἣ AIS τον 
| \ (\))y\ \ δὰ ANN 
Kay 


WW 





No. 8, The Magazine, with its Colossal Jars, in the depths of the Temple of Athené; as it 
appearcd in June 1873. ἢ 


south side of the jars I found a wall of fortification, 26 ft. long and 10 ft. 
high, built of sun-dried bricks, which, though thoroughly baked in the 
conflagration, were exceedingly fragile. 

In the middle of March I also commenced a large excavation close 
to my wooden house and to the west of the Great Tower.® I found 
near the surface the ruins of a large house of the Greek period, which 
extended to a depth of 6} ft. It must have belonged to a great man, 
perhaps a high priest, for the floors of the rooms were made of large slabs 
of red stone excellently polished. Below this Greek house I found, as 
usual, a layer of débris with but few stones; then a number of house- 
walls composed of small stones joined together with earth ; and beneath 
these again immense masses of burnt and partly-vitrified bricks. At last, 
at the depth of 30 ft. below the surface, I brought to light a street 17+ ft. 
wide, paved with stone flags, from 41 to 5 ft. long and from 35 in. to 45 ft. 
broad, which runs down very abruptly in a south-westerly direction 
towards the Plain.® The slope of the street is so great that, while on the 
north side, so far as it is there uncovered, it is only 30 ft. below the 
surface of the hill, at a distance of 33 ft. further to the south it already 
lies as low as 37 ft. under the ground. 

This well-paved street led me to conjecture that a large building must 
at one time have stood at the end of it, at a short distance on the north- 





7 In the view, No. 8, six of the jars are shown, 8 See No. 9 to the left. 
and a seventh (broken) 1s outside the trench to 9 See No. 10 and No. 13, and Plan I. (of 
the right. The two largest of all are out of view, Troy), a 
on the other side of the wall of the magazine. 


NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Inrrop. 


34 


east side, and I therefore immediately set 100 men to dig through the 


ground lying in front of it in that direction. 


I found the street covered 


red 


, or black wood-ashes, 


with yellow 





ἜΔΕΙ ALT UL potvedde 911} sv 51:1ο1710. 00 ΧῸ OIL], 
THE S[OYM 961 YSno1y} Suryqno oy} 901018 YON Supyoo] tasnoyy 99.181 Ὁ jo suyny oyy pur 


"ὈΠΉΤΙΤ JO 19MOT, 

















9200) 91} ‘UNIT] JO 1aMOT, 







































































































































































































































































i 

















































































































































































































to a height of from 7 to 10 ft. 


quodseTjoH pus Aoay, 10 ure, gy ‘gz "ἃ UO 0} Ρ9.19]91 ‘OSNOP OUOZY 5, UUBWOT[IG “Iq 


‘QUIZBSE]E PUB OSNOT] COpOOAA S,uUBUTOTTYS “Ad 


9ΠῚ, “6 “ON 





mixed with thoroughly-burnt and often partly-vitrified fragments of bricks 


Above this thick layer of débris I came upon the ruins of 


a large building composed of stones cemented with earth, of which I only 


and stones. 


35 


THE GREAT TRENCH. 


1873.] 


broke away as much as was necessary to clear the street with its 


281 oun ur porvadde Aaq 58 SUONBALOXS OY], “49v9-T[]JNOG 911 Wo $oeBe Yoo1y oy} JO IOMOT, Β [0 
s][VA OY} pu’ “Bury 10. Jorto-UMO], 04} JO ΘΘΠΟῊ oy} Jo yavd ‘TVA, APIO “IOMOT, 4091.) 91} ‘peoy poavg pu 9280 97} ‘opis ysoM-YIION 9} UO Youd], WIN 91, “OT ‘oN 
*IOMOT, 18910 ONL “peoy poavy 




















ὍΠ5|4 91} 
“Sury 10 O} pwoy pare 
JOITO-uMOT, 04} puy 8,80 



































» pel om Kory, JO 178.0 


ἀθλὸ πιὰ 


















































































































































































































































‘sdurpring 
ἜΘΗ ΤΕΣ eM 6k 
yng 1 1 8B! 
" Oinsvary, 
4s8e31B( 91} 
BIOYM θοῦ Ὑ 
*qouery, 
8910 98} 






































ysnoiyy wees 
‘Soil, JO uyeld 



































*(spuRjs τισι 
84} θαθιΝ) 
TOMOT, HoIIH 


































































































“ἀϑραθπιθος 


*hoiy, JO ττ]ᾷ 
*yuodsa| 98 







































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































‘yowlleg pues osnoy ou0}g s,uuvurerpyog “1d *sOIqUIT 
‘eowryjOUBg 


2 


36 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [IxrRop, 


parapets.'° Proceeding thus in a north-easterly direction, I brought to 
light two large gateways, standing 20 ft. apart, and in each of them a 
long copper bolt, which had no doubt served to fasten 
the wvooden wings of the gates, and of which I give 
drawings. The first gateway is 121 ft. wide, and is 
formed by two projections of the side-wall, one of which 
stands out to a distance of 2} ft., the other to a distance 
of 22 ft.; both are 3} ft. high and 32 ft. broad. The 
pavement of large flags ends at the first gate, whence to 
the second gate—for a distance of 20 ft.—the street is 
very roughly paved with large unhewn stones.1. The 
pavement has probably become uneven through the fall 
of the walls of the great tower, which must once have 
crowned the Gates, and of whose existence the masses 
of calcined rubbish, from 7 to 10 ft. deep, which covered 
the passage, furnish the most evident proofs. It is clear 
that wood entered largely into the construction of these 
walls, not only from the large masses of wood-ashes, but 
also from the fact that the large red flags of the street, 
though they looked fresh and solid when first brought 
ia gtear cere to light, speedily crumbled away when exposed to the 
in the middle(No.11) 811 ; a circumstance which can only be explained by the 
ot the sendote intense heat to which they had been subjected. 

Like the first gate, the second gate is also formed by 
two projections in the wall, which are 2 ft. high, more than ὃ ft. broad, 
and project about 2} ft. 

I cleared the street as far as 5 ft. to the north-east of the second 
gate, but did not venture to proceed further, as this could not have 
been done without breaking down more of the walls of the large house 
erected upon the débris with which it is covered to the depth of from 
7 to 10ft. This house is, of course, of later date than the double gate ; 
but still I considered it of great interest to archeology, the more so as 
it covered the ruins of extensive and more ancient buildings to the right 
and left of the gate. These latter are on a level with the double gate, 
and, as that to the north-west seems to be the largest building of the 
burnt city, the third in succession from the virgin soil, I believed it to be 
the mansion of the last chief or king of the town. The correctness of 
this opinion appears to be corroborated by the large number of treasures 
I subsequently discovered in or close to it. The more recent house had 
been erected when the ruins of the more ancient houses were completely 
covered with ashes and burnt débris, as is obvious from the fact that the 
more recent walls run in all directions above the more ancient ones, never 
standing directly upon them, and frequently separated from them by a 
layer of calcined rubbish, from 7 to 10 ft. deep. The ruined walls of the 
lower as well as of the upper houses are built of stones joined together 
with earth: but the walls of the lower houses are much thicker and more 
solidly built than those of the upper one. It is plain that the more 








10 See No. 10. 1 See No. 10 and No. 13, and the place marked a on Plan I. (of Troy). 


THE DOUBLE .GATE. 37 


1873.] 


as not built till the street was covered up, to a depth of 
ullen buildin 
hed to pre 


recent house w 
from 7 to 10 ft. 


gs. 
serve a 


‘ 
Cc 


ébris of the f. 


by the ruins and d 
se and other consideration 
as possible of both the ancient and the more recent buildin 


? 


Ss much 
the more 


8 


1 wi 


b 


8 


From the 


8, 


oa 
Ὁ 


Block of 
débris 
covering 
the ruins 
of the 
House 
of the 
Town- 
chief or 
King. 


No. 13. 


Tower of Ilium. 











































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































= 
== 


\ SS SE 
NS ᾿ τ Ἂν SSS 
~ = - SS ~ ~ > 
δ . . Ss N 
\ SS SS N = Ty = 
ϊ τὰ lise 
SSS <= TH = 
= S SSSA - 
ἣ ‘ AQ 
War SSA Ἵ 
SS ~ 1 Στ ΣΝ S 
WANs 
Ν \ δ Ν S = 























| Block of 


dél ris. 




































































Gate 
and 
Paved 
Road. 




















































































































| 
| 














: Wall of Troy. 
Tho Double Gate, Tower of Ilium, and part of the House of the Town-chief or King ; seen from the North-west. The excavations as they appeared in June 1873. 








38 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Isrrop, 


so as I feared my statements in regard to them might be disbelieved. 
Consequently, after clearing the double gate, I left the ruins of both 
buildings in situ, and comune the débris from those chambers only 
of the ancient houses which could be excavated without injury to the 
building above them. I found in them a vast quantity of pottery of the 
most interesting character, which will be made known to the reader in 
the proper place. 

The great cold did not last long, and we had afterwards splendid 
weather. The nights however were cold up to the middle of March, and 
the thermometer frequently fell to the freezing-point towards morning, 
whereas during the day the heat of the sun was already beginning to be 
troublesome, the thermometer often showing 18° Réaumur (723° Fahren- 
heit) in the shade at mid-day. From about the lst of March we heard 
the perpetual croaking of millions of frogs in the surrounding marshes, 
and in the second week of March the storks returned. One of the many 
discomforts of our life in the wilderness we inhabited was the hideous 
shrieking of innumerable owls, which built their nests in the holes of 
my trenches; their shrieks had a weird and horrible sound, and were 
especially intolerable at night. 

Up to the beginning of May 1873, I had believed that the hill of 
Hissarlik, where I was excavating, marked the site of the Trojan 
citadel only; and it certainly is the fact that Hissarlik was the Acropolis . 
of Novum Ilium.? I therefore imagined that Troy was larger than the 
latter town, or at least as large; but I thought it important to dis- 
cover: the precise limits of the Homeric city, and accordingly I sank 
twenty shafts as far down as the rock, on the west, south-west, south- 
south-east, and east of Hissarlik, directly at its foot or at some distance 
from it, on the plateau of the Ilium of the Greek colony. As I found 
in these shafts no trace of fragments either of pre-historic pottery or of 
pre-historic house-walls, and nothing but fragments of Hellenic pottery 
and Hellenic house-walls; and as, moreover, the hill of Hissarlik has a 
very steep slope towards the north, the north-east, and the north-west, 
facing the Hellespont, and is also very steep on the west side towards 
the Plain, the city could not possibly have extended in any one of these 
directions beyond the hill itself. It therefore appears certain that the 
ancient city cannot have extended on any side beyond the primeval 
plateau of Hissarlik, the circumference of which is indicated on the 
south and south-west by the Great Tower and the double gate; and on 
the north-west, north-east, and east, by the great boundary wall. 

The shafts which I sank beyond the hill are all indicated -by letters, 
a to v, on the Plan of the Hellenic Ilium, on which it is also stated at 
what precise depth in each of them the rock was struck; and of the seven 
deepest shafts sections are given. I therefore call particular attention 
to this Plan.* I also call particular attention to the tombs which I 
came upon in the shafts which are marked p, 0, and πὶ on the Plan of 


21 reluctantly give the later Ilium the for perhaps 1400 years. All classical writers 
epithet Novum, because the city existed for at (except Strabo) call it simply Ilium. 
least 1000 years, and its site has been a desert * See Plan 11. at the end of the volume. 


1873. ] LIMITS OF THE HOMERIC TROY. 39 


Novum Ilium. Each of these three tombs was cut out of the rock and 
covered with flat slabs: each contained a corpse; but the corpses were 
all so much damaged, that the skulls crumbled to dust when exposed 
to the air. The tombs evidently belonged to persons of small means 
and of a late date, since what little pottery was found in them was of 
a very inferior description and evidently of the Roman period. But the 
fact that in three out of the twenty shafts, which I sank at random 
on the site of Novum Ilium, tombs were discovered, seems to denote 
with great probability that the inhabitants of that city buried their dead, 
or at least a large portion of them, within the precincts of the town. 
Cremation however was also in use with them, since in the first trench 
I opened, in April 1870, I struck upon an urn of the Roman period, filled 
with ashes of animal matter intermixed with remnants of calcined bones, 
which are evidently those of a human body. I did not find any other 
burnt bodies in the strata of Novum Ilium, but it must be.remembered 
that I only excavated in Hissarlik, which does not cover a twenty-fifth 
part of the later city.*. Hissarlik moreover was the Acropolis of Novum 
Ilium and contained the principal temples, in consequence of which it is 
hkely that it was considered sacred ground, in which no burials were 
allowed. Hence it is very probable that, if systematic excavations were 
made in the lower city, many sepulchres and funeral urns would be found. 

The inhabitants of the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik seem gene- 
rally to have burnt the dead, as I found in 1872 two tripod-urns with 
calcined human remains on the virgin soil in the first city; and in 
1871, 1872, and 18738, a vast number of large funeral urns, contain- 
ing human ashes, in the third and fourth cities. I found no bones 
however except a single tooth, and on one occasion among the ashes a 
human skull, which is well preserved, with the exception of the lower 
jaw, which is missing: as I found a brooch of bronze along with it, 
I suppose it may have belonged to a woman. I am also indebted to 
Prof. Virchow for drawings of this skull, which will be given, together 
with his dissertation on it and the other skulls, in the chapter on the 
Third, the burnt City. 
It is true that nearly all the pottery found in the pre-historic ruins 
of Hissarlik is broken, and that there is hardly one large vessel out 
of twenty which is not in fragments; nay, in the first two cities the 
pottery has all been shattered by the weight and pressure of the stones 
with which the second city was built. But still, even if all the funeral 
urns with human ashes ever deposited in Hissarlik had been well 
preserved, yet, judging from the fragments of them—in spite of the 
abundance of these fragments—I can hardly think that I could have 
found even a thousand entire urns. It is, therefore, evident that the 
inhabitants of the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik buried only a 
small part of their funeral urns in the city itself, and that we must 
look for their principal necropolis elsewhere. 

Whilst these important excavations were going on, I neglected the 
trenches on the north side, and only worked there when I had workmen to 


* See Plan II. (of the Hellenic Hium). 


40 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Ivrrop. 


spare. But I brought to light here the prolongation of the great wall 
which I agree with Prof. Sayce in attributing to the second stone city.° 

Wishing to investigate the fortifications on the west and north-west 
sides of the ancient city, in the beginning of May 1873 I also com- 
menced making a trench, 33 ft. broad and 141 ft. long, on the north- 
west side of the hill, at the very point where I had made the first 
trench in April 1870.6 I broke first through an Hellenic circuit-wall, 
probably that which, according to Plutarch in his Life of Alexander, 
was built by Lysimachus, and found it to be 13 ft. high and 10 ft. 
thick, and to consist of large hewn blocks of limestone. Afterwards I 
broke through an older wall, 83 ft. high and 6 ft. thick, composed of 
large blocks cemented with earth. This second wall is attached to the 
large wall which I brought to light in April 1870, and the two form 
two sides of a quadrangular Hellenic tower,’ a third wall of which 1 
had to break through later on. : 

This part of the hill was evidently much lower in ancient times, as 
seems to be proved not only by the wall of Lysimachus, which must at one 
time have risen to a considerable height above the surface of the hill, 
whereas it is now covered by 163 ft. of rubbish, but also by the remains 
of the Hellenic period, which are here found to a great depth. It appears, 
in fxct, as if the rubbish and débris of habitations had been thrown down 
on this side for centuries, in order to increase the height of the place. 

In order to hasten the excavations on the north-west side of the hill, 
I cut a deep trench from the west side also,* in which, unfortunately, 
I struck obliquely the circuit-wall of Lysimachus, here 13 ft. high and 
10 ft. thick, and was consequently compelled to remove a double quantity 
of stones to force a way through it. But I again came upon the ruins of 
large buildings of the Hellenic and pre-Hellenic periods, so that this 
excavation could only proceed slowly. Here at a distance of 69 ft. from 
the declivity of the hill, at a depth of 20 ft., I struck an ancient enclo- 
sure-wall, 5ft. high, with a projecting battlement, which, on account of 
its comparatively modern structure and small height, must belong to a 
post-Trojan period. Behind it I found a level place, paved partly with 
large flags of stone, partly with stones more or less hewn; and after 
this a wall of fortification, 20 ft. high and 5 ft. thick, built of large stones ° 
and earth, which ran alee my wooden house, but 63 ft. above the Trojan 
circuit-wall, which starts from the Gate.® 

While following up this circuit-wall, and ion more and more of 
it to light, close to the ancient building and north-west of the Gate, I 
struck upon a large copper article of the most remarkable form, which 
attracted my attention all the more, as I thought I saw gold behind 1.19 
On the top of it was a layer of red and calcined ruins, from 43 to 54 ft. 
thick, as hard as stone, and above ve again the above- ἐν ἐπ τὶ wall of 








5 Soe the Sectional Plan Iii. x, Ὁ. 8 See on the ες I. (of Troy) the trench 
6 This trench is just in front of the reader in marked R to the west of the gate. 
the view No. 10, p. 35; it is also represented ® See this Trojan wall, marked ὁ, to the north- 
on the Sectional Plan No. IV., 2’, West, and on west of the gate on Plan I. (of Troy). 
the Plan I. (of Troy) under the letter 2’. 10 The precise spot of this important discovery 


7 See No. 10 (p. 35) in the trench below the is marked A on Plan 1. ( of Troy). 


standing man. 


1873.] ° DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT TREASURE. 41 


fortification (5 ft. broad and 20 ft. high), built of large stones and earth, 
which must have been erected shortly after the destruction of Troy. In 
order to secure the treasure from my workmen and save it for arche- 
ology, it was necessary to lose no time; so, although it was not yet the 
hour for breakfast, 1 immediately had paidos called. This is a word of 
uncertain derivation, which has passed over into Turkish, and is here 
employed in place of ἀνάπαυσις, or time for rest. While the men were 
eating and resting, I cut out the Treasure with a large knife. This 
required great exertion and involved great risk, since the wall of fortifica- 
tion, beneath which I had to dig, threatened every moment to fall down 
upon me. But the sight of so many objects, every one of which is of 
inestimable value to archeology, made me reckless, and I never thought 
of any danger. It would, however, have been impossible for me to have 
removed the treasure without the help of my dear wife, who stood at 
my side, ready to pack the things I cut out in her shawl, and to carry 
them away. All the different articles of which this Treasure was com- 
posed will be described at the proper place in the precise order in which 
they were taken out of the ruins. I here only give a general view of the 
whole (No. 14). 

As I found all these articles together, in the form of a rectangular 
mass, or packed into one another, it seems certain that they were placed 
on the city wall in a wooden chest. This supposition seems to be corro- 
borated by the fact that close by the side of these articles I found a 
copper key. It is therefore possible that some one packed the treasure in 
the chest, and carried it off, without having had time to pull out the key; 
_when he reached the wall, however, the hand of an enemy, or the fire, 

overtook him, and he was obliged to abandon the chest, which was imme- 
diately covered, to a height of 5 ft., with the ashes and stones of the 
adjoining house." 

Perhaps the articles found a few days previously in a room of the 
chief’s house, close to the place where the Treasure was discovered, 
belonged to this unfortunate person. ‘These articles consisted of a helmet 
and a silver vase, with a cup of electrum, which will be described in the 
chapter on this Third City. 

On the thick layer of débris which covered the Treasure, the builders 
of the new city erected a fortification-wall already mentioned, composed 
of large hewn and unhewn stones and earth. This wall extended to 
within 31 ft. of the surface of the hill. 

That the Treasure was packed together at a moment of supreme 
peril appears to be proved, among other things, by the contents of the 
largest silver vase, consisting of nearly 9000 objects of gold, which will 
be described in the subsequent pages. The person who endeavoured to 
save the Treasure had, fortunately, the presence of mind to place the 
silver vase, with the valuable articles inside it, upright in the chest, so 
that nothing could fall out, and everything has been preserved uninjured. 





11 But as in 1878 and 1879 1 found, atadis- storey of the town-chief’s house, I now rather 
tance of but a few yards from the spot where think that the same may have been the case 
this treasure was discovered, four more treasures, with the large treasure. 
which must evidently have fallen from an upper 


42 NARRATIVE ΟΕ WORK AT TROY. TI NTROD. 


Hoping to find more treasures here, I pulled down the upper wall, 
and I also broke away the enormous block of débris which separated my 
western and north-western trenches’ from the great massive walls which 
I used to call the “Tower.” But to do this I had to pull down the 


A 


a iio ori i {{ΠΠΠΠΠ||]| τ Ι Π 


a es 
if ᾿ Ε 

























































































᾿ Ι 


ili Π } 
{π|] {π| ae 























































































































































































































| 


i 


Ih ΠῚ | 
































AMI 


NN 
ἣ 


᾿ 


' β 














































































































No. 14. General View of the Treasure. (Depth, 28 ft.) a. Key of the Treasure Chest. 6. The Golden Diadems, Fillet, 
Ear-rings, and small Jewels. c. Silver “Talents” and Vessels of Silver and Gold. d. Silver Vases and 
curious Plate of Copper. e. Weapons and Helmet-crests of Copper or Bronze. 7. Copper Vessel. g. Copper 


Cauldron. h. Copper Shield. 


larger of my wooden houses, and to bridge over the Gates, so as to 
facilitate the removal of the débris. I found there many interesting 


1 See Plan I. (of Troy) ; also on Nos. 9 and 10 the block in front, and on No. 13 on the left side. 


1874.] “TROY AND ITS REMAINS.” 43 


antiquities; more especially three silver dishes (φιάλαι), 1 ft. 9 in. below 
the place where the Treasure was discovered : two of them were broken in 
pieces by the labourer’s pickaxe, the third is entire’ That the Treasure 
itself escaped injury from the pickaxes, was due to the large copper vessel, 
which projected in such a way that I could cut everything out of the 
hard débris with a knife. 

I now perceived that the trench which I had made in April 1870 
had exactly struck the right point for excavating,’ and that, if I had 
only continued it, I should, in a few weeks, have uncovered the most 
remarkable buildings in Troy; whereas, by abandoning it, I had to make 
colossal excavations from east to west, and from north to south, through 
the entire hill, in order to find them. 


We discontinued the excavations on the 17th of June, 1873. 


In December of the same year the Turkish authorities of Koum 
Kaleh seized many gold ornaments which two of my workmen had 
found in three different places in the preceding March, whilst working 
for me in the trenches of Hissarlik, at a depth of nearly 30 ft. below the 
surface of the hill. Most of these jewels were contained in a vase with 
an owl’s head. Unfortunately one of the workmen had got his part of the 
booty melted down by a goldsmith at Ren Kioi, and made into orna- 
ments after the present Turkish fashion. All these gold ornaments, both 
genuine and re-made, are now in the Imperial Museum at Constantinople. 
The genuine ones will be represented and explained in the subsequent 
pages; and it will be seen that they are nearly all of the same type as 
those contained in the great treasure discovered by me, though similar 
types had never before been found elsewhere. 


In the beginning of 1874, Mr. F. A. Brockhaus of Leipzig published, 
in German, an account of my excavations and discoveries at Troy, under 
the title of T'roianische Alterthiimer, of which a translation in French by 
Mr. Alexander R. Rangabé, Ambassador of Greece at Berlin, appeared 
simultaneously. Both editions were accompanied by an Atlas containing 
218 photographs, representing nearly 4000 of the objects discovered in 
the excavations, together with a minute description of each of them. The 
English translation of the same work, made by Miss Dora Schmitz and 
edited by Mr. Philip Smith, was published by Mr. John Murray of London, 
in November 1874, under the title of Troy and its Remains. 


§ VI. Iyvervan in ΤῊΒ Work at Troy: Excavations at Mycenar: 
1874-1877. 

Having obtained from the Greek Government permission to excavate 
at Mycenae, I began operations there in February 1874, by sinking thirty- 
four shafts in its Acropolis; and I had just discovered the site of the 
ancient Royal Sepulchres mentioned by Pausanias, when I was interrupted 





2 See No. 10, p. 35, the trench just in front, below the standing man. The same trench is 
marked z’ on Plan I. 


44 INTERVAL OF WORK AT TROY. . {Lyrnop, 


in my explorations by the legal proceedings instituted against me at 
Athens by the Turkish Government, which claimed one-half of my collec- 
tion of Trojan antiquities. The lawsuit lasted for a year, when the Court 
decided that I should pay the Turkish Government an indemnity of £400 
in settlement of their claims. But instead of £400 I sent, in April 1875, 
£2000 to the Turkish Minister of Public Instruction, for the benefit of 
the Imperial Museum, expressing my great desire-always to remain on 
friendly terms with them, and explaining to them that they stood as much 
in need of a man like myself as I stood in need of them. My donation 
was so kindly received by H. H. Safvet Pasha, then Minister of Public 
Instruction, that I was emboldened to go to Constantinople at the end of 
December 1875, to solicit a new firman for the exploration of Troy. By 
the powerful assistance of my honoured friends, H. E. the United States 
Minister Resident Mr. Maynard, H. E. the Italian Ambassador Count 
Corti, H. H. Safvet Pasha, and particularly by the unremitting zeal and 
undaunted energy of H. HE. the Great Logothete Aristarches Bey, I was 
on the point of obtaining my firman, when my request was suddenly 
rejected by the Council of State. } 

But H. E. the Great Logothete Aristarches Bey having introduced 
me to H. E. the late Rashid Pasha,? then Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
a man of high culture, who had been for five years Governor of Syria, 
I had no difficulty in inspiring him with a warm enthusiasm for Troy 
and its remains, so that he went himself to H. H. the Grand Vizier, 
Mahmoud-Nedim Pasha, spoke warmly in my favour, and obtained from 
him an order that the firman should be given me without delay. I 
received my firman accordingly at the end of April 1876, and at once 
proceeded to the Dardanelles to continue my excavations. But I there 
found the Governor-General, Ibrahim Pasha, totally averse to the 
continuation of the works, probably because ever since I had stopped 
them, in June 1873, he had been in the habit of himself giving a sort 
of firman to the numerous travellers who came to see my excavations, 
and this of course would have ceased had I resumed my operations. 
Having kept me therefore for nearly two months at the Dardanelles, under 
the pretence that he had not yet received the confirmation of my firman, 
he at last allowed me to recommence the excavations, but gave me as 
guardian a certain Izzet Effendi,* whose sole office it was to throw 
obstacles in my way. Seeing the utter impossibility of going on, I 
returned to Athens, and wrote a letter to the Times (published 24th of 
July, 1876), in which I denounced Ibrahim Pasha’s conduct before the 
tribunal of the civilized world. The article having been reproduced by 
the Constantinople papers, he was transferred in October 1876 to another 
Vilayet. 

I could then have recommenced the excavations at Troy; but at the 
end of July I had begun to excavate again at Mycenae, and could not 
give up my work there until I had thoroughly explored all the royal 





3 Rashid Pasha was murdered in June, 1876. account of gross embezzlement of government’ 
4 This Izzet Effendi has lately been exiled on monies. 


1876.] EXCAVATIONS AT MYCENAE. 45 


tombs. The really wonderful success which attended my excavations, 
the immense and marvellous treasures with which I enriched the Greek 
nation, are well known; for all ages to come travellers from all parts of 
the world will flock to the Greek capital to see here in the Mycenae 
Museum the result of my disinterested labours. The publication of my 
work on Mycenae in English and German occupied the whole of 1877; 
the French edition kept me busy until the summer of 1878, and it 
was only in July of that year that I was able to think of continuing 
the excavations at Troy. But my firman of April 1876 having been 
given for two years only, it had now expired, and a new firman had to 
be procured; many fresh difficulties, too, had arisen which I could 
never have overcome without the aid of my honoured friend Sir Austen 
Henry Layard, Ambassador of her Britannic Majesty at Constantinople, 
who smoothed away all my difficulties with the Turkish Government, 
obtained for me a more liberal firman than that which I had had before, 
and always cheerfully lent me his powerful assistance whenever I applied 
for it, which sometimes happened as often as twice a day during the 
progress of the excavations. I therefore fulfil a most agreeable duty 
in now thanking his Excellency publicly and most cordially for all the 
services he has rendered me, without which I could never have brought 
my work to a close. But my new firman not being ready till September 
1878, I had time to make a more thorough exploration of the island of 
Ithaca. 


§ VII. Exproration or ItHaca: 1878. 


I regret to say that systematic excavations for archeological purposes 
are altogether out of the question here. I began my researches in the 
valley called Polis, which is in the northern part of the island, and has 
generally been considered as the site of the Homeric capital of Ithaca: 
first, on account of its name, which is the Greek word for city ; second, on 
account of its splendid harbour, at a distance of only two miles from a 
small island now called Mathitarié, which, being the only one in the strait 
between Ithaca and Cephalonia, has naturally always been identified with 
the Homeric island of Asteris, behind which the suitors of Penelope lay 
in wait for Telemachus on his return from Pylos and Sparta.> ΑΒ a fourth 
reason for the identity of Polis with the site of the capital of Ithaca, I 
may mention an acropolis which a traveller fancies he can perceive on 
the very steep rock, at a height of about 400 ft., on the north side of 
the port. My first care was to climb up to it, and I found it to consist 
of a very irregular calcareous rock, which had evidently never been 
touched by the hands of man, and can most certainly never have served as 
a work of defence. But as seen from below, this rock has the shape of a 
fortress. It is still at the present day called “ castron” here, and in lke 
manner it must in remote antiquity have been called “ Polis,” the original 
meaning of this word having been “acropolis.” Thus there can be no 





5 Od. iv. 844-847 : ᾿Αστερίς, ov μεγάλη" λιμένες δ᾽ ἔνι ναύλοχοι 
ἔστι δέ τις νῆσος μέσσῃ ἁλὶ πετρήεσσα, αὐτῇ 
μεσσηγὺς ᾿Ιθάκης τε Σάμοιό τε παιπαλοέσσης, ἀμφίδυμοι" τῇ τόνγε μένον λοχόωντες ᾿Αχαιοί. 


AG “EXPLORATION OF ITHACA. [Inrrop. 


doubt that the name of this valley is derived—not, as has hitherto been 
thought, from a real city, but merely from an imaginary fortress. 

Besides, this valley is the most fertile spot in Ithaca, and it can 
therefore never have been used for the site of a city; in fact, no case 
has ever occurred in Greece where a city was built on fertile land, and 
least of all can such have been the case on the rocky island of Ithaca, 
where arable land is so exceedingly rare and precious. If, therefore, 
there had been a city at Polis, it could only have been built on the 
surrounding rocky heights, the pointed or abrupt and always irregular 
shape of which precludes the idea that they can have ever been inhabited 
by men. Colonel Leake® mentions an old ruin on the south side of the 
port; it still exists, but is nothing else than a Christian church of 
the Middle Ages. 

I visited and carefully measured the island of Mathitarid. Its length 
is 586 ft.; its breadth varies between 108 ft. and 176 ft. On account of 
these small dimensions, it cannot possibly be identified with the Homeric 
Asteris, which, as the poet says, had two ports, each of them with two 
entrances. But still I have no reason to question that the sight of 
Mathitarié may have given to Homer the idea of his imaginary Asteris. 
On the island are the ruins of a tower and three buildings, one of which 
is said to have been a school-house, which would explain the name Mathi- 
tarié. The ruins can hardly be more than a couple of centuries old. 

Though for all these reasons I was perfectly convinced that no city 
can ever have occupied the fertile valley of Polis, yet I thought it in the 
interest of science to investigate the matter by actual excavations. With | 
the permission of the owner of the land, Mr. N. Metaxas Zannis, I sunk 
many shafts there ; but in nearly all of them I struck the natural rock at 
a depth of 10 to 13 ft., except in the middle of the valley, which seems to 
have been hollowed out to a great depth by a mountain torrent. Frag- 
ments of rudely-made black or white Greek pottery and pieces of tiles 
were all I found. There were only a few fragments of archaic pottery, 
for which I could claim the date of the sixth century z.c. Tombs are 
sometimes found on the neighbouring heights, but, as is proved by the 
pottery and coins contained in them, they are of the third, fourth, or fifth 
century B.c. Of the same period are also the antiquities found in a 
cavern to the right of the port of Polis: for an inscription found there, I 
can with certainty claim the date of the sixth or even the seventh century 
B.c.’ Therefore, the supposition that Polis is the site of the Homeric 
capital of Ithaca must now be definitely abandoned. 

I afterwards carefully surveyed the remaining northern part of the 
island, but I nowhere found the site of an ancient town, except in the 
environs of the small building of cyclopean masonry, usually called 
the “School of Homer,” which the owner of the property, the priest Sp. 
Vretd, has, in his pious zeal, lately converted into a small church. But 
unfortunately he left in it the thick layer of débris it contained, which 
has now become the pavement of the church. Had he cleared it out and 





6 Travels in Northern Greece. 7 See my DMycenae, p. 78. 


1878.] THE CAPITAL ON MOUNT AETOS. 47 


carefully collected the potsherds, we might probably. at once have found 
in these the key to the date of the building. He refused me permission 
to excavate in the church, but allowed me to do so in the adjoining 
fields, where a number of rock-hewn house-foundations and remnants of 
cyclopean walls testified to the existence of an ancient settlement. I dug 
there a great many holes, but always struck the native rock at less than 
3 ft., and sometimes even at a depth of less than 12 in.: thus there can be 
no doubt that a town existed here in classical times, and most probably it 
is the very town mentioned by Scylax, Per. 34, and Ptolemy, 111. 14. 13. 

I proceeded thence to Mount Aétos, situated on the narrow isthmus, 
hardly one mile wide, which joins Northern and Southern Ithaca. I 
believed the ancient city to have been at the northern foot of that 
mountain, and to have extended all over the small ridge which crosses the 
hollow between it and Mount Merovini to the south of it. But I dis- 
covered I had been mistaken, for I found everywhere the purest virgin 
soil, except on the very crest of the ridge, where, near the chapel of Hagios 
Georgios, I found a very small plain with an accumulation of artificial 
soil 10 ft. deep. I dug there two long trenches, in one of which I brought 
to light a terrace-wall 7 ft. high, consisting of huge polygonal blocks 
well fitted together; to compare this wall to the modern terrace-walls 
which surround it, is to compare a giant’s work to a work of dwarfs. Of 
pottery I found there nothing but a few fragments of black Greek vases. 
Having here also failed in my researches, I most carefully explored 
Mount Aétos, which rises to a height of 600 ft. from the sea, and has on 
its artificially but rudely levelled summit a platform of triangular form, 
with two large cisterns and a small one, and remnants of six or seven 
small cyclopean buildings, which were either separate houses or, more 
probably, chambers of the large cyclopean mansion which is said to have 
stood there, and is commonly called “the Castle of Ulysses.” There 
can hardly be any doubt that in the same manner as the Acropolis of 
Athens was widened by Cimon,* who took in a large portion of its north- 
eastern slope and filled up the lower space with stones and débris, the 
level summit of Mount Aétos was extended to the north and south- 
west by a huge cyclopean wall still existing, the space between the top 
and the wall being filled up with stones and débris. ‘Thus the summit 
formed a level quadrangular platform, 166 ft. 8 in. long by 127 ft. 4 in. 
broad, so that there was on the summit ample room for a large mansion 
and courtyard. ΤῸ the north and south of the circuit-wall are towers 
of cyclopean masonry, from each of which a huge wall of immense 
boulders runs down. But at a certain distance these two walls begin 
to form a curve, and ultimately join each other. Two more cyclopean 
walls run down from the top—the one in an easterly, the other in a 
south-easterly direction—and join the curve formed by the two first- 
named walls. Lastly, I have to mention a huge circuit-wall about 50 ft. 
below the upper circuit-wall. This wall has fallen on the west side, 
but is in a marvellous state of preservation on the other sides. To 


8 Pausanias, i. 28, § 3. 


48 EXPLORATION OF ITHACA. [Iyrrop. 


increase the strength of the place, the foot of the rock has been cut 
away so as to form a perpendicular wall of rock 20 ft. high. Three gates 
can be recognized in the walls. 

Between all these cyclopean walls there once stood a city, which may 
have contained 2000 houses, either cut out in the rock or built of cyclo- 
pean masonry. Of 190 of these houses I have been able to find the ruins 
more or less well preserved. JI measured twelve of them, and found them 
between 21 ft. and 63 ft. long, and from 15 ft. to 20 ft. broad. The usual 
size of the rudely-cut stones is 5 ft. in length, 4 ft. 8in. in. breadth, and 
210. in thickness. The size of these stones by far exceeds that of the 
stones in the cyclopean houses I discovered at Mycenae and Tiryns. 
Some of the houses consisted of only one room; others had four or even 
six chambers. From below not one of the houses is visible; and as the 
peasants of Ithaca thought them to be mere heaps of stones, they did not 
point them out to foreigners, who might ascend Mount Aétos a hundred 
times without noticing any one of them, for the slopes of Aétos ascend 
at an angle of 35°, and they are thus 7° steeper than the upper cone of 
Mount Vesuvius. It is therefore exceedingly difficult and fatiguing to 
ascend Mount Aétos, the more so as it is full of pointed rocks, and over- 
grown with thorny underwood and thistles. Besides, the path by which 
the peasants lead strangers to the top does not pass near any of the 
better-preserved cyclopean houses; it passes only a few foundations, in 
which even the best archeologist might fail to recognize remnants of 
houses unless he had seen the better-preserved buildings. For all these 
reasons even Colonel Leake only saw “some terrace walls and some 
foundations of buildings on the side of Aétos;” and from this remark of 
his no one could have expected to find here the ruins, more or less well 
preserved, of 190 houses of Ithaca’s most ancient capital, which had, 
however, long before Colonel Leake, been identified by Wilham Gell.° 
This cyclopean capital is unique in the world, and every admirer of 
Homer ought to come out to see it. Visitors ought to take as their guide 
the peasant Nicdlaos Psarrés, whom I have repeatedly shown over thé 
ancient city. He lives at the foot of Mount Aétos, close to the chapel 
of Hagios Georgios. 

For two weeks I excavated with thirty workmen in those cyclopean 
buildings: but fragments of pottery, which has no resemblance to any of 
the Mycenean pottery, but is much like that from the two most ancient 
cities at Troy; fragments of most curious tiles with impressed ornaments ; 
also two with a sort of written characters for which I cannot claim a high 
antiquity; further, the fragments of a very ancient and most curious 
handmill—these were the only results of all my labour. But I must 
wonder that I have succeeded in finding even thus much, because on 
account of the steep slope no accumulation of débris was possible here, 
and the heavy winter rains have for ages swept all remnants of ancient 
industry into the sea. The heat on Mount Aétos is overwhelming, on 
account of the rocks and stones, which get hot in the sun. 





® The Geography and Antiquities of Ithaca ; London, 1807. 


~ 


1878.] GROTTO OF THE NYMPHS. 49 


I need hardly say that the drawing which Sir W. Gell gives in his 
Ithaca of the Palace of Ulysses is altogether imaginary. 

I also commenced excavating the stalactite grotto near the little port 
of Dexia, which is generally identified with the port of Phorkys, where 
Ulysses was landed by the Phaeacians, the grotto being rightly con- 
sidered to be identical with the Honteric Grotto of ἘΠ Nymphs, in 
which Ulysses, assisted by Athené, hid his treasures. But having opened 
a trench just before the little altar, down to the rock, without even 
finding a potsherd, I abandoned this ungrateful excavation. The grotto 
is very spacious, and it exactly answers the description of Homer, who 
says “that it has two entrances, one on its north side for men, and 
one on its south side for the immortal gods, for no man can enter by the 
divine door.” *° All this is true; but by the entrance for the gods he 
means the artificially cut hole in the vault of the grotto, which must 
have served as a chimney to carry off the smoke of the sacrificial fires. 
From this chimney to the bottom of the grotto the depth is 56 ft., and, 
of course, no man can enter by this way. But for ages the proprietors 
of the field seem to have utilized this chimney to get rid of some of the 
stones which abound here, for the grotto is filled with small stones to 
the depth of 5 or 6 ft. From the vault of the grotto hang innumerable 
stalactites, which gave to Homer the idea of the stone urns and amphore, 
and the stone frames and looms on which the Nymphs wove ‘purple- 
coloured mantles and veils." I most carefully explored the whole southern 
portion of Ithaca. The town of Vathy, the present capital of Ithaca, is 
not yet a hundred years old, and the complete absence of ancient potsherds 
on the flat soil seems to prove that there was no city or village on the site 
in ancient times. Before Vathy was founded, the city was on a rocky 
height about one mile further south. On the site of the old town I found 
but a very small accumulation of débris, and no trace of ancient pottery. 

Near the south-eastern extremity of the island, about 4} miles from 
Vathy, are a number of rooms like stables, averaging 25 ft. in length 
and 10 ft. in breadth, partly rock-cut, partly formed by cyclopean walls 
of very huge rudely-wrought stones, which must have given to Homer 
the idea for the twelve pig-sties built by the divine swineherd Eumaeus.? 
To the east of these stables, and just in front of them, thousands of very 
common but most ancient potsherds indicate the existence of an ancient 
rustic habitation, which Homer appears to have described to us as the 
house and station of Kumaeus.? This is the more probable, as at a very 


BOC ὃ > / Ἅ1Ὲ , τ ΝΖ εἰ 
10 See Od. xiii. 109-119. The whole passage at δ᾽ αὖ πρὸς Νότου εἰσὶ θεώτεραι" οὐδὲ τι κείνῃ 
τ « / ae 
(102-112) is: ἄνδρες ἐσέρχονται, ἀλλ᾽ ἀθανάτων ὁδὸς ἐστιν. 


αὐτὰρ ἐπὶ κρατὸς λιμένος τανύφυλλος ἐλαίη, 1 See vv. 105-108 in the passage just cited. 


ἀγχόθι δ᾽ αὐτῆς ἄντρον ἐπήρατον ἠεροειδές, 20d. sive, 4: 

ἱρὸν Νυμφάων at Nniddes καλέονται. ἔντοσθεν δ᾽ αὐλῆς συφεοὺς δυοκαίδεκα ποίειν 

ἐν δὲ κρητῆρές τε καὶ ἀμφιφορῆες ἔασιν πλησίον ἀλλήλων, εὐνὰς συσίν. 

λάϊνοι" ἔνθα δ᾽ ἔπειτα τιθαιβώσσουσι μέλισσαι" 3 Od. xiv. 5-10: 

ἐν δ᾽ ἱστοὶ Albeo περιμήκεες, ἔνθα τε νύμφαι τὸν δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐνὶ προδόμῳ εὗρ᾽ ἥμενον, ἔνθα οἱ αὐλή 
φάρε᾽ ὑφαίνουσιν ἁλιπόρφυρα, θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι, ὑψηλὴ δέδμητο, περισκέπτῳ ἐνὶ χώρῳ, 

ἐν δ᾽ ὕδατ᾽ αἰενάοντα. δύω δέ τέ οἱ θύραι εἰσίν, καλή τε μεγάλη τε, περίδρομος᾽ ἥν pa συβώτης 
at μὲν mpds Βορέαο, καταιβαταὶ ἀνθρώποισιν, αὐτὸς δείμαθ᾽ ὕεσσιν ἀποιχομένοιο ἄνακτος,. 


E 


50 EXPLORATION OF ITHACA. [Ivrrop. 


short distance to the south of this site, and near the sea, is a white cliff 
with a perpendicular descent of 100 ft., which to the present day is called 
Korax, “the Rayen Rock,” to which Homer refers when he represents 
Ulysses as challenging Eumaeus “to precipitate him from the great rock” 
if he finds that he is telling lies. Below the Korax, in a recess, is a 
natural and always plentiful spring of pure water, which tradition identi- 
fies with Homer’s fountain of Arethusa, where the swine of Eumaeus were 
watered.®° I excavated in the stables, as well as in front of them on the 
site of the rustic habitation; I found the stables filled with stones, but 
on the site of the house I struck the rock at a depth of 1 ft., and found 
there fragments of very interesting, most ancient, unpainted pottery, 
also of archaic pottery with red bands, and masses of broken tiles of a 
later period. 

I found in my excavations at the foot of Mount Aétos two coins of 
Ithaca, having on one side a cock with the legend IOAKON, and on the 
other side a head of Ulysses with a conical cap or pilidion; also two coins 
of Agathocles of Syracuse. These latter coins are here frequently found 
and abundantly offered for sale. Corinthian and Roman coins are also 
very frequent here. According to Aristotle’ and Antigonus Carystius,’ no 
hare can live on Ithaca. But, on the contrary, hares are more abundant 
here than on any other Greek island, it being next to impossible to hunt 
them on the steep slopes of the huge mountains overgrown with thorny 
underwood. 

I may add that Ithaca is, ike Utica, a Phoenician word, and means 
“colony.” According to Homer, Poseidon was the grandfather of Laertes, 
and Mr. Gladstone appears, therefore, to be right in holding that the 
descent from Poseidon always means “descent from the Phoenicians.” 

I strongly recommend a visit to Ithaca, not only to all admirers of 
Homer, but also to all those who wish to see the ancient Greek type of 
men and great female beauty. Visitors should not omit when at Vathy, 
the capital of Ithaca, to call upon my friend Mr. Aristides Dendrinos, to 
whom and to whose amiable lady, Mrs. Praxidea Dendrinos, I here make 
my warmest acknowledgment for their bountiful hospitality. Mr. Den- 
drinos is the most wealthy man in Ithaca, and will at all times be happy 
to assist travellers with his advice. He has a son Telemachus and a 


daughter Penelope. 


§ VIII. Fourra Yrar’s Work at Troy: 1878. 


I recommenced my excavations at Troy towards the end of September 
1878, with a large number of workmen and several horse-carts, having 
previously built felt-sovered wooden barracks, with nine chambers for 
my own accommodation and that of my overseers, servants, and visitors. 


νόσφιν δεσποίνης καὶ Λαέρταο γέροντος, 5 Od, xiii. 407-410: 

ῥυτοῖσιν λάεσσι, καὶ ἐθρίγκωσεν ἀχέρδῳ. δήεις τόν γε σύεσσι παρήμενον᾽ al δὲ νέμονται 
* Od. xiv. 398-400: πὰρ Képakos πέτρῃ, ἐπί τε κρήνῃ ᾿Αρεθούσῃ, 

εἰ δέ κε uly ἔλθῃσιν ἄναξ τεός, ὡς ἀγορεύω, ἔσθουσαι βάλανον μενοεικέα καὶ μέλαν ὕδωρ 

δμῶας ἐπισσεύας βαλέειν μεγάλης κατὰ πέτρης; πίνουσαι, τά θ᾽ ὕεσσι τρέφει τεθαλυῖαν ἀλοιφήν. 


ὄφρα καὶ ἄλλος πτωχὺς ἀλεύεται ἠπεροπεύειν. 6. Hist. An, viii. 27. 2. Tihs, Mir. 11. 


1878.] EXCAVATIONS RESUMED AT TROY. od 


I also built a wooden barrack, which served both as a storehouse for anti- 
quities and as a small dining-hall, together with a wooden magazine, in 
which the antiquities were preserved, which were to be divided between 
the Imperial Museum and myself, and of which the Turkish delegate 
had the key ; also a wooden magazine for my implements, wheelbarrows, 
hand-carts, and other machinery for excavating; besides a small stone 
house for the kitchen, a wooden house for my ten gensdarmes, and a stable 
for the horses. All these buildings were erected on the north-west 
slope of Hissarlik, which here descends at an angle of 75° to the plain. 
The site of my barracks is, according to M. Burnouf’s measurement, 
25°55 metres = 84 ft. above the level of the sea; consequently 23°88 τη. 
= 78 ft. below the summit of Hissarlik. | 

The ten gensdarmes, to whom I paid £20 10s. monthly, were all 
refugees from Roumelia, and were of great use to me, for they not 
only served as a guard against the brigands by whom the Troad was 
infested, but they also carefully watched my labourers whilst they were 
excavating, and thus forced them to be honest. 

How necessary the ten gensdarmes were to me could not have been 
better proved than by the fight which took place a short time after my 
departure in the village of Kalifatli, only twenty minutes’ walk from 
Hissarlik, between the peasants and a large number of armed Circassians, 
who in the night attacked the house of a villager reputed to possess 
10,000 frs. The villager ascended the terrace of his house and cried 
for assistance, whereupon his neighbours hurried out with their rifles 
and killed two of the assailants, but unfortunately lost two of their own 
number—the brother-in-law and son-in-law of the demarch of Kalifatli. 

The wages of my three overseers were from £5 to £10 monthly ; those 
of the common workmen, 2 frs. or 20 pence daily; the three carpenters 
received 92 frs. or 2s. 7d.; the wheelwright 5 frs. or 48. ἃ day. But the 
highest wages of all were paid to my servant, who thought he was 
indispensable, and therefore refused to serve for less than 300 frs. or £12 
monthly ; but he made at least twice as much out of his wine and bread- 
store, of which his brother was the manager, for he cold to my labourers 
on credit, and, as he was my paymaster, he always got back his money 
easily and could never lose. 

My endeavours were now principally directed to the excavation of 
the large building to the west and north-west of the gate, and of the 
north-eastern prolongation of the gateway.® I had always identified the 
large building with the residence of the last chief or king of Troy, because 
in it, or close to it, had been found not only the large treasure I myself 
discovered, but also the treasure which had been concealed from me 
by my labourers and geized by the Turkish authorities, besides a vast 
quantity of Trojan pottery; but I now maintain that identity with more 
assurance than ever, having again discovered in it, or close to it, three 
small treasures and a large one of gold jewels. Of these the first was 
found and excavated on the 21st of October, in the presence of seven 





See the frontispiece, to the right. 
* See on No. 10, p. 35, the whole block in front ; also the block en which tne two houses stand. 


02 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Inrrop. 


officers of H.M.S. Monarch, in a chamber in the north-east part of the 
building, at a depth of 26 ft. 5in. below the surface of the mound. 
It was contained in a broken hand-made terra-cotta vessel, which lay in 
an oblique position about 3 ft. above the floor, and must have fallen from 
an upper storey. 

I give a drawing of the town-chief’s house in the chapter on the 
Third City. Its longest wall runs parallel with the great external wall 
of the city, and is 53 ft. 4in. long and 4ft. 4in. high; it consists of 
smaller and larger stones joined together with clay. Near the north- 
western extremity of this wall, and just 3 ft. above the ground, I found, 
in a layer of grey wood-ashes, two more small treasures, both contained 
in broken hand-made terra-cotta vases, of which the one lay in an 
oblique, the other in a horizontal position, from which circumstance I 
conclude that both had fallen from an upper part of the house; the 
orifices of the vases nearly touched each other. Only 3 ft. from this 
discovery, but on the house-wall itself, and at a depth of 26 ft. below 
the surface of the ground, a larger treasure of bronze weapons and gold 
jewels was found. All the objects contained in these four treasures, 
as well as all the other antiquities discovered in these excavations, will 
be described in the subsequent pages, as well as the gold ornaments 
found elsewhere. 

I also continued excavating on the site of my former platform, on the 
north side of the hill,’’ but, on account of the winter rains, was obliged 
to stop the works on the 26th of November. According to the stipu- 
lations of my firman, I had to give up two-thirds of all the objects I 
found to the Imperial Museum, and carried off only one-third myself. 


§ ΙΧ. Firrn Year's Worx at Troy anp tHe Heroic Tumvuui, anp 
EXPLORATION OF THE Troap: 1879. 


I went to Europe, and returned to the Dardanelles towards the end of 
February 1879. Having again procured the services of ten gensdarmes 
or zaptiehs and 150 workmen, I recommenced the excavations on the Ist 
of March. Up to the middle of March I suffered cruelly from the north 
wind, which was so icy cold that it was impossible to read or write in my 
wooden barracks, and it was only possible to keep oneself warm by active 
exercise in the trenches. To avoid taking cold, I went, as I had always 
done, very early every morning on horseback to the Hellespont to take 
my sea-bath, but I always returned to Hissarlik before sunrise and before 
the work commenced.’ ‘T'wo of my gensdarmes always served me as a 
guard in the bathing excursions, or whenever I absented myself from 





19 See No. 4 to the left ; also Plan 1. (of Troy) 
between the points X and Ὁ. 

1 These rides in the dark were not without 
accidents. ‘Travellers to the Troad will see a 
large block missing from the northern edge of 
the bridge of Koum Kioi. This stone was broken 
out when once in the dark I rode too near the 
edge, and I was precipitated with my. horse 
into the bushes below. The horse having fallen 


upon me, I could not extricate myself from 
beneath it; and my gensdarmes having gone 
ahead, could not hear my cries. A whole hour 
I was in this desperate position, till at last 
my gensdarmes, not seeing me coming to my 
usual bathing-place at Karanlik, returned and 
extricated me. Since that accident I always 
alight before passing a Turkish bridge, and lead 
my horse over by the bridle. 


1879.] FIFTH YEAR'S EXCAVATIONS. ats) 


Hissarlik. But the cold weather did not last longer than a fortnight, 
and after that we had a succession of fine weather. The storks appeared 
in the beginning of March. 

At the end of March I was joined at Hissarlik by my honoured friends 
Professor Rudolf Virchow of Berlin, and M. Emile Burnouf of Paris, 
Honorary Director of the French School at Athens; the latter having 
been sent to Troy on a scientific mission by the French Government, 
at the initiative of M. Jules Ferry, the Minister of Public Instruction. 
Both assisted me in my researches to the utmost of their ability. Pro- 
fessor Virchow studied the flora, fauna, and geological characteristics of 
the Plain of Troy, as well as the condition of the ruins and débris brought 
to light in the course of my excavations; and M. Burnouf, who is an 
excellent engineer and painter, made all the plans and maps, as well as 
many of the sketches contained in this book. He also studied the geology 
of the Plain of Troy, as well as the several layers of débris at Hissarlik. 

My endeavours were this time principally directed towards bringing 
to light the entire circuit of the walls, and I therefore excavated to the 
east and south-west of the gate? (which, according to M. Burnouf’s mea- 
surement, is 41:10 metres =135 ft. 2 in. above the level of the sea, and 
8°33 m.= 27 ft. 5in. below the surface of the hill), and to the north-west 
and north of the house of the chief, as well as to the east of my great 
northern trench.* It being especially important to preserve the houses 
of the burnt city, I gradually excavated the ruins of the three upper 
cities horizontally, layer by layer, until I reached the easily-recognizablo 
calcined débris of the third or burnt city. Having brought down to 
one level the whole space I intended to explore, I began at the extremity — 
of the area, excavating house by house, and gradually proceeding with 
this work in the direction of the northern slope, where the débris had to 
be shot. In this manner I was able to excavate all the houses of the 
third city without injuring their walls. But of course all that I could 
bring to light of them were the substructions, or first storeys, 3 to 10 ft. 
high, built of bricks or of stones cemented with earth. The great number 
of jars they contain can hardly leave any doubt that these served as 
cellars; though at first sight it is difficult to explain the scarcity of 
doorways, of which visitors will see but few. But it appears that these 
lower parts of the houses were entered by wooden stairs or ladders from 
above ; regular openings for the doors, however, exist in all the rooms and 
chambers of the large building to the west and north-west of the gate. 

Professor Virchow calls attention to the fact that, in an architectural 
point of view, the condition of this third city is the exact prototype of 
the kind of building which still characterizes the villages of the Troad. 
It was only when his medical practice* had introduced him into the 
interior of the present houses that he was able to understand the archi- 
tectural details of those of the ancient state. The characteristic of the 
architecture is, that in most cases the lower part of the houses has no 


* See Plan I. (of Troy). interesting account of his medical practice in 
* See Sectional Plan IIL, x, y. the Troad. 
* I give in Appendix V. Professor Virchow’s 


δά NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Inrrop: 


entrance, and is surrounded by a stone wall. The upper storey, which 
is built of quadrangular sun-dried bricks, serves as the habitation for 
the family ; the lower one, which is entered by stairs or ladders from 
above, serves as a storehouse. Whenever the ground-floor has a door, it 
is also very frequently used as a stable for the cattle. When, as often 
happens also at the present day, modern houses of this kind fall into 
ruin, the ruins present precisely the same aspect as those of the third 
or burnt city of Hissarlik. The stones of the walls of the first storey of 
the Trojan houses present no trace of having been wrought; they have 
come from the easily-obtainable natural strata of the tertiary fresh-water 
limestone of the neighbouring ridge. The rooms enclosed by these 
Trojan house-walls contain those gigantic terra-cotta jars which often 
stand in whole rows, representing a considerable fortune by their huge 
size, which is so great that a man can stand upright in each of them. 

Streets also were scarce; for besides the broad street of the gate, ᾿ 
I brought to light only one street 4 ft. broad, paved with large flags, 
which bear the marks of the intense heat to which they have been 
exposed. This street may be seen just above the ruins of the second 
city, on the east side of my great trench ;° there is, besides, a passage 
2 ft. broad, between the Trojan houses running off at right angles from 
the street ὦ to the N.K. I further excavated to the east and south-east 
of the “Great Tower,” where I was forced to destroy a number of house- 
walls close to the magazine containing the nine great jars discovered in 
1878,° in order to unearth the city wall and its connection with the two 
gigantic stone walls called by me “the Great Tower.” All this has 
been accomplished. My excavations to the south, south-west, west, 
north-west, and ‘north of the gates, have also enabled me to uncover the 
city wall in these directions; so that it is now disclosed in its entire 
circuit, except where it has been cut through by my great trench. In 
the course of these researches I found, in the presence of Professor 
Virchow and M. Burnouf, on the slope of the north-western part of the 
wall another treasure, consisting of gold ornaments, which will be de- 
scribed hereafter. ᾿ 

Outside the city wall on the east side, I discovered a great many 
house-walls, but scarcely any antiquities, which circumstance appears 
to prove that the suburb was inhabited by the poorer class. ‘The south- 
east corner of the city presents no signs of the great conflagration. 

I dug about one-half of my great trench down to the limestone 
rock, and thus laid bare three parallel house-walls’ of the first settlers on 
Hissarlik. I also dug a deep drain for the discharge of the rain-water. 

Although H.E. Munif Effendi, the Minister of Public Instruction, had 
already in January 1879 consented to H.E. Sir Henry Layard’s request 
that a firman should be granted me for the exploration of the Tumuli, 
the so-called heroic tombs of the Troad, I had the very greatest difficulty 
in obtaining it. Iwas however powerfully aided by Sir Henry Layard 
and my honoured friend Mr. Ed. Malet, Minister Plenipotentiary during 





5 This street is marked d on Plan I. (of 6 See No. 8, p. da: 
Troy). 7 See Plan III. f, between M and N. 


1879. ] ANOTHER VISIT TO BOUNARBASHI. 90 


his absence, as well as by H.E. Count Hatzfeldt, the German Ambassador 
at Constantinople, who assisted me at the request of Professor Virchow, 
. and the firman at last arrived on the 17th of April. I immediately 
started to explore the two largest tumuli of the Troad, the Besika Tepeh 
and the Ujek Tepeh, as well as four smaller ones. These excavations will 
be described at length in the chapter on the Tumuli. 

In company with Professor Virchow, I again visited the village of 
Bounarbashi, and the heights behind it, the Bali Dagh, which have had 
for nearly a hundred years the undeserved honour of being identified 
with the site of the Homeric Ilium. 

Professor Virchow fully agrees with me that the circuit-walls of the 
little Acropolis — which, according to M. Burnouf’s measurement, is 
144°36 méetres=472 ft. above the level of the sea, and in which so 
many great modern luminaries in archeology have seen the walls of 
Priam’s Pergamus—have never deserved to be called “ Cyclopean.” He 
was the first to observe, from the peculiar manner in which the stones of 
the walls have been wrought, that they have been slowly shaped (abge- 
splittert) with an iron pick-hammer, and must consequently belong to a 
comparatively late period. As above mentioned, these ruins probably 
mark the site of Gergis, where, according to Xenophon,* Queen Mania 
kept her treasures. I showed him that the average depth of the accumu- 
lation of débris in the little Acropolis is only 1 ft. 6in., and that only 
Hellenic pottery is found there. He recognized the agora of the little 
town in a recess of amphitheatrical form, in which the ruins of four rows 
of stone seats may still be seen. It is strange that this agora never fell 
under the notice of any one before, and that it was reserved for the keen 
eye of Professor Virchow to discover it. 

We also visited the springs® of Bounarbashi,’® which, according to 
M. Burnouf’s measurement, are 27°77 metres=91 ft. above the level of 
the sea, and in which the defenders of the Bounarbashi theory recognize 
two springs only—one lukewarm, the other icy cold—in order to force 
them into agreement with those described by Homer, near which Hector 
was killed by Achilles: “But they dashed forward by the watch-tower 
and the wind-beaten fig-tree always along the wall, on the chariot road, 
until they reached the two fair-flowing springs, where the twin sources 
of the eddying Scamander bubble up: for the one flows with lukewarm 
water, from which clouds of steam arise as from a burning fire; the other 
runs forth in summer like hail or cold snow, or as from frozen water,” ὁ 


8 Hist. Gr., iii. 1, § 15: Ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας there is a Pen tre fynnyn, which means “head 
Σκῆψιν καὶ Γέργιθα ἐχυρὰς πόλεις κατέσχεν, of the three springs.” 


ἔνθα καὶ τὰ χρήματα μάλιστα ἦν τῇ Mavia. 1 7], xxii. 145-152 : 
“When he (Meidias) had done this, he took of δὲ παρὰ σκοπιὴν καὶ ἐρινεὸν ἠνεμόεντα 
possession of the fortified cities of Scepsis and τείχεος αἰὲν ὑπὲκ κατ᾽ ἀμαξιτὸν ἐσσεύοντο" 
Gergis, where Mania chiefly kept her treasures.” κρουνὼ δ᾽ ἵκανον καλλιῤῥόω, ἔνθα δὲ πηγαί 

® As before mentioned, I counted here thirty- δοιαὶ ἀναΐσσουσι Σκαμάνδρου δινήεντοϑ. 
four springs; but as the spot where they rise ἣ μὲν γὰρ θ᾽ ὕδατι λιαρῷ ῥέει, ἀμφὶ δὲ καπνός 
is called Kirk-Giés, or “forty eyes,” there are γίγνεται ἐξ αὐτῆς, ὡσεὶ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο. 
probably forty springs here. ἢ δ᾽ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα xara (n, 

10 Bounarbashi means “head of the springs.” ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ, ἢ ἐξ ὕδατος κρυστάλλῳ. 


Clarke (i. p. 109) reminds us that in Wales 


56 . NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [InrRop. 


Professor Virchow found in two of the springs a temperature of 
16°8 centigrade (62°24 Fahrenheit), in a third 17° (62°6 Fahrenheit), in 
a fourth 17.7.4 (63°32 Fahrenheit), The last spring rises in a swamp, 
and, as Professor Virchow explains, is for this reason slightly warmer, 
the water being stagnant. On the other hand, the spring which shows 
17° runs at once into a little rivulet formed by other sources higher 
up, and it appears, therefore, to be a little colder; the two springs of 
16°°8 were tested as they bubbled forth from beneath the rock: and 
thus, Virchow says, it is quite intelligible that, the difference of tem- 
perature of the water in the swamp and of the running water in the 
rivulet being still more marked in winter than in spring or summer, 
vapour might be seen to rise from the former and not from the latter. 

I further visited, in company with the same friend, the vast ruins of 
Alexandria-Troas on the coast nearly opposite. Tenedos.! We went from 
thence to the hot springs called Ligia Hammam, in a valley to the south- 
east ; the height above the sea is 85 ft., according to Virchow. The water 
is saline and ferruginous, and its temperature is 150° Fahrenheit, accord- 
ing to Barker Webb ;? according to Clarke,® only 142° Fahrenheit. The 
numerous ancient ruins in the valley leave no doubt that the springs were 
very celebrated in antiquity. The baths are much frequented in summer 
for rheumatic and cutaneous affections. We passed the night in the 
prosperous Turkish village of Kestamboul, which commands a magnificent 
view of Mount Chigri (called in Turkish “ Chigri Dagh”) and the Aegean 
Sea. Next we ascended Mount Chigri (its height above the sea is 1639 ft. 
according to Virchow), passing on our way the ancient quarries near the 
village of Koch-Ali-Ovassi. We saw there seven columns which had been 
cut whole out of the granite rock, each 88 ft. 6 in. long, the diameter at 
the top being 4 ft. 6in., and 5ft. 6 in. at the base. They appear to have 
been destined for Alexandria-Troas, as they are exactly similar to the three 
which lie there on the beach. 

On the top of Mount Chigri we greatly admired the vast Hellenic 
ruins supposed by Mr. Calvert to mark the site of Neandria, whilst others 
identify them with Cenchreae. The fortress, which has the unusual length 
of 1900 paces, and is 520 paces broad, is considered to be very ancient, 





1 In opposition to the common belief, I think 
that this city was not founded by Antigonus, 
but that it was only enlarged by him, for Strabo 


capital μεταξὺ Τρῳάδος (Alexandria) καὶ τῆς 
ἀρχαίας Ἰλίου, according to Zosimus; ἐν Σιγαίῳ 
(sic), according to Zonaras. Under Hadrian, the 


(xiii. pp. 593, 604) expressly states that ‘its 
site was formerly called ‘ Sigia,’ and that Anti- 
gonus, having colonized it with the inhabitants 
of Chrysa, Cebrene, Neandria, Scepsis, Larissa, 
Colonae, Hamaxitus, and other cities, named it 
Antigonia.” He further states that it was 
afterwards embellished by Lysimachus, who 
named it, in honour of Alexander the Great, 
‘“‘Alexandria-Troas.” Julius Caesar was so much 
pleased with its site, that, according to Sueto- 
nius (Jul. Caes. 79), he intended to make it the 
capital of the Roman Empire. According to 
Zosimus (ii. 30) and Zonaras (xiii, 3), Con- 
stantine the Great had the same idea before he 
ehose Byzantium: he intended to build his new 


celebrated orator Herodes Atticus was governor of 
the city. Several portions of the gigantic aque- 
duct which he built, and to the cost of which 
his father Atticus contributed three millions of 
drachmas of his own money, still exist. Alex- 
andria-Troas is also mentioned in Holy Scripture 
(by the name of Troas) as one of the cities 
which were visited by St. Paul (Acts xx. 5). 
Its extensive Byzantine ruins leave no doubt 
that it was inhabited till the end of the Middle 
Ages. It is now called “ Eski-stambul” (we. 
the Old City). 

2 Topographie de la Troade, p. 131. 

3 Travels in various Countries of Europe, Asia, 
and Africa, i, 148. 


1879.] THE ANCIENT CITY ON MOUNT CHIGRI. 57 


and parts of it are assigned to the same epoch as Tiryns and Mycenae. 
But we could not discover in it anything which might claim a high 
antiquity ; besides, pre-historic cities are always very small. The walls 
average 10 ft. in breadth, and consist of two parallel walls of regular 
horizontal courses of granite blocks cut into a wedge-like shape, with 
their broad end turned outside, the space between the two walls, as well 
as the interstices between the blocks, being filled up with small stones. 
To this sort of masonry, which can also be seen in the famous Acropolis 
of Assos, we did not think ourselves justified in attributing a greater 
antiquity than the Macedonian period, the more so as the stones have 
been worked with an iron pick-hammer. Some parts of the walls we 
saw were composed of polygonal stones well fitted together, but they 
equally failed to convey to us an idea of high antiquity. In fact, I could 
point out in Greece a number of walls formed of polygonal stones, which 
we know to have been erected in Macedonian times; as, for instance, 
the substructions of some of the tombs in the ancient cemetery of the 
Hagia Trias at Athens and the fortifications on Salamis. The walls of 
the fortress on Mount Chigri are for the most part well preserved, but 
in many places they are more or less destroyed. I attribute this to the 
roots of the trees which grow between the small stones and must have 
dislocated the large blocks. Professor Virchow does not think this 
explanation insufficient, but prefers to ascribe the destruction of the walls 
to earthquakes. It deserves to be noticed that the bare rock crops out in 
all parts of the fortress, and that there is no accumulation of débris; only 
here and there I saw a late Roman potsherd and some fragments of bricks 
of a late date. 

We next visited the small Turkish town of Iné, on the Scamander, 
304 ft. above the sea, the name of which is probably a corruption of 
Aenea.* However this may be, it appears evident that Iné occupies 
the site of an ancient town, perhaps of Scamandria, as Mr. Calvert 
thinks, for many fragments of ancient sculptures are to be seen there, 
and masses of fragmentary pottery peep out of the clay walls of the 
houses, a good many of the fragments being Hellenic. From Iné we 
went to the prettily-situated town of Beiramich, which stands on a 
plateau on the banks of the Scamander, 516 ft. above the sea according 
to Virchow, whence we proceeded to the neat village of Evjilar, situated 
864 ft. above the sea: the name Evjilar means “village of the hunters.” 
This also stands on the bank of the Scamander, whose width varies here 
from 40 to 66 ft., while the water is hardly a foot deep. We had with us 
three gensdarmes on horseback and two on foot, the country being unsafe. 

Thence we ascended the mountains of Ida, which are covered with 
a beautiful forest of oak and pine,® intermingled with chestnut-trees, 








* There being silver-mines near Iné (see κώμη (see Groskurd, ii. pp. 480 and 580). Pliny, 
Chandler, i. 142; Pococke, iii. p. 160; and 4. N. ii. 96, 97, v. 30. 30, and Steph. Byz. 
Lechevalier, Voyage dans la Troade, p. 128), it is  p. 487, who mention Nea, seem to have taken 
highly probable that, instead of 7 Νέα κώμη (καὶ it from Strabo, p. 603. A. Pauly, Real Ency- 
ἀργύρια), between Polichna and Palaescepsis, we _—clopdidie, 5. v. ‘* Nea.” 
ought to read in Strabo, xiii. p. 603, according > H. xi, 494: 
to the parallel passage, xii. p. 552, Atvea or “Evea πολλὰς δὲ δρῦς ἀζαλεας, πολλὰς δέ τε πεύκας. 


δ 


2) 


NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [INTROD. 


plane-trees, limes, and the like. The rain, which came down in torrents, 
prevented us from reaching the summit of Gargarus, which is 5750 ft. 
above the level of the sea. We could only get as far as the sources 
of the Scamander, which are 4056 ft. below the top of the mountain. 
The principal source, which according to Virchow’s measurement is 
1694 ft. above the level of the sea, dashes forth in a stream about 7 ft. 
broad from a natural cavern, in a nearly vertical rock wall, from 250 
to 300 ft. high, which is composed of a coarse crystalline marble. It falls 
at once almost vertically 60 to 70 ft. over projecting blocks of rock, and 
after a course of 200 ft. it is joined by a small stream, formed by the 
waters of three smaller but still abundant sources, and a number of very 
small ones rising out of crevices in the rock close to the large one, as well 
as by a large rivulet which is supplied from the melted snow, and has but 
very little water in summer. At about 200 ft. from the great cavern, five 
or six paces from the river-bed, is a small cavity, evidently the same as 
that of which P. Barker Webb ° speaks, and from which there once ran a 
copious source of warm water; but now, and probably for many years past, 
this cave is dry, the spring having bored another channel through the 
rock considerably below it, and close to the Scamander, into which it flows. 
This source had, according to Virchow’s observations, a temperature of 
60°44 Fahrenheit, the air being at 58°64; and the water of the Sca- 
mander, as it flows from the cavern, 47°12. Professor Virchow’ observes : 
“Although in the Idad* the Scamander is mentioned as one of the rivers 
which rise from the Ida range, yet a certain doubt has prevailed as to the 
exact place of its origin. It appears to me that this doubt is due to the 
statements of Demetrius of Scepsis, who, among the various peaks of the 
Ida, indicated the Cotylus as the place of the sources of the Scamander, 
while the presumptions of the [ad essentially refer to Mount Gargarus. 
Here a grove and an altar were consecrated to Zeus;° and here he was 
wont to stay.° And when the Scamander is indicated as the son of Zeus, 
where else could his source be, but on Mount Gargarus? ‘Though, accord- 
ing to Hercher,’ the repeated addition, ov ἀθάνατος τέκετο Ζεύς," may be 
reiected as a later interpolation, there remains the epithet διυπετέος 
ποταμοῖο, which occurs three times ;* and even if the beginning of the 
twelfth book of the Iliad, where the Scamander is called dios,* should not 
be genuine, yet the divine character of the river-god is expressly testified 
in the Mayn παραποτάμιος, Heré calling him ἀθάνατον θεόν," and Achilles 
διοτρεφές. In the imagination of the poet the river and the river-god 
blend together into a single personality, and the origin of both is referred, 
as it were, to the great weather-god on Mount Gargarus.” 

We returned to Evjilar, and proceeded thence, by way of Erenlt 
(780 ft. above the sea), Bujuk Bounarbashi, and Aiwadjik, to Behrahm, 
the ancient Assos, whence we returned in an open boat to the Plain of 





8 Topographie de la Troade, p. 46. ' Phil. und histor. Abh. der ἃ. Akad. d. Wis- 


7 Beitriige zur Landeskunde der Troas, p. 36. sensch, ; Berlin, 1875, p. 105. 
Smt, 19-21, 2 Jl. xiv. 4343 xxi. 23 xxiv. 693. 
® 7], viii. 48. 3 7]. xvii. 263; xxi. 268, 326. 


10 7]; xiv. 157, 158. ΕΣ 21. 5 xxi, 380. δ᾽ xx. 223, 


1879.] MTS. KARA YOUR AND OULOU DAGH. 59 


Troy. According to Virchow’s measurement, Bujuk Bounarbashi is 907, 
Aiwadjik is 871, and the Acropolis of Assos 615 ft. above the level of the 
sea. I fully agree with Colonel Leake, that the ruins of Assos give the 
most perfect idea of a Greek city that we can now find anywhere. Its 
circuit-walls are better built, and are in a far better state of preservation, 
than those of any other Greek city now existing. They are, on an average, 
8 ft. 4in. thick, and consist of wrought stones, either square or wedge- 
shaped, which are put together precisely like those of the walls of the 
great fortress on Mount Chigri; the interior of the walls, as well as the 
interstices between the stones, being filled with small stones. Wherever 
the wall consists of square blocks, these are intersected at regular distances 
by long wedgelike blocks, which serve to consolidate them in their posi- 
tion. All the stones show the most evident marks of having been worked 
with an iron pick-hammer, and consequently cannot claim a very remote 
antiquity. Professor Virchow agrees with me in thinking that, although 
some parts of the walls may Belene to the sixth century B.c., yet hee far 
the larger part of them has been built in Macedonian times. 

In company with Professor Virchow and M. Burnouf, I also made an 
excursion through the Doumbrek valley to Mount Kara Your and Mount 
Oulou Dagh, the former of which is, according to M. Burnouf’s measure- 
ment, 209m. = 686 ft. above the level of the sea, and has hitherto had 
the honour of being identified with Mount Callicolone, mentioned twice 














































































































































































































































































































= 555: ἘΞ: 
~- Sy anh 





No. 15. The Plain of the Simois, seen from fie border of the Southern Swamp. To the left, the Heights between 
the Simois and the Hellespont; to the right, the Plateau between the Simois and the Thymbrius; in the back- 
ground, the Oulou Dagh. 


by Homer.?’ But, as the poet makes the war-god leap alternately from 
Ilium to Callicolone, and from Callicolone to Ilium, Professor Virchow 
considers it to be implied that Callicolone must be visible from Ilium ; 
and Mount Kara Your not fulfilling this condition, he identifies Mount 
Oulou Dagh with the Homeric Callicolone, this being the only other great 
height in the neighbourhood of the Simois; besides, Hissarlik and nearly 
every point of the Plain of Troy can be seen from this mount, which 18 
not the case with Mount Kara Your. Mount Oulou Dagh is, according to 
M. Burnouf’s measurement, 429-80 τη. =1409 ft. above the level of the sea. 

We also visited the ruins of the ancient town of Ophrynium, now 


Oise xx. 52.53 : and xx. 151: 
ὀξὺ κατ᾽ ἀκροτάτης πόλιος Τρώεσσι κελεύων ot δ᾽ ἑτέρωσε κάθιζον ἐπ᾽ ὀφρύσι Καλλικολώνης. 
ἄλλοτε πὰρ Σιμόεντι θέων ἐπὶ Καλλικολώνῃ" 


60 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY, [InTRop. 


Palaeo-Kastron, which stood between Cape Rhoeteum and the village 
of Ren Kioi, on a lofty height overhanging the Hellespont ; hence its 
name (from ὀφρύς). Its Acropolis is about the same size as Hissarlik. 
Remnants of the wall are visible on three sides, with traces of two 
towers; there was probably no wall on the fourth side, this being pro- 
tected by the precipice. Within the Acropolis are remains of several 
buildings. The lower town appears to have extended to the valley on 
the south side of the Acropolis, where several heaps of stones appear to 
mark the sites of houses; but all the fragments of pottery I could gather 
there and in the Acropolis are of the Hellenic period. As to the identity 
of the place with Ophrynium, the coins found on the spot leave no doubt. 
The site of Ophrynium is erroneously marked on Admiral Spratt’s map 
to the east of Ren Kioi, two miles distant from its real position. 

We also visited the rocky height opposite the Bali Dagh, on the east 
side of the Scamander. We found there on the north-west, north, north- 
east, east, and south-east sides of the summit large fragmentary walls, 
which, to judge from the huge heaps of stones on either side of them, 
appear to have had a height of 20 ft. or more; they consist of unwrought 
stones joined together with small ones. The largest blocks contained in 
the walls are 3ft. long, and about 1}ft.in breadth and height; but in 
general the stones are much smaller. Within the walls may be traced 
some foundations of houses. Many more foundations can be detected on 
the plateau below the summit as well as down the whole slope, where the 
lower city appears to have extended. ‘The hill runs in an almost vertical 
line on the south and west sides towards the Scamander. On account of 
the many inequalities of ground in the little Acropolis, as well as in the 
lower city, the rains have so completely swept away every vestige of 
artificial débris, that the bare rock everywhere protrudes, and no excava- 
tions are possible. In spite of the most careful examination, I could not 
find a single fragment of pottery either on the Acropolis or in the lower 
town. On the slope on the north side is a tumulus of loose stones, which 
has lost its conical shape The ruins of this ancient Acropolis and city 
are marked on Admiral Spratt’s map of 1840, but they had been indicated 
to him by Mr. Frank Calvert, who discovered them. 

I give here an extract from the speech which Professor Virchow made 
on his return to Berlin from his expedition to the Troad, before the 
Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Pre-historic Archeology, 
on the 20th of June, 1879 :— | 

“That part of the citadel-hill of Hissarlik in which the calcined ruins 
of the ‘burnt city’ were found had at the time of my departure from the 
Troad been cleared away, in a considerable number of places, down to the 
virgin soil. At one place we reached the rock itself, on which the most 
ancient city had been built: In the midst of the great trench Schliemann 
had left standing a mighty block, which, as long as it holds together, will 
indicate to visitors the original level of the surface. It forms a large 
quadrangular column, which rises between 8 and 9 metres (26 ft. 4 in. to 
29 ft. 7 in.) above the level of the ground on which the town-chief’s house 
stands. But below this latter level one may dig 6, 8, nay 10 metres 


61 


1879.] 













































































































































































































































































































































































VIRCHOW ON THE EXCAVATIONS. 





























No. 16. 


Troy as seen from the Hellenic Theatre. The Swamp to the right has been formed by the wat 
Novum Ilium. In the background to the right is the Plain of the Scamander. 















































































































































































































































































































































ers of the Simois and by those of the Springs below the Walls of 
View taken afier the excavations in 1879. 





18, 


. 


f all the strata of débr 


before penetrating through all 


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62 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Iyrrop., 


from the surface to the rock itself, amounts to nearly 20 mitres (66 ft.). 
Lhe whole of this depth consists of the remains of ancient habitations. 
There is nothing in or about it which could give the impression of having 
belonged to anything else. 

“Its situation is as follows: on the last spur of a tertiary mountain- 
ridge, which projects from the volcanic mountains on the east towards the 
Scamander, and rises perhaps 100 ft. above the plain, there has been 
heaped up a series of layers of débris, in which it is easy to recognize the | 
stratification of the settlements which have succeeded each other. These 
masses of débris have indeed grown to an incredible height. But the very 
circumstance, that perhaps nowhere else in the world has an accumulation 
of this kind been hitherto diseovered—-an accumulation consisting of such 
a mass of débris of successive settlements—proves that an extraordinarily 
long time must have elapsed from the foundation of the first settlement to 
the destruction of the last. Whatever opinion may be formed of the 
manner in which the successive buildings were constructed, for the masses 
of débris to have attained such a depth more time is undoubtedly needed 
than we are justified in accepting for the formation of the mounds of ruins 
at any other place whatever in the world. If one wishes to make a com- 
parison, at the best a certain parallel might be found in the Assyrian 
mounds, in which, owing to the great quantity of bricks that entered 
into their construction, the dissolving masses of clay have attained a 
very extraordinary bulk. A certain comparison is also presented by the 
excavations on the Palatine Mount at Nome. But the accumulations at 
Hissarlik are distinguished from all others by the fact, that there 
exists here a lurger series of successive heterogencous stratifications than in 
any other known spot; and these, by their whole nature and condition, 
testify to repeated changes in the population. Their duration cannot, 
indeed, be calculated by definite numbers of years; but we nevertheless 
gain a chronological basis from the enclosed material, which exists in 
rich abundance. 

‘“‘ How long the aforesaid block can resist the influences of the weather, 
I dare not say. At all events, it will for a long time to come give testi- 
mony, not only to the gigantic height of these masses of ruins, but also, 
a3 I believe, to the incredible energy of the man, who has with his own 
private means succeeded in removing such enormous masses of earth. If 
you could see what mounds of earth (in the full sense of the word) had 
to be dug away and removed, in order to have a view of the lower 
layers, you would indeed scarcely believe that a single man in the 
course of a few years could have accomplished so great an under- 
taking. On this occasion I would stand up for Schliemann against 
a reproach which, though plausible in itself, falls to the ground on 
closer consideration—the reproach that he has not excavated from 
the surface, layer by layer, so as to obtain a complete plan for each suc- 
cessive period. | 

“There is no doubt that the manner in which he has excavated, by 
making at once a large trench through the whole hill, has had, in the 
highest degree, a destructive effect on the upper layers. In those near the 


1879. ] VIRCHOW ON THE EXCAVATIONS. 63 


surface were portions of temples of the Hellenic period, columns, triglyphs, 
and all kinds of marble fragments, thrown together péle-méle. Neverthe- 
less, with great care and attention, such as that with which the excava- 
tions at Olympia are carried on, it might perhaps have been possible to 
have reconstructed a temple, at least in part. But Schliemann felt no 
interest in a temple belonging to a period far too late for him. I may also 
say that, after having seen a considerable proportion of the fragments, I 
doubt whether, if all had been brought together, an essential gain would 
have been contributed to the history of art or to science. I allow that it 
has been a kind of sacrilege. Schliemann has cut the temple (of Athené) 
right in two; the building material has been thrown aside and partly 
again buried; it will not be easy for any one, even with the largest expen- 
diture, to collect it again. But, undoubtedly, if Schliemann had proceeded 
in such a way as to remove the ruins stratum by stratum from the surface, 
he would, owing to the vastness of the task, not even to-day have reached 































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 17. Troy seen from the South-east side. This point of view has been taken from the Plateau between 
the Simois and the Thymbrius, above the Th:atre in Novum Ilium. View taken in 1879. 


the layers in which the principal objects were found. He only reached 
them by at once extracting the nucleus of the great hill. 

“The hill of Hissarlik has indeed increased, in the course of time, 
not only in height, but also in breadth and thickness, through the masses 
of débris removed and thrown aside by successive generations, in order 
to obtain a site on which they could build. Since the excavations in this 
direction have now been carried on systematically, chronological con- 
clusions may be drawn with the greatest precision from the accumulation 
of the débris, which show in the vertical trenches a series of stratifica- 
tions lying the one upon the other, and falling off obliquely. Such con- 
clusions could hardly have been arrived at, if the strata, which lie one 
upon the other, but do not always continue on the same level, had been 
simply taken off in succession. 

“Near the surface, we see in one place the foundations of the temple, 
in another the wall composed of regular layers of wrought stones of the 
Alexandrian time, the so-called wall of Lysimachus. Its situation is 
highly characteristic. In the vertical trenches made through the outer 


[InrrRop. 


NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. 


64 










































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































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~ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΕ SS. 
2 o = ——S———SSSSSS= SS Si! ἼΠῸ 
220 ΙΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞῚ᾽Ίι.:: : Ξ: 
Po Ξ. ΞΞΞΞΞΕΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ ΞΕ ΞΕ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΕΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ — Ss 
Ξ ΞΞ εἰ SSS ἼΞΞΞΞΞ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ = = SSS => ΕΞ a i  »@DaBLEUEpEppnh)’"™EhHE>aE>aE>E>EB]™DhhNhNh"hBE»"SpBSB5SSBSSE! 
------ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ = == === 2S === 
> —- =SSSS=—=_—_ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ ΞΕ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΕΕΞΞΞΞΞΞ 
= πὶ — —— aS SSS = 2222S 223 —= 
a om = = ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ = = Ξ SSS SS 
a3 = = = 
a = SSS ΞΞΞΞΞ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΕ Ξ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΕΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ = 
—— = ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ 
= Ρ" === 
GH 
= 8 
νος 
S44 
oS 
om | 
os es 
5 @ 
(2) 
eS 
oH 


over the slope of the hill. 











a ἢ 
& a 
= ee 
Ξ 5 
oa 
ae 
f= ὦ 
os 
— 
26 
aS 
Ἔ Ὁ 
a ὦ 
= 
® 
& Εἰ 
— 
oo FO 
ΞΕ 
-- 
ἮΙ ΤΣ 
ο 
ae 
~ 
x 
(2) 


which has been thrown down sideways 


erected : it does not stand up 


8 See the Section given in the chapter on the Greek Ilium. 


1879.] VIRCHOW ON THE EXCAVATIONS. 65 


is no rock at all below. It may thus be understood that the surface of 
the hill has manifestly increased in width from settlement to settlement. 
The circumference of the hill went on continually enlarging in the course 
of time. In this way it has increased to dimensions which, in height as well 
as in width, very far exceed those of the ‘burnt city.’ This latter forms, 
in the midst of the whole, a proportionately small central part. The 
successive cities became continually larger and larger, and extended their 
radius. Our attention was first called to this by our own work in order 
to bring to light the ‘burnt city.’ The débris was taken out from the 
midst, and carried to the side; but as the slope was here, it was carried 
through a trench, which had been cut radially through the hill, to the 
brink of the slope, and was there thrown over. Thus the mass of earth 
partly slid down the slope, and partly remained lying on it, while only 
the larger stones rolled down into the plain. By these means the hill 
visibly and continually increased, and, as seen from below, it appeared to 
be always growing larger and larger. It now looks, I believe, more stately 
than ever it did before. The various trenches and accumulations have 
given the hill the appearance of something which very much resembles a 
large fortress. The hill thus artificially excavated is now in the following 
condition. Apart from the single trenches, the exterior covering of the 
ancient hill still remains at its original height, whereas the interior is 
excavated. Standing on the circuit-walls, one looks down into a sort 
of large cauldron, at the bottom of which lies the ‘burnt city,’ with 
its walls and foundations visible as on a plan. In this way the visitor 
is in a position to become acquainted with the peculiar nature of the 
constructions. 

“This is in so far of great interest for those philologists who wish to 
investigate how far the indications of Homer agree with the existing con- 
ditions: for example, with reference to the course run three times round 
the city by Hector and Achilles. The question is no longer, as hitherto, 
about the whole hill of Hissarlik, but only about the central part of it, 
which really represents the ancient settlement. This latter is much 
smaller than the whole content and circumference of Hissarlik itself. I 
must, however, lay stress on the fact, that in comparison with the 
Acropolis on the Bali Dagh, even this smaller part would still represent a 
considerable town, which far exceeds the settlement on Bounarbashi.” 


As on my last journey to England and Germany I have heard it 
repeatedly stated that, carried away by ambition, I am ruining myself in 
my archeological explorations, to the prejudice of my children,’ who will 
be penniless after my death, I find it necessary to assure the reader that, ἢ 
although on account of my present scientific pursuits I am bound to keep 
aloof from all sorts of speculation and am compelled to content myself 
with a small interest on my capital, I still have a yearly income of £4000 
as the net proceeds of the rents of my four houses in Paris, and £6000 





5.1 have four children: a son, Sergius, born 1878, and daughter, Andromache, born in 1871, 
in 1855, and daughter, Nadeshda, born in 1861, by my second wife. 
by my first wife; and a son, Agamemnon, born in 


66 DESTINY OF THE COLLECTIONS. [Inrrop. 


interest on my funded property, making in all £10,000; whilst, inclusive 
of the large cost of my excavations, I do not spend more than £5000 a 
year, and am thus able to add £5000 annually to my capital. I trust, 
therefore, that on my death I shall leave to each of my children a fortune 
large enough to enable them to continue their father’s scientific explora- 
tions without ever touching their capital. I avail myself of this oppor- 
tunity to assure the reader that, as I love and worship science for its own 
sake, I shall never make a traffic of it. My large collections of Trojan 
antiquities have a value which cannot be calculated, but they shall never 
be sold. If Ido not present them in my lifetime, they shall at all events 
pass, in virtue of my last will, to the Museum of the nation I love and 
esteem most. 

I cannot conclude this introduction without expressing my warmest 
thanks to my honoured friends Mr. Frank Calvert, Consul of the United 
States of America; Mr. Paul Venizelos, Consul of Greece; Mr. Emilio 
Vitali, Consul of Italy; and Mr. Nicolaos Didymos, first dragoman and 
political agent of the Turkish Government at the Dardanelles, for all 
the kindness they have shown and all the valuable services they have 
rendered me during the long period of my excavations at Hissarlik. 
I also warmly thank my friends, Doctor F. Imhoof Blumer of Winterthur 
and Mr. Achilles Postolaccas, keeper of the National Collection of Coins 
at Athens: the former for the great kindness he has shown me in getting 
photographed for me all the different Ilian coins he had at his disposal ; 
the latter for the great friendship he has shown me in superintending the 
drawing of these coins, as well as of all the Ilian coins contained in the 
collection under his charge; also for the learned dissertation he has 
written for me on the Ilan coins and medals, which will appear in 
the chapter on Novum Ilium. 


CHAPTER I. 
THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS (οὗ Τρῶες). 


§ I. Tae Exrent or tue Trogan Lanp. Tue Troan (ἡ Tpeas, sc. γῆ). 


In interpreting the Homeric geography of the Troad, Strabo’ rightly 
says: “The coast of the Propontis extends from the district of Cyzicus, 
and the neighbourhood of the Aesepus and the Granicus, to Abydus and 
Sestus; the land around Ilium, and Tenedos, and Alexandria-Troas from 
Abydus to Lectum:? but above all these lies the mountain-range of Ida, 
which extends to Lectum. But from Lectum to the river Caicus* and 
(the promontory of) Canae there follows the country around Assos,‘ 
and Adramyttium, and Atarneus,® and Pitane,® and the Elaitic Gulf - 
opposite all of which stretches the island of the Lesbians: then follows 
immediately the district of Cyme, as far as the Hermus*® and Phocaea, 
which forms the beginning of Ionia and the end of Aeolis. Such being 
the localities, the poet gives us to understand that, from the district of 
the Aesepus and the present province of Cyzicene to the river Caicus, 
the Trojan rule extended, divided into eight or even nine parts, according 
to the dominions; but the mass of auxiliary troops is counted among 
the confederates.” 

Thus the Homeric Troad comprised the north-western part of the later 
Mysia, between the rivers Aesepus and Caicus: this is fully confirmed by 
the poet, who makes Achilles mention in conversation with Priam that 
Priam’s dominion comprises all that is bounded to the north-west (ἄνω) 
by Lesbos and to the north-east (καθύπερθεν) by Phrygia and the 
Hellespont. All the nations which inhabit this dominion are called 
Trojans (Τρῶες) by Homer, although he sometimes appears to designate 
under this name more especially the inhabitants of Ilium and its 
immediate environs. 





1 xiii. p. 581: "Awd δὲ τῆς Κυζικηνῆς καὶ τῶν 
περὶ Αἴσηπον τόπων καὶ Τράνικον, μέχρι ᾿Αβύδου 
καὶ Σηστοῦ, τὴν τῆς Προποντίδος παραλίαν εἶναι 
συμβαίνει" ἀπὸ δὲ ᾿Αβύδου μέχρι Λεκτοῦ τὰ περὶ 
Ἴλιον, καὶ Τένεδον, καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν τὴν Τρωάδα" 
πάντων δὴ τούτων ὑπέρκειται ἡ Ἴδη τὸ ρος, 
μέχρι Λεκτοῦ καθήκουσα" ἀπὸ Λεκτοῦ δὲ μέχρι 
Καΐκου ποταμοῦ καὶ τῶν Κανῶν λεγομένων ἐστὶ τὰ 
περὶ ἴΑσσον, καὶ ᾿Αδραμύττιον, καὶ ᾿Αταρνέα, καὶ 
Πιτάνην, καὶ toy ᾿Ελαϊτικὸν κόλπον" οἷς πᾶσιν 
ἀντιπαρήκει ἣ τῶν Λεσβίων νῆσος" εἶθ᾽ ἑξῆς τὰ 
περὶ Κύμην, μέχρις Ἕρμου καὶ Φωκαίας, ἥπερ 
ἀρχὴ μὲν τῆς ᾿Ιωνίας ἐστί, πέρας δὲ τῆς Αἰολίδος. 
Τοιούτων δὲ τῶν τόπων ὕντων, ὃ μὲν ποιητὴς 
ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ Αἴσηπον τόπων, καὶ τῶν περὶ τὴν 
νῦν Κυζικηνὴν χώραν, ὑπαγορεύει μάλιστα τοὺς 


Τρώας ἄρξαι μέχρι τοῦ Καΐκου ποταμοῦ διῃρημέ- 
νους κατὰ δυναστείας εἰς ὀκτὼ μερίδας, ἢ καὶ 
ἐννέα" τὸ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπικούρων πλῆθος ἐν 
τοῖς συμμάχοις διαριθμεῖται. 

2 Τὸ Λεκτόν, now called Cape Baba or Santa 
Maria. Here Heré, in company with Hypnos, 
first touches the Trojan land on her way to Ida 
(il. xiv. 283, 284: Ἴδην δ᾽ ἱκέσθην .. . Λεκτόν, 
ὅθι πρῶτυν λιπέτην ἅλα). 

3 Now Ak-Su, or Bochair, Bakir, Bacher. 

4 Now Behram or Bearahm. 

5 Now Dikeli Kioi. 

® Now Sanderli. 

7 Now the Gulf of Sanderli or of Fokia. 

8 This river is now called Gedis or Ghiediz 
Tschai. 


68 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuar. 1. 


We shall follow Buchholz ὃ in describing in the following order the 
eight or nine smaller dominions of which the Troad was composed :— 


I. Dominion of Pandarus,?° 
II. Dominion of Adrestus and Amphius.' 
III. Dominion of Asius.? 
IV. Dominion of Aeneas (Dardania).° 
VY. Dominion of Hector (Troy in the more narrow sense).‘ 


The following districts are further mentioned in Homer :— 


VI. Dominion of Altes (the Leleges).* 
VII. Dominion of the Cilicians, viz. - 
a. Dominion of EKétion.® 
b. Dominion of Mynes.’ 
6. Dominion of Eurypylus (the Ceteians).° 


§ II. Movunratns oF THE Troan. 


Mount Ina (ἡ Ἴδη, τὰ ᾿Ἰδαῖα ὄρη 5) still retains its ancient name. 
Its Homeric epithets are ὑψηλή (high 1), πολυπίδαξ (rich in fountains ”) ; 
and from its abundance of game it is also called the mother or 
nourisher of wild animals (μήτηρ θηρῶν ὅ). It extends through Western 
Mysia in many branches from south-west to north-east. On account of 
its manifold ramifications, it was compared by the ancients to a centipede 
(scolopendra).* One of its principal branches extends along the northern 
coast of the Gulf of Adramyttium, and runs out into the promontory of 
Lectum;* the other extends in a westerly direction along the river 
Aesepus, and terminates at the city of Zeleia:—“ those who inhabited 
Zeleia at the lowest foot of Ida.”°® In Ida rise the rivers Rhesus, 
Heptaporus, Caresus, Rhodius, Grenicus (Granicus), Aesepus, Scamander, 
and Simois:—‘ Then Poseidon and Apollo took counsel to destroy the 
wall, turning against it all the rivers that flow from the mountains of 
Ida into the sea—Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, Rhodius, Grenicus, and 
Aesepus, divine Scamander also and Simois.”’ As already stated, the 
highest summit of Ida is Mount Gargarus, now called Kaz Dagh, 5750 ft. 
above the level of the sea. On Gargarus was “a temenos sacred to Zeus, 





9. Homerische Kosmographie und Geographic, πρόποδας ἣ Ἴδη καὶ σκολοπενδρώδης οὖσα τὸ 


von Dr. E. Buchholz; Leipzig, 1871. σχήμαυ. os 
10 7]. ii, 824-827. 1 Jl. ii, 828 834. 5 Strabo, xiii. p. 605: 4 yap ἀπὸ τοῦ Λεκτοῦ 
2 Ti. ii. 835-839. 3 JI, ii. 819-823. ῥάχις ἀνατείνουσα mpos Thy Ἴδην ὑπέρκειται τῶν 
4 7|,. ii. 816-818. 5 Ji..xxi, 86, 87. πρώτων TOD κόλπου μερῶν, . « . 
6 71. vi. 396, 397 ; ii. 692. 6 71. ii, 824, 825: 
1 71} xix, 096, 8 Od. xi. 519-521. οἱ δὲ Ζέλειαν ἔναιον ὑπαὶ πόδα νείατον ἤ1δη5, 
© Jl. vii. 207: ant. 18: ἀφνειοί, πίνοντες ὕδωρ μέλαν Αἰσήποιο, . . . 
10 TJ]. viii. 170. 7 Tl. xii. 17-22: 
1 J]. xiv. 293: Ἴδης ὑψηλῆς. δὴ τότε μητιόωντο Ποσειδάων καὶ ᾿Απόλλων 
2 Jl. viii. 47; xiv. 157, 283, 307; xv. 1561; τεῖχος ἀμαλδῦναι, ποταμῶν μενος εἰσαγαγόντες 
ΧΣ, 59,.218.; ΧΥΙΣ aw, ὕσσοι am ᾿Ιδαίων ὀρέων ἅλαδε προρέουσιν, 
3 Tl. viii. 47: Ῥῆσός θ᾽ Ἑπτάπορός τε Kapnods τε Ῥοδίος τε 
“Tony δ᾽ ἵκανεν πολυπίδακα μητέρα θηρῶν, -.. Γρήνικός τε καὶ Αἴσηπος δῖός τε Σκάμανδρος 


ey r \ / 
4 Strabo, xiii, p. 583: πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἔχουσα καὶ Σιμόεις, ὅθι πολλὰ βοάγρια καὶ τρυφάλειαι. 


§ 16} MOUNTAINS—-MOUNT IDA. 69 


and a fragrant altar.”* Mount Gargarus is further mentioned three 
times by Homer.® 

According to P. Barker Webb,’’ the summit of Gargarus consists of 
actinolithic schist, nearly all the rest of the mountain being of mica- 
schist. This schist is accompanied by immense deposits of primitive 
white compact calcareous rock. Here are the sources of the Scamander, 
which, as I have related above, I visited in company with Professor 
Virchow. According to Webb, travellers have penetrated for a distance 
of 200 métres (658 ft.) into the cavern, from which the principal source 
dashes forth, without reaching its fountain. Tchihatcheff’s measurements? 
make the sources 650 metres (2138 ft.) above the level of the sea. The 
mica-schist of Gargarus has a somewhat greenish colour; it sometimes 
contains a little asbestus. In the lower part of the mountain this schist 
assumes a different aspect; and under its new form, which is that of the 
true mica-schist, it extends exclusively from the top of Gargarus as far 
as the village of Saliklar Kioi. This primitive rock extends to the plain 
on the north side of the river, where the hills have some elevation. 

Turning now to the South, we see a country very different from that 
we have just left. Alexandria-Troas is built on an ashy syenite, com- 
posed of the three usual elements, among which the felspar predomi- 
nates ; it gives its colour to the whole mass, in spite of a quantity of 
crystals of blackish mica. The syenite extends through the whole 
country to the east of Alexandria-Troas, as far as Iné or Ené. The valley 
of Ligia Hammam is formed of schist surrounded on all sides by syenite. 
Between Kemalli and Iné are the silver mines already referred to. 
P. Barker Webb goes on to say: “Descending the hill about 200 metres, 
-we found ourselves on a volcanic tufa, which was succeeded at first by 
columns of phonolith, and then by trachyte, as far as Iné. Ata distance 
of two hours from Iné the syenite meets a series of trap and basaltic 
rocks. Not far from Iné is the curious conical hill called Iné Tepeh, 
or Suran Tepeh, which has been thought by some to be an artificial 
tumulus; but in reality it is nothing else than an isolated mass of 
basalt, which rises abruptly in the midst of the plain. The valley of 
Beiramich, as well as the other valleys which converge there, are com- 
posed of the secondary limestone of the Troad. Several chains of hills 
penetrate into it towards the south; they consist entirely of basaltic or 
trap rock, and rise from the great centre of ancient volcanoes around 
Assos. The largest of the lateral valleys is that of Aiwadjik, already 
mentioned, three hours to the south-west of Beiramich. About halfway 





8 7]. viii. 48: (Heré quickly ascended Gargarus, the summit of 
Γάργαρον, ἔνθα τέ of (Zvi) τέμενυς βωμός te lofty Ida.) 
θυήεις. Xiv, op2* 


9. Ti. xv. 152, 153: 
εὗρον δ᾽ εὐρύοπα Κρονίδην ἀνὰ Γαργάρῳ ἄκρῳ 
ἥμενον. 
(They found the wide-thundering son of Kronos 
enthroned on the peak of Gargarus.) 

xiv. 292, 293; 
Ἥρη δὲ κραιπνῶς προσεβήσετο Γάργαρον ἄκρον 
Ἴδης ὑψηλῆς " 


ὧς ὃ μὲν ἀτρέμας εὗδε πατὴρ ἀνὰ Γαργάρῳ ἄκρῳ, 
. . « (So he the father slept quietly on the height 
of Gargarus.) 

10 Topographie de la Troade ancienne et mo- 
derne ; Paris, 1844, p. 129. 

1 Asie Mineure: Description physique, stati- 
stique, et archéologiyue de cette contree ; Paris, 
1853-69, pt. i. 


τ THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuar. 1. 


between the two towns rises a beautiful conical hill called Kara-Euli, 
which stands isolated in the plain. Its sides, which resemble walls, are 
formed of basaltic columns, presenting to the eye a thousand elegant 
shapes. Having passed the mountain, we had before and around us 
a thousand varieties of trachyte and other rocks of igneous origin, with 
volcanic agglomerations and tufa. Sometimes pretty large masses of 
hardened schistose clay alternate, striated with variegated colours, in 
company with jasper and jaspoide thermantide. Aiwadjik is built on a 
height of volcanic rock, and its walls are composed of the same material. 
Among the stones of the walls we noticed a very strange white tufa, 
which was probably cut from a neighbouring quarry. Wherever we 
looked, the country appeared to have been overturned by the action 
of ancient volcanoes until we arrived at Assos. At Mantasha, distant 
an hour from Assos, on the road to Aiwadjik, the ruins of a castle may be 
seen on the top of a small hill, which has the appearance of an extinct 
volcano. We also noticed towards the sea a current of trachyte lava of 
considerable length. As tufas and conglomerates are found there, it is 
highly probable that it was a submarine volcano, whose scoriae, ashes, and 
pumice-stone have been carried away by the water. We nevertheless 
felt a great pleasure in still observing volcanic remains and erratic 
masses of obsidian strewn here and there on the surface of the current. 
The summit on which Assos is situated is a spur of that of Mantasha, 
though the former is much higher and occupies a much greater space. 
From the top, where we now see the ruins of the citadel of Assos, 
currents of trachyte extend in various directions, similar to those at 
Nemi, near Rome, principally in the direction of Adramyttium. This 
country also recals to mind, though on a larger scale, the volcanic 
hill of Radicofani in Tuscany; and the resemblance was increased by 
our finding in the rock the mineral which Thomson calls florzte, and 
which by the German mineralogists is termed hyalite. Though the 
volcano is no longer active, we saw evident signs of internal subver- 
sions of the soil and of the frequent earthquakes which ravage this 
country.”? 

“In the Troad there is no primordial volcanic formation; the principal 
part of the volcanic districts is situated in the south. We find there 
at every step thermal fountains and an abundance of salt-water springs, 
the intimate relation of which to the phenomena of volcanic eruptions 
has been so often observed by geologists; nay, these hot springs are 
so numerous, that the vapours produced by the hot water have made 
some authors say that they spread a thick cloud as far as the extremity 
of the Gulf of Adramyttium.”* “The lowlands, and that part which is 
properly called the Plain of Troy, are interrupted by frequent elevations, 
we might almost say by slight undulations of the ground, formed by 
the spurs of Mount Ida, which terminate imperceptibly on the sea-coast. 
Towards Dardania and Cebrenia, the mountainous ridges of Ida rise one 





2 P, Barker Webb, Topogr. de la Troade; Paris, 1844, pp. 135-137. 
3 Ibid., p. 129. 


§ IL] OULOU DAGH—CALLICOLONE. G1 


above the other, covered with pine-trees. The basaltic rocks of the 
Bali Dagh attach these ridges to the syenite mountains behind Alex- 
andria-Troas, in the midst of which rise those conical masses which are 
visible to so great a distance at sea.” * 

Between the two affluents of the Simois, which meet at the village of 
Doumbrek, there is, according to the investigations of Professor Virchow 
and M. Burnouf, an extensive mass of diluvium, composed of quartz, 
diorite, serpentine, trachyte, &c., more or less rounded. The vegetation 
consists principally of arbutus, andrachnés, and pines, which increase in 
size with the height of the mountain ridges. There is a group of tangled 
heights formed of quartzose mica-schist, where the pines are of noble 
dimensions. There is a rivulet in every dale. The dales become more 
and more hollow, and it is difficult to advance owing to the shrubs which 
cover the slopes. The Oulow Dagh is now reached; it is a long ridge, 
belonging to a range of Ida, whose height is 429 80 m. = 1409 ft. 
The Oulou Dagh consists essentially of a somewhat laminated serpentine : 
on its roundish conical surface we see many steeply-raised enormous 
masses of snow-white quartz and brown ferruginous quartzite, which lie 
pretty accurately in the direction of north and south. The mountain- 
ridge maintains this character as far as the Kara Your; only from hence 
the ridge extending towards Chiblak and Hissarlik consists of tertiary 
limestone. 

From the Oulou Dagh may be seen to the west a large part of the 
Troad, Ida, Lesbos, the Kara Dagh, the islands of Tenedos, Imbros, and 
Samothrace, the Plain of Troy, Hissarlik, and the confluence of the 
Simois and Scamander. The descent is easy by the mountain ridge; there 
is a good road through the pines, which form here and there beautiful 
tufts. These woods are now cultivated for sale Py Turcomans, whose 
graves may be seen here and there. 

Following the ridge, the Kara Your is reached. This mountain, 
which is 209 metres = 686 ft. high, forms the eastern extremity of the 
plateau which separates the basin of the Simois from that of the Thym- 
brius. From the Kara Your we enjoy a fine view over the basin of the 
Thymbrius as far as the heights of Bounarbashi, with all its undulations ; 
but Hissarlik is not visible from hence. 

I may here remind the reader that Mount Kara Your has hitherto 
been held to be identical with the Homeric Callicolone; but that, as 
Troy is not visible from it, I have now, at the suggestion of Professor 
Virchow, and in accordance with Burnouf’s view, transferred that honour 
to the Oulou Dagh, which fulfils this apparently indispensable condition. 
I must however remark that Strabo, on the authority of Demetrius of 
Scepsis, evidently believed in the identity of the Kara Your with the 
Homeric Callicolone, for he states it to be only 5 stadia from the Simois 
and 10 stadia from ᾿[λιέων Κώμη, which distances perfectly agree with 
the situation of the Kara Your, but not with that of the Oulou Dagh.? 





* P. Barker Webb, op. cit. p. 129. λόφος Tis, παρ᾽ ὃν ὃ Σιμόεις ῥεῖ, πενταστάξιον 
5 Strabo, xiii. p. 597: ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς ᾿Ιλιίέων διέχων. 
ῶμης δέκα σταδίοις ἐστὶν ἡ Ιζαλλικολώνη, I remind the reader, once for all, that the 


{2 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap, I, 


Professor Virchow, moreover, pointed out to me on the Kara Your the 
foundations of an ancient building, perhaps a temple, whereas there are 
no traces of buildings on the Oulou Dagh. 

The plateau between Kara Your and the village of Chiblak is desert, 
uncultivated, destitute of wood, and full of ravines. Here and there are 
some bushes on a sort of very meagre prairie. In proportion as you 
advance to the west the soil becomes limestone; but the vegetation is the 
same, except the pines, which cease with the schist. 


Of Promontories, I have in the first place to mention Cape Lectum, 
opposite. Lesbos, which is the westernmost peak of Ida, and the extreme 
southern point of the Trojan dominion. In Strabo’s time the altar was 
still shown here, which, according to tradition, had been erected by 
Agamemnon to the twelve. gods;® but this very mention of a definite 
number of the gods shows that its origin must belong to a later period. 
Here, as before stated, Heré, in company with Hypnos, on their way to 
Mount Gargarus, first reached the Trojan shore.’ It is also mentioned 
by Herodotus.* 

Next comes the famous Cape Sigeum, which forms the north-western 
point of all Asia, at the entrance of the Hellespont, opposite to the city of 
Eleusa on the southern extremity of the Thracian Chersonesus. It is now 
called Cape Yeni Shehr. According to M. Burnouf’s measurement, the 
height of Cape Sigeum is 77°20 metres = 252 ft. above the level of the 
sea. On this cape (and not, as is erroneously shown on Admiral Spratt’s 
map, on the high plateau to the $.S.W. of it) was situated the ancient 
city of Sigeum: in the first-place because there is here an accumulation 
of ancient débris 6 ft. deep, whereas there is none at all on the neigh- 
bouring plateau; and secondly because Sigeum had a port, which did in 
fact exist immediately to the east of the promontory, whilst there is none 
at the foot of the plateau. The city was destroyed by the Ilians soon after 
the overthrow of the Persian empire, and it no longer existed in Strabo’s 
time.® Like the whole ridge of which it forms the north-eastern extremity, 
this promontory consists of limestone, and falls off very abruptly towards 
the sea. It is now crowned by the village of Yeni Shehr, which is 
inhabited exclusively by Christians, and stands on the débris and ruins 
of the ancient city of Sigeum. 

In a direct line to the east of Cape Sigeum is Cape Rhoeteum, now 
called In Tepeh, on the Hellespont. The distance between these two 
promontories is, according to Strabo,’® 60 stadia; but this is one of the 


stadium of 600 Greek feet was the tenth part of 
the English geographical mile. In other words, 
10 stadia = 1 geog. mile = 1 minute of a degree 








® Mela, i. 18. 3; Plin. H. WN. v. 33; Serv. 
ad Aen. ii, 312; τὸ Σίγειον, Herod. v. 65, 94; 
Thucyd. viii. 101; Strabo, xiii. p. 595; Ptol 


at the Equator. 

° Strabo, xiii. p. 605: ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ Λεκτῷ βωμὸς 
τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν δείκνυται, καλοῦσι δ᾽ ᾿Αγαμέμ- 
vovos ἵδρυμα: 

7 Il. xiv. 283, 284: 

“lonv 8 teéoOny. wowed s ule ne 
Λεκτόν, ὅθι πρῶτον λιπέτην ἅλα: 
Βχ; 114, 


y. 23; Steph. Byz. p. ὅ97. Strabo, xiii. p. 603, 
calls it also  Svyelas ἄκρα. The town τὸ Σίγειον 
is also called Siyn by Hecataeus, p. 208; Scylax, 
Ρ. 90. 

10 xiii, p. 595: ἔστι δὲ τὸ μῆκος τῆς παρα- 
λίας ταύτης ἀπὸ τοῦ Ῥοιτείου μέχρι Σιγείου καὶ 
τοῦ ᾿Αχιλλέως μνήματος εὐθυπλοούντων ἑξήκοντα 
σταδίων. 


§ III.) RIVERS OF THE TROAD. 73 


many proofs that the geographer never visited the Troad, the real distance 
being only 30 stadia, which is given by Pliny.’ On this cape formerly 
stood the town of Rhoeteum (τὸ 'Ροίτειον)." It is not a promontory in the 
proper sense of the word, but an elevated rocky shore with several peaks, 
of which the highest, according to M. Burnouf’s measurement, is only 
168 ft. high. For this reason it is also called by Antipater Sidonius 
, Ῥουτηΐδες ἀκταί It is spoken of as the “ Rhoetea litora” by Virgil. 
Rhoeteum is also mentioned by Livy.® On a lower peak of this pro- 
montory is the tumulus attributed by tradition to Ajax, of which I shall 
treat hereafter. It deserves particular notice that the names of the two 
capes, Σίγειον and Ῥοίτειον, do not occur in Homer, and that he only 
once mentions them where we read that, although the sea-shore was 
broad, yet it could not contain all the ships, and the people were 
crowded; they had therefore drawn them up in rows, and had filled 
the long mouth of the whole shore as far as it was enclosed by the 
promontories.® 
ὃ TIT. Rivers or toe Troan. 

(a) The Simots (ὁ Σιμόεις), now called Doumbrek Su, rises, according 
to Homer, on Mount Ida, but more precisely on the Cotylus. Virchow,' 
who investigated this river together with me, writes of this river as 
follows: “In its beginning it is a fresh mountain-brook. Its sources lie 
eastward of the wooded mountains of the Oulou Dagh. From numerous 
little watercourses, which partly bubble forth from the rock, and some of 
which form little torrents, two rivulets are at first formed. The larger 
and longer of them flows in a valley gap, between a prominent spur of the 
Oulou Dagh, separated from the principal mount by a deep, green meadow 
valley, and a spur of the tertiary mountain ridge, which descends from 
Ren Kioi towards Halil Eh, nearly parallel with the ridge of Rhoeteum. 
The shorter and more southerly rivulet gathers the water from the Kara 
Your and the mountain ridge which joins it to the Oulou Dagh. Both 
rivulets join not far above Doumbrek Kioi and form the Doumbrek Su 
(Simois), which is midway between a small river and a large rivulet. Its 
bed, which is deeply cut throughout, and proceeds now in shorter, now in 
longer windings, is at Doumbrek perhaps from 12 to 30 yards wide; but 
on the 11th of April the water covered only part of the bottom of this 
bed, and nowhere did its depth exceed 6 inches. We could wade through 
it without any difficulty. The current is rapid; the bottom is covered 
with small pebbles, now and then also with somewhat larger rounded 
stones from the Oulou Dagh.* The valley itself is small, but very fertile. 





1H. N. v. 33: “fuit et Aeantium, a Rhodiis 
conditum, in altero cornu, Ajace ibi sepulto, xxx. 
stad. intervallo a Sigeo.” 

2 Herodot. vii. 43; Scylax, p. 35; Steph. 
Byz..p. 977 > Melay i. 18.5; Plin. H.N.,y. 33; 
Thucyd. iv. 52, viii. 101. 

% Anthol. Gr. ii. p. 24, ed. Jacobs; i. p. 254, 
No. 146, ed. Tauchnitz. 

2) Aen, vi. 595, and Plin. . WN. v. 33. 

Δ σσυ 97. 

ΟΠ εἰν. 99.806: 


οὐδὲ yap οὐδ᾽ εὐρύς περ᾽ 


ἐὼν ἐδυνήσατο πάσας 


3 an / 
αἰγιαλὸς νῆας χαδέειν, στείνοντο δὲ λαοί: 

lal ΄ « ͵ 
τῷ ῥα προκρόσσας ἔρυσαν, καὶ πλῆσαν ἁπάσης 

a. εἴ i “7 
ἠϊόνος στόμα μακρόν, ὅσον συνεέργαθον ἄκραι. 

1 Beitrége zur Landeskui de der Troas, pp. 
92-96. 

8 In the celebrated passage where the Sca- 
mander summons the Simois to battle against 
Achilles, it is said (Τ᾽. xxi. 311-314): 

Ἂ ΓᾺ UY / Neos / ΓΝ. 

ἀλλ᾽ ἐπάμυνε τάχιστα, καὶ ἐμπίπληθι ῥέεθρα 

“ > f J 59 Vk > , 
ὕδατος ἐκ πηγέων, πάντας δ᾽ ὑρόθυνον ἐναύλους, 
«“ A 7 a \ 2.5 "ἢ 

ἵστη δὲ μέγα κῦμα, πολὺν δ᾽ ὀρυμαγδὸν ὄρινε 
φιτρῶν καὶ λάων, ἵνα παύσομεν ἄγριον ἄνδρα. - 


74 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Caap. I. 


If we then pass the mountain ridge which crosses the valley below Doum- 
brek Kioi, and descend on its gradually sloping west side to the region of 
Halil Eh, which abounds with trees and fruit, we find the little river 
scarcely larger at this village. Here also we ride through it without the 
horses’ feet getting wet above the ankles. The clearness of the water 
permits us to see the bottom covered with small pebbles and gravel. At 
a short distance below the village, which is situated on its right bank, 
the little river divides into two arms. The right or northern arm, after 
having received the ‘ Rain-brook of Ren Kioi,’—a very small and incon- 
siderable rivulet, which has only an intermittent flow of water ,—forms 
a large swamp in which it disappears. On the other hand, the ‘left or 
southern arm approaches more and more to the mountain ridge which ex- 
dends from Kara Your past Chiblak towards Hissarlik, and it flows pretty 
near the lower edge of its slope. At first, as long as it flows through the 
‘Plain,’ it has a somewhat deeper bed, whose banks are frequently under- 
mined and fall off every here and there 5 or 6 ft.; its breadth varies, but 
it hardly anywhere exceeds 20 ft. Here and there groups of willows and 
other bushes grow on the bank and on small islands in the river-bed; a 
rich vegetation of shrubs, especially of tamarisks and Vitex agnus-castus,® 
extends along its banks. But further on, in proportion as the little river 
approaches the foot of the mountain ridge, it divides into more and more 
arms, whose course, as one easily sees, must be very irregular. One after 
the other disappears in the large and deep swamp, which, connected at 
many points with the northern swamp, extends as far as the foot of His- 
sarlik, and occupies the larger part of the so-called Plain of the Simois. 
Whilst the ramification of by-rivulets and their disappearance in the great 
Swamp causes a continual diminution of the volume of running water, 
there nevertheless still remains a ‘main arm,’ which continues its course 
along the ridge. We could still follow it up along the three springs of 
Troy, though it was there reduced to a little rivulet of 4 to 5 paces in 
breadth, and with an insignificant, though still rapid, current. Of these 
three springs, all of which are marked on our Map of the Troad, the first, 
which runs from a stone-enclosure and has a temperature of 14“ Ὁ Celsius 
= 58°28 Fahr., is immediately below the ruins of the ancient city wall. 
The second, whose stone-enclosure is destroyed, and a third, with a 
well- ipresetved stone-enclosure and a double outlet, having a temperature 
of 148 to 15° Celsius=57°'74 to 59° Fahr., are within a quarter of a 
mile from the first spring. 

“At the west end of the great swamp formed by the waters of the 
Simois, a short stream gathers again, and pours into the Kalifatli Asmak. 
The spot where the gathering of the water takes place is pretty nearly in 
a straight line drawn from Hissarlik to the In Tepeh Asmak; that is to 
say, at the point on the western edge of the swamp which is farthest from 
Hissarlik. Apparently without any preparation, there is almost immedi- 
ately a large broad river-bed, with many windings, between steep banks 
from 6 to 8 ft. high ; this river-bed is interrupted by numerous islands, 





9 ἄγνος = ἄγονος means sine semine (Theo- αὐτῆς εὔτονον (Dioscorides). See Od. ix. 427; 
phrast. i. p. 264). In the Zliad (xi. 105) the x. 166. Hymn. ad Dionys. 13, ed. Miquel, 
shrub is called λύγος. διὰ τὸν περὶ Tes ῥάβδους Ρ. 37. 





§ TIL.) RIVERS—THE SIMOIS. Ta 


but every here and there it is pretty deep. After a course of scarcely 
10 minutes the stream empties into the eastern bend of the Kalifatli 
Asmak, a little above the place where an artificial ditch leads from the 
Kalifatli Asmak to the In Tepeh Asmak, above a stone bridge which here 
spans the Kalifatli Asmak in the direction of Koum Kioi. No water can 
flow through the ditch except during the inundations.” 

The Simois is mentioned seven times in the Ldiud. Thus the poet Says : 
“ But when they (Heré and Athené) approached Troy and the two flowing 
streams, where the Simois and Scamander mingle their currents, there 
Heré, the white-armed goddess, stopped the horses, releasing them from 
the chariot, and she poured a thick cloud around them, and the Simois 
sprouted ambrosia for their pasture.”*® Again: “Simois also, where many 
ox-hide shields and crested helms fell down in the dust.” * Again: “ Black 
as a storm, Ares cried on the other side, now shouting shrilly to the 
Trojans from the citadel, now running along the Simois unto Calli- 
colone.’* Again: “ He (Scamander) grew yet more furious against 
the son of Peleus, and, lifting high the crested wave of (his) stream, 
shouted to the Simois.’* Again: ‘“ Descending from Ida along the 
banks of the Simois.”* Lastly: “The dread battle-shout of Trojans 
and Achaeans was left alone; and many times did the fight sway hither 
and thither over the plain, as they pointed against each other their 
brazen spears between Simois and the floods of Xanthus.”° The river 
is also mentioned by Aeschylus,° Ptolemy,’ Stephanus Byzantinus,* 
Mela,® Pliny,’ Horace,’ Propertius,? and Virgil.’ 

The identity of this river with the Simois of Homer is confirmed by 
Strabo,* who states, on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis : 

“From the mountains of Ida two ridges advance to the sea, the one 


Bd. ν. 779.-.-- 10: 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ Τροίην ikov ποταμώ τε ῥέοντε, 
ἧχι ῥοὰς Σιμόεις συμβάλλετον ἠδὲ Σκάμανδρος 
ἔνθ᾽ ἵππους ἔστησε θεὰ λευκώλενος “Ἥρη 
λύσασ᾽ ἐξ ὀχέων, περὶ δ᾽ ἠέρα πουλὺν ἔχευεν" 


τοὺς τόπους ᾿Ιδαίας ὀρεινῆς δύο φησὶν ἀγκῶνας 

ἐκτείνεσθαι πρὸς θάλατταν, τὸν μὲν εὐθὺ Ῥοι- 
7 \ , ~ SS ~ 

τείου Toy δὲ Σιγείου, ποιοῦντας ἐξ ἀμφοῖν ypap- 

μὴν ἡμικυκλιώδη" τελευτᾷν δ᾽ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, 

τοσοῦτον ἀπέχοντας τῆς θαλάττης ὅσον τὸ νῦν 

Ἴλιον. 


ὙΠ xii, 22, 23: 
καὶ Σιμόεις, ὅθι πολλὰ βοάγρια καὶ τρυφάλειαι 
κάππεσον ἐν κονίῃσι . .. 

SNIEGK. D2 OS * 
ὑξὺ κατ᾽ ἀκροτάτης πόλιος Τρώεσσι κελεύων, 
ἄλλοτε πὰρ Σιμόεντι θέων ἐπὶ Καλλικολώνῃ. 

3 Jl. xxi. 305-307 : 

ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι μᾶλλον 

χώετο Πηλεΐωνι, κόρυσσε δὲ κῦμα ῥόοιο 
ὑψόσ᾽ ἀειρόμενος, Σιμόεντι δὲ κέκλετ᾽ ἀΐσας. .. 

ΞΕ 1. iv. 475: 
“lin fev κατιοῦσα παρ᾽ ὄχθησι Σιμόεντος. .. 

a 77: νἹ. .1.Ξ4Ὁ: 
Τρώων δ᾽ οἰώθη καὶ ᾿Αχαιῶν φύλοπις αἰνή" 
πολλὰ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθ᾽ ἴθυσε μάχη πεδίοιο, 
ἀλλήλων ἰθυνομένων χαλκήρεα δοῦρα, 
μεσσηγὺς Σιμόεντος ἰδὲ Ξάνθοιο ῥοάων. 

δ᾽ Agamemnon, v. 696, ed. Tauchnitz. 

DTN Be, Be SP. 601; 9 19: 

ΝΥ 95. > kpod. 18. 2]. 5. ἢ. 1. 27. 

3 Aen. i. 618; v. 262, 473. 


4 Strabo, xiii, p. 597: ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς κατὰ 


τοῦτο μὲν δὴ μεταξὺ τῆς τελευτῆς TOV 
λεχθέντων ἀγκώνων εἶναι, τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν κτίσμα 
μεταξὺ τῆς ἀρχῆς᾽ ἀπολαμβάνεσθαι δ᾽ ἐντὸς 
τό τε Σιμοείσιον πεδίον δι᾽ οὗ 6 Σιμόεις φέρεται, 
καὶ τὸ Σκαμάνδριον δι’ οὗ Σκάμανδρος ῥεῖ. τοῦτο 
δὲ καὶ ἰδίως Τρωϊκὸν λέγεται, καὶ τοὺς πλείστους 
ἀγῶνας 6 ποιητὴς ἐνταῦθα ἀποδίδωσι" πλατύτε- 
ρον γάρ ἐστι, καὶ τοὺς ὀνομαζομένους τόπους 
ἐνταῦθα δεικνυμένους ὁρῶμεν, τὸν ἐρινεόν, τὸν 
τοῦ Αἰσνήτου τάφον, τὴν Βατίειαν, τὸ τοῦ Ἴλου 
σῆμα. οἱ δὲ ποταμοὶ ὅ τε Σκάμανδρος καὶ ὃ 
Σιμόεις, ὃ μὲν τῷ Σιγείῳ πλησιάσας ὃ δὲ τῷ 
Ῥοιτείῳ, μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ νῦν Ἰλίου συμ- 
βάλλουσιν, εἶτ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ Σίγειον ἐκδιδόασι καὶ 
ποιοῦσι τὴν στομαλίμνην καλουμένην. διείργει 
δ᾽ ἑκάτερον τῶν λεχθέντων πεδίων ἀπὸ θατέρου 
μέγας τις αὐχὴν τῶν εἰρημένων ἀγκώνων ἐπ᾽ 
εὐθείας, ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν Ἰλίου τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχων 
συμφυὴς αὐτῷ, τεινόμενος δ᾽ ἕως τῆς Κεβρη- 
νίας καὶ ἀποτελῶν τὸ Ε γράμμα πρὸς τοὺς 
ἑκατέρωθεν ἀγκῶνα. 


76 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


terminating in the promontory of Rhoeteum, the other in that of Sigeum ; 
they form with it a semicircle, but terminate in the Plain at the same 
distance from the sea as Novum Ilium. This city, therefore, lies between 
the two extremities of the ridges already named, but the ancient town 
between their starting-points ; but the inner space comprises as well the 
Plain of the Simois, through which the Simois flows, as the Plain of the 
Scamander, through which the Scamander flows. The latter is properly 
called the Trojan Plain, and the poet makes it the theatre of most of the 
battles ; for it is broader, and here we see the places mentioned by the 
poet,—the fig hill, the tomb of Aesyetes, the Batieia, and the tumulus of 
Tlus. But the rivers Scamander and Simois, of which the one approaches 
‘Sigeum, the other Rhoeteum, join at a short distance below Ilium, and 
discharge near Sigeum, where they form the so-called Stomalimne. The 
two above-mentioned plains are separated by a long neck of land, which 
issues directly from the two ridges already named; beginning from the 
projection on which Novum Ilium is situated, and attaching itself to it 
(συμφυὴς αὐτῷ), this neck of land advances (southward) to join Cebrenia, 
thus forming with the two other chains the letter €.” 

The description of Pliny® agrees with that of Strabo: “dein portus 
Achaeorum, in quem influit Xanthus Simoenti junctus: stagnumque prius 
faciens Palaescamander.” 

The identity of this river with the Homeric Simois is further con- 
firmed by Virgil, who tells us that Andromache, after Hector’s death, 
had again married Helenus, another son of Priam, who became king 


of Chaonia : 
“ Ante urbem in luco falsi Simoentis ad undam 
Libabat cineri Andromache, Manesque vocabat 
Hectoreum ad tumulum, viridi quem cespite inanem 
Et geminas causam lacrymis sacraverat aras.” δ 


Thus Hector’s tomb was in a grove near the Simois; but, according to 
Strabo,’ Hector’s tomb was in a grove at Ophrynium, and this is also 
confirmed by Lycophron in his Cassandra. But Ophrynium is in close 
proximity to the river of which we are now speaking, and which, from 
this and all other testimonies, can be none other than the Simois. 

As the present name of the Simois, Dowmbrek, is believed not to be a 
Turkish word, some take it for a corruption of the name 'Thymbrius, and 
use it to prove that the river—which runs through the north-eastern 
valley of the Plain of Troy, and falls into the Kalifatli Asmak (the ancient 
bed of the Scamander) in front of Ilium—is the Thymbrius, and cannot 
possibly be the Simois. 

To this I reply, that there is no example of a Greek word ending in os 
being rendered in Turkish by a word ending in 4; further that Doumbrek 


must certainly be a corruption of the two Turkish words as ἘΠΕ 


Don barek. Don signifies “ice,” and barek “ possession” or “ habitation :” 
the two words therefore mean much the same thing as “ containing ice,” 








5 H. ΝΥ σα 8 Aeneid. iii. 302-305. 
’ xiii, p. 595: πλησίον δ᾽ ἐστὶ τὸ ᾿Οφρύνιον, ep’ ᾧ τὸ τοῦ Ἕκτορος ἄλσος ἐν TEpipaver τόπῳ" 


§ II.] RIVERS—THE THYMBRIUS. TU 


and the name might be explained by the fact, that the inundations caused 
by the Simois are frequently frozen over in winter, when the whole 
north-eastern plain forms a sheet of ice. 

But if in classical times this river was called Simois, there can be no 
doubt whatever of its identity with the Homeric Simois, because—as 
MacLaren ® justly observes—in all parts of the world rivers have preserved 
their names with wonderful persistency in the midst of linguistic change 
and political revolution. An ancient name may indeed be lost, but, if it 
still exists, it would be difficult to conceive how it could possibly be 
transferred from one river to another. 

No ford of the Simois is mentioned in the Iliad, though the armies 
must have passed the river constantly in marching to or from the plain 
between this river and the Scamander, where all the battles were fought. 
But though the Simois may perhaps have had a slightly larger quantity 
of water in ancient times, before the invention of water-mills, it can 
never have been of much consequence. Therefore, there was no need to 
speak of a ford. 

(b) The Thymbrius, called ὁ Θύμβριος by Strabo * and Eustathius,"® is 
a small river, which originates in the immediate vicinity of Mount Kara 
Your, and receives the drainage of ten or twelve valleys, pouring at a 
right angle into the Scamander opposite Bounarbashi. Its present name 
is Kemar Su, from the Greek word καμάρα (vault), and the Turkish word 
“su” (water), the river being crossed, at about 38 miles above its con- 
fluence, by a Roman aqueduct. Homer does not mention this river at all, 
though he mentions the town of Thymbré.* 

The site of this ancient town corresponds with the farm at Akshi Kioi 
on the banks of the Thymbrius, the proprietor of which, Mr. Frank 
Calvert, has made excavations there, and has found inscriptions which can 
leave no doubt of its identity. The whole place is strewn with archaic 
Hellenic potsherds. The height of the site above the level of the sea, 
at the place where Mr. Calvert’s farmhouse stands, is, according to 
M. Burnouf’s’ measurements, 63°35 metres or 207 ft. Strabo states that 
close to the confluence of the Thymbrius and Scamander, and at a distance 
of 50 stadia from Novum Ilium, stood the famous temple of the Thymbrian 
Apollo,? which, as my friend Professor A. H. Sayce, who lately visited the 
Troad, remarks,’ must be identical with the almost entirely artificial mound 
of Hanai Tepeh, which I have excavated in company with Mr. Calvert, and 
of which I shall treat hereafter. According to M. Burnouf’s measurement, 
the height of the Hanai Tepeh is 87-75 metres = 285 ft. above the level of 
the sea; the confluence of the Thymbrius and the Scamander being 24°95 
métres=80 ft. 5 in. The distance given by Strabo is perfectly correct. 

M. Burnouf makes the following remarks upon the river :—* The 





8 Observations on the Topography of the Plain 
of Troy. See Barker Webb, Topographie de fa 
Lroade, p. 47. ' 

® xiii. p..598. 

10 Ad’ Hom. Il. x; 430. 

1 Ti. x. 430: 
πρὸς Θύμβρης δ᾽ ἔλαχον Λύκιοι Μυσοί τ᾽ ayé- 

ρωχοι. 


(“Towards Thymbré the Lycians and the lordly 
Mysians had their place allotted.”) 

2 xiii, p. 598: πλησίον γάρ ἐστι τὸ πεδίον 7 
Θύμβρα καὶ 6 δι’ αὐτοῦ ῥέων ποταμὸς Θύμβριος, 
ἐμβάλλων εἰς τὸν Σκάμανδρον κατὰ τὸ OvuBoaiov 
᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερόν. 

3 In the Academy, Oct. 18, 1879. 


78 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


Thymbrius flows in the hollow of a valley between the hills of Akshi 
Kioi and the heights to the south. It is about 30 ft. broad. Its banks 
are steep; it is perfectly lmpid, and is overshadowed by large trees. Its 
banks, which are from 10 to 12 ft. high, show two very distinct layers: 
first, a modern alluvium, consisting of earth washed down by the rains 
from the hills; secondly, below this, a thick layer of plastic clay, 
analogous to that which forms the soil of the plain of the Scamander. 
The confluence of the Thymbrius and the Scamander is not difficult to 
determine,* since the banks are high. During the inundations, the 
great polygon formed by the Thymbrius, the Scamander, and the hills to 
the east, becomes covered with water, which runs with great impetuosity 
in an easterly direction ; inundates the swamp (now rendered salubrious) 
to the north of Akshi Kioi; pours into the large bed of the Kalifatli 
Asmak, which is identical with the ancient bed of the Scamander; and 
forms other streams, which flow in the same direction. On the 18th of 
May, 1879, we saw this whole plain covered with dead trees and branches, 
which had been carried away in the same direction, and caught by the 
bushes of the agnus-castus and tamarisk.” 

(c) The Scamander (ὁ Σκάμανδρος, as it was called in the language of 
men, according to Homer, but Xanthus, “the yellow stream,” as it was 
termed by the gods*) is the modern Mendere, a plain corruption of the 
name Scamander. 

The punning etymology of Eustathius® makes Σκάμανδρος, σκάμμα 
ἀνδρὸς (Ἡρακλέους) tov Ξάνθον ἐκ γῆς προήγαγεν, since “the excavation 
of the man (Heracles) brought the Xanthus forth out of the earth.” This, 
of course, is mere trifling; but the termination of the name is one which 
we find in many of the river-names of Asia Minor, such as Maeander, 
Alander, and the like. It is possible that the title by which the river 
was known in the language of the gods—that is, of the Greek settlers— 
was a translation of its native name. 

As before mentioned,’ Homer makes the Scamander rise from two 
springs—one lukewarm, the other cold—close to the city wall; while 
in another passage, already quoted, he correctly makes it rise in Mount 
Ida. I have already described its sources from my own inspection of 
them.® Strabo asserts, on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis—who, 
as he says, was a native of the country—that the Scamander flows from a 
single source in Mount Cotylus, one of the peaks of Ida, about 120 stadia 
above Scepsis, and that the Granicus and Aesepus originate.from the 
same mountain from several springs, in such close proximity to the 
source of the Scamander, that all are within a space of 20 stadia, the 
Scamander flowing in a westerly, the two others in a northerly direction, 
and the length of the Aesepus being about 500 stadia.? He confirms the 





4 This means that the banks of the river are 
not obliterated, and do not confound themselves 
with the plain. 

5 it. xx. 75, ΤᾺΣ 

. ποταμὺς βαθυδίνης, 
ὃν Ξάνθον καλέουσι θεοί, ἄνδρες δὲ Σκάμανδρον. 

6 Ad Il.xx.74. 7 Seep.55. ὃ Seep. 58. 

® Strabo, xiii. p. 602: ἔμπειρος δ᾽ ὧν τῶν 


τόπων, ὡς ἂν ἐπιχώριος ἀνήρ, ὃ Δημήτριος τοτέ 
μὲν οὕτως λέγει περὶ αὐτῶν: “ἔστι γὰρ λόφος 
τις τῆς Ἴδης Κότυλος" ὑπέρκειται δ᾽ οὗτος ἑκα- 
τόν που καὶ εἴκοσι σταδίοις Σκήψεως, ἐξ οὗ ὅ 
τε Σκάμανδρος ῥεῖ καὶ 6 Τράνικος, καὶ Αἴσηπος, 
οἱ μὲν πρὸς ἄρκτον καὶ τὴν Προποντίδα, ἐκ 
πλειόνων πηγῶν συλλειβόμενοι, 6 δὲ Σκάμανδρος 
ἐπὶ δύσιν ἐκ μιᾶς πηγῆξ᾽ πᾶσαι δ᾽ ἀλλήλαις 


§ Π|.] RIVERS—THE SCAMANDER. 79 


fact that the Scamander and Simois meet, and says that the Scamander 
falls into the Hellespont near Sigeum: ‘ But the rivers Scamander and 
Simois, of which the former approaches Sigeum, the latter Rhoeteum, 
join a little below Novum Ilium and fall into the sea at Sigeum, where 
they form the so-called Stomalimne ”'° (1.6. “lake at the mouth”). 

He further says that: “A little beyond lies the village of the Ilians 
(Ἰλιέων Kon), where the ancient Ilium is believed to have formerly 
stood, 30 stadia distant from the present city.”’ And again: “There 
are neither hot springs in this place, nor is the source of the Scamander 
here, but in the mountains; and there are not two sources, but only one. 
It seems therefore that the hot springs have disappeared, but that the 
cold spring escapes from the Scamander by a subterranean channel, and 
rises again in this place (before ᾿Ιλιέων Kon); or else that this water 
is merely called a source of the Scamander, because it is near to it: for 
several sources of one and the same river are so called.” ? 

The length of the Scamander from its sources to its mouth in the 
Hellespont close to Koum Kaleh is, according to G. von Eckenbrecher,* in 
a straight line 10 German miles* (= 47 English miles nearly); accord- 
ing to Tchihatcheff,? 20 French leagues. The sources of the Scamander 
are 650 metres (2138 ft.) above the sea; the fall of the current is on an 
average 21 metres (=69 ft.) to the league, which is equal to 30 ft. per 
mile.© But the fall varies with the locality: thus from the sources to 
the district of Iné (Ené), and even to Bounarbashi, the fall of the river is 
very rapid, but further on it is comparatively insignificant. 

M. Burnouf, who has studied the ancient and modern beds of the 
Scamander with great care, sends me the following note on the subject :— 
“ At the time of inundation the Scamander bursts with great impetuosity 
through its narrow pass between the rocks of Bounarbashi, carrying 
with it sand and gravel, which it heaps up over pretty large spaces of 
ground, and which are sufficient to modify its course. Its course is 
therefore changeable: it takes a fixed direction only after its confluence 
with the Thymbrius, which, when I measured it at the end of May, was 
241 metres (80 ft. 5in.) above the sea. This elevation is highly impor- 
tant from all points of view, because it gives the slope of the Plain of 





πλησιάζουσιν, ἐν εἴκοσι σταδίων περιεχόμεναι 
διαστήματι. πλεῖστον δ᾽ ἀφέστηκεν ἀπὸ τῆς 
ἀρχῆς τὸ τοῦ Αἰσήπου τέλος, σχεδόν τι καὶ 
πεντακοσίους σταδίους." 

10. xiii, p. 597: οἱ δὲ ποταμοὶ ὅ τε Σκάμανδρος 
καὶ ὃ Σιμόεις, 6 μὲν τῷ Σιγείῳ πλησιάσας, ὃ δὲ 
τῷ Ῥοιτείῳ, μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ νῦν Ἰλίον 
συμβάλλουσιν, εἶτ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ Σίγειον ἐκδιδόασι καὶ 
ποιοῦσι τὴν Στομαλίμνην καλουμένην. 

1 xiii, p. 597: Ὑπὲρ δὲ τούτου μικρὸν ἢ τῶν 
Ἰλιέων κώμη ἐστίν, ἐν ἣ νομίζεται τὸ παλαιὸν 
Ἴλιον ἱδρῦσθαι πρότερον, τριάκοντα σταδίους“ διέ- 
χον ἀπὸ τῆς νῦν πόλεως. 

2 Strabo, xiii. p. 602: οὔτε γὰρ θερμὰ νῦν ἐν 
τῷ τόπῳ εὑρίσκεται, οὐθ᾽ ἢ τοῦ Σκαμάνδρου πηγὴ 
ἐνταῦθα, GAA’ ἐν τῷ ρει, καὶ μία, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δύο. 
τὰ μὲν οὖν θερμὰ ἐκλελεῖφθαι εἰκός, τὸ δὲ ψυχρὸν 


κατὰ διάδυσιν ὑπεκρέον ἐκ τοῦ Σκαμάνδρου κατὰ 
τοῦτ᾽ ἀνατέλλειν τὸ χωρίον, ἢ καὶ διὰ τὸ πλησίον 
εἶναι τοῦ Σκαμάνδρου καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ὕδωρ λέγε- 
σθαι τοῦ Σκαμάνδρου πηγήν" οὕτω γὰρ λέγονται 
πλείους πηγαὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ποταμοῦ. 

3 Die Lage des Homerischen Troja, p. 4. 

4 The German mile, of 15 to the degree, is 
equal to 4 English geographical miles, or nearly 
42 statute miles. 

5 Asie Mineure: Description physique, stati- 
stique, archéologique, δια.» p. 78. 

6 In his calculation Tchihatcheff has no doubt 
taken into account all the windings of the 
Scamander, because, if the fall of the current 
were to be reckoned in a straight line from the 
sources, it would exceed 46 feet per mile. 


80 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


Troy. In crder to obtain the average slope in each metre, it is sufficient 
to take on our Map the distance in a straight line from the confluence 
of the Thymbrius to the shore of the sea near the Stomalimne, and to 
divide this distance by 24m. 50 cent. In this way we shall obtain the 
number of millimétres to each métre, representing the average slope of 
the plain. In order to obtain the fall of the river, it is necessary to 
follow all its sinuosities on the map. The number of metres thus obtained 
will be greater; nevertheless, when divided by 24 m. 50 cent., the result 
gives a considerable average rapidity to the stream. During the inunda- 
tion this rapidity is much greater, because the elevation of 24 m. 50 cent. 
would be brought to at least 26 τη. 50 cent., or 27 métres, by the rise of 
the waters. During the inundation the Thymbrius carries a considerable 
quantity of water, because in spite of its high banks its bed is then full 
of water, which overflows into the plain. At its confluence, the Sca- 
mander has a breadth of about 150 metres = 492 ft. Its banks are not 
so high as those of the 'Thymbrius, because there is no upper alluvial 
layer, as in the banks of the latter. Thus the lower part of the valley 
of the Thymbrius is elevated by about 2 metres above the plain of the 
Scamander at the same place. The altitude of the plain of the Scamander 
at its confluence is 27 τη. 22 cent. = 90 ft. 9in. After its confluence, the 
present bed of the Scamander becomes more contracted; the river flows 
from thence between two steep banks of plastic clay. At the ferry near 
Kalifath these banks are about 1 metre = 3 ft. 4in. high; the breadth of 
the river there is only about 30 m. = 98 ft. 5in.; it is deep in its whole 
breadth. At the bridge of Koum Kaleh the bed of the Scamander has 
a breadth of 117 metres = 384 ft., of which—in the middle season between 
the rising of the waters and the drought—about one-half is occupied 
by the water. 

“The ancient bed of the Scamander, which is identical with the 
Kalifatli Asmak, is characterized by fallen banks, want of level ground, 
and little hills of alluvial sand, while the new bed has steep banks, 
and no alluvial sandhills except at Koum Kaleh, near its mouth. The 
accumulations of sand and gravel have nearly obliterated the ancient 
bed for some distance below the confluence of the Thymbrius. The 
westerly winds have extended these sands on the east side of the plain; 
their rotatory currents have heaped them up in the form of small hills 
along almost the whole length of the ancient bed. I have myself witnessed 
such a phenomenon. The last inundation had left a layer, a fraction of 
an inch deep, on the submerged lands; the sun had dried it, and the 
wind, which carried the sand away towards the east, formed of it small 
heaps round the bushes of the ancient bed of the Scamander, and brought 
the clay of the plain again to light. The translocation of the river-bed 
has been favoured by the ccnfiguration of the soil. The spurs of the 
heights on the east side of the Plain have in their lower part a projection, 
which slopes down to the river and forms there a steep bank, while the 
small plains between them terminate in a swamp. In front of Novum 
Ilium the ancient bed of the Scamander passes between a bank of this 
kind and a somewhat elevated hill of alluvial river-sand, after which the 


§ I11.] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 81 


bed again extends and has a breadth of not less than 200 m. = 656 ft. 
A little further down it encounters the slope which descends from 
Hissarlik towards the west, and which forces it to make a bend almost 
at a right angle; afterwards comes another bend, which brings it back 
to its first direction. In fact, 

in front of Troy, the plain rises 






suddenly, forming from b to ὦ a | -- WKY WY 
sort of bank, 5ft. high at least; == ΞΞΞ 8 
from this point the ancient bed ὙΟΣΙΞΙΣ Ze 





proceeds straight towards the 
bridge below Hissarlik. 

“At the bridge the plain is 
15 m. = 49 ft. 2 in. above the 
level of the sea; the breadth of 


3 b 
2 SETI [ΓΜ iy Ay 


oa 


— —.. 


the ancient bed is there 93 métres \ ΝΟ 

= 305 ft. Ashaft sunk at this ὃς δ SAV 

spot on the right bank has proved 38> = — 

that the bed of the river was ¥ ἘΞ Ξ ee ies 

once larger, and that it has been AN ἘΠ ad 
narrowed by the accumulation of : No. 19. Plan showing the ancient Bed of the Scamander 


the sand of the river. This sand in front of Troy. 

contains no marine deposits; it 

is composed of the detritus of the rocks which form the massive block of 
Mount Ida. The space comprised between the bridge in front of Hissarlik 
and the small hill, which we hold to be identical with the Tumulus 
of Ilus, presents most interesting features. About 500 m. = 1640 ft. 
below the bridge, there rises on the left bank of the ancient bed of the 
Scamander a large hill of river-sand, the western part of which is 
covered with ruins and débris, which mark the site of an ancient town ; 
remnants of the wall are still extant. Very probably this is Polium, 
which, according to Strabo, the Astypalaeans, who inhabited the city of 
Rhoeteum, built on the Simois; it was afterwards called Polisma. Not 
being built on a place fortified by nature, it was soon destroyed.’ 

“Tt is true that this site is not exactly on the Simois, but imme- 
diately in front of its mouth in the ancient bed of the Scamander. 
The site is now partly occupied by the miserable village of Koum Kioi 
(Village of Sand), which is not inhabited in summer on account of the 
pestilential air; on the eastern part of the site is a Turkish cemetery. 
Between this cemetery and the ancient Scamander is flat ground, a sort 
of lagoon, which extends to the river. On the east side of the ancient 
Scamander is the plain of the Simois, which runs out to the former river 
in a bank, 2 metres=6 ft. 7 in. higher than the left bank. Immediately 
below this is the confluence of the Simois with the ancient Scamander. 
As the latter bends suddenly at this spot to the west, its bed appears to 
be the continuation of the Simois, which flows from the east: this fact has 


7 Strabo, xiii. p. 601: πρῶτοι μὲν οὖν Actus πρὸς τῷ Σιμόεντι Πόλιον, ὃ νῦν καλεῖται Πόλισμα, 
παλαιεῖς, οἱ τὸ ροίτειον κατασχόντες, συνῴκισαν οὐὖϊς ἐν εὐερκεῖ τόπῳ" διὸ κατεσπάσθη ταχέως. 
α 


82 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. 1. 


caused the error of the topographers, who make the Simois run directly 
to the sea through the bed of the river In Tepeh Asmak. In this bend 
the bank of the ancient bed of the Scamander, on the side of Koum Kioi, 







Ζ 


σία 
wie KE, 
“2.53 

“΄““ 

72 Te 

2, 


Ke 
2. 
1. 7» 
“2,ΞΞΖΞΖΞΞΖ22227.2-, 
ZZ 
FIL rm 
EZ 


ἦ 


8 .33 


f= s8wampss 











εἰ τ Ξ::: 
ς οὖς 
SS Wr theatre 
πος, πα s 


} 500 


Scale in French Metres. 





ΞΞΞ. «Ὁ» 


Mi 
TM 





j 
mh 


No. 20. The Dunes of the Ancient Scamander. 


The confluence of the Simois and the Ancient Scamander is between Troy and the hill to the north-east of Koum 
Kioi. ‘The plain of the Simois is there 2 metres higher than the plain of the Scamander. In front of 
this confluence is a large dune of sand, which has been cut through by the river between Koum Kioi and the 
Tomb of Ilus; the depression between the plain (8:33 métres) and the hill of the Kalyvia gave a passage 
to the river, which then discharged itself into the bed of the In Tepeh. Between the Tumulus of Ilus and this 
bed of the In Tepeh can be seen the sand which has filled up this depression. (The numbers indicate the 


altitudes in métres.) 


is effaced and confounded with the plain; on the opposite side it has a 
high bank. The land which terminates in this steep bank rises gradually 


§ IIL] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 83 


towards the hills of In Tepeh, and opposes an insuperable barrier to the 
waters of the Simois. Afterwards comes the bridge of Koum Kioi, to the 
north of the alluvial hill of river-sand. A shaft sunk near the cemetery 
reached the plastic clay on a level with the plain, and proved that the hill 
of sand at Koum Kioi is really formed by fluvial deposits. 

“To the north of the bridge of Koum Kioi the bank is 10 métres 56 ο. 
—34 feet Sinches above the level of the sea, and the soil maintains 
this elevation for a distance of about 1000 metres = 3281 feet to the 
west. This plateau terminates in the remnant of a conical tumulus 
which, from its situation, must be identical with the Tomb of Ilus, 
repeatedly referred to in the Jad. But the shaft sunk in it has given 
no proof of its claim to be a sepulchre; it rather appears to have been 
a mere hill of river-sand, which has been transformed by tradition into a 
tumulus. In its present ruined state this tumulus is only 1 πη. τε ft. 41n. 
high; but the soil on which it stands consists of river-sand, and is more 
than 2m.=6 ft. 7 in. above the mean height of the water. - For a 
distance of more than 200 m.=656 ft. to the west of the Tomb of I[lus, 
the bank of the ancient Scamander consists of river-sand; afterwards it 
assumes again its ordinary character of plastic clay. There is therefore 
on this spot a barrier of sand, through which the river has dug its 
bed. From the Tomb of Ilus this barrier extends to the north for a 
space of more than 500 m.=1640 ft. in length, and of a great breadth. 
This space of ground is under cultivation, but the poverty and scantiness 
of its grain offer a striking contrast to the rich crops which are grown 
on the clay of the plain to the east and west. At a distance of 500 m.= 
1640 ft. is a well on the border of this field of sand; the altitude of this 
well is no more than 7m. 23 cent.=23 ft. 9in. above the sea—that is 
to say, it is lower than the level of the river, which at the Tomb of Ilus 
is 8m. 30 cent. =27 ft. 3in. above the sea. It is therefore evident that, 
if this sand were removed, the surface of the clay below it would form 
a large channel, through which the river would flow off. This depression 
in the ground terminates in the bed of the In Tepeh Asmak. It may 
therefore be admitted, with very great probability, that at the time when 
the hillocks of river-sand at Koum Kioi and the Tomb of Ilus had not 
yet obstructed the ancient Scamander, its waters flowed to the north and 
poured through the present bed of the In Tepeh into the sea. This 
invasion of the sand has forced the river to bore its new bed to the west. 
This conclusion has the more probability, as the general level of the 
great plain, to the west of the In Tepeh Asmak, is higher than the surface 
of the sandy depression. 

“Tf, at the time of the Trojan war, the principal stream of the 
Scamander occupied the large river-bed, which still serves to carry its 
waters during the period of inundation, the change just described must 
have taken place a short time afterwards. This appears to be conclu- 
sively shown from the word Stomalimne (pool at the mouth) employed 
by Strabo, because this word shows that there was the mouth of a river 
in the Stomalimne at the time of this geographer, or at least at that 
of Demetrius of Scepsis (about 180 B.c.). 


84 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


“ Below the Tomb of Ilus, the ancient Scamander flows between very 
high vertical banks, which indicate that the bed is relatively of recent 
formation. At the wooden bridge above the Stomalimne, the altitude of 
the plain is not more than 2 m. 77 c.=8 ft. 10 in.; the breadth of the 
ancient Scamander is there 45 m.=147 ft. 8 in. 

“The Stomalimne is a pool about 800m.=2625 ft. long and 200 
to 800m.=656 to 984 ft. broad on the average. Into this pool flow 
the waters of the Kalifatli Asmak, which is identical with the ancient 
Scamander. This pool communicates by a narrow channel with the 
Hellespont, and its water is brackish. The clay of the plain extends 
on the right of the pool to the sea, and borders it with vertical banks. 
On the left of the pool—that is to say, on the west side-—the clay ceases 
about 300m. = 984 ft. short of the sea-shore; the space which follows 
forms a triangular neck of land, which terminates at the channel of 
the Stomalimne. This neck of land is an undulating sandbank, the 
hollows or cavities of which are 50 centimétres=1 ft. 8 in. above the 
level of the sea, whilst its projections are from 1 to 2 métres=38 ft. 4 in. 
to 6 ft. 7in. above the sea-level. I sank a shaft 1 métre=3 ft. 4 in. deep 
into one of these hollows, and thus penetrated below the level of the sea. 
The upper layer, which consisted of grey sand, is only 2 centimetres deep ; 
after that comes a dark blue sand mixed with many roots of plants ; 
below this I found pure dark blue sand, of older date and a marshy cha- 
racter. These layers are obviously produced by river silt; they contain 
no marine deposits, and no stones. The space occupied by this undu- 
lating sandbank is very small; the soil of it appears to be formed in the 
same manner as the alluvium of Koum Kaleh, but apparently it cannot 
extend further into the sea, because the current of the Hellespont tends 
to maintain it in its actual limits. The shaft, having been dug below the 
level of the sea, gradually filled with water up to that level: this water 
was at first turbid, but it soon became clear, and had a hardly percep- 
tible brackish taste; it therefore did not come from the sea, but from 
the Stomalimne.” 

Professor Virchow also affirms that he has found in the Plain of Troy 
nothing which tells in favour either of a marine formation of the soil, 
or of the growth and increase of the plain towards the Hellespont. 
In a long and learned dissertation he* proves beyond any doubt that 
the hydrography of the Plain of Troy must have been at the time of 
Pliny and Strabo much the same as it is now, and that when, in following 
up the Trojan coast from south to north, Pliny® says,—‘‘ Scamander 
amnis navigabilis, et in promontorio quondam Sigeum oppidum. Dein 
portus Achaeorum, in quem influit Xanthus Simoenti junctus: stag- 
numque prius faciens Palaescamander,’—he cannot mean by the ancrent 
Scamander any other river but the In Tepeh Asmak; by the “ Xanthus 
Simoenti junctus” the Kalifatli Asmak, into which in his time, as now, 
the Simois flowed ; and by “Scamander” the great river near Sigeum. 

Professor Virchow says: “ There can be no doubt whatever that the 








—— - 


8 Landeskunde, &c., pp. 124-140. ®° H. N. vy. 33. 


§ Π|.] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 85 


volume of water which once flowed in the bed of the Kalifatli Asmak was 
much larger than that which now flows in it, even at the period of the 
inundations. Its bed answers so well to a great and powerfully working 
stream, that the present river appears only as a residue of its former 
wealth. Where was formerly water, there are now broad edges of bank 
overgrown with bushes, and now and then showing deeply-indented 
borders. In places here and there are still deep bays, of whose origin 
the present current offers no explanation. In many places, especially on 
the left bank, are rows of sand-hills, which must once have been formed 
by alluvium; they are at present so high that even their foot is never 
reached by the water. The common sources of the Asmak in the Duden 
swamp, close to Akshi Kioi, are not copious enough to feed a large river. 
Now, in the region of the confluence of the Thymbrius and further 
down, broad and for the most part dry water-beds branch otf from the 
Scamander, extending to the Kalifatli Asmak close to those sources, 
and even now, at the time of high water, receiving the overflowing water 
of the Scamander. But even these merely temporary affluents are not 
sufficient to make the Kalifatli Asmak so impetuous as it must once have 
been, judging by the testimony of its banks. This could only happen 
again, if the main volume of the Scamander were let into it. Has 
this ever taken place? A glance at Spratt’s map shows in fact that 
the main ‘ winter-bed,’ which leads from the confluence of the Thymbrius 
to the Kalifatli Asmak, is the direct continuation of the Scamander, as 
this river is seen after having flowed around the Bali Dagh and entered 
the Plain. If the line of the river-course, the direction of which is 
here almost directly to the north, be prolonged, it comes in a straight 
line to the sources in the Duden. Nothing, therefore, is more probable 
than that the Scamander once took this course, and that the Kalifatli 
Asmak represents the further course of the Scamander at that time. 
Later on it may have displaced this bed by its own alluvial deposits, 
and may have pierced a new bed more to the west through the Plain.” 
Further on,’° Professor Virchow thinks it perfectly certain that, 
immediately below Koum Kaioi, the ancient Scamander (in the bed of the 
Kahfatli Asmak) turned eastward, and that it poured into the Hellespont, 
by the bed of the In Tepeh Asmak, on the east side of the Plain, 
close to the promontory of Rhoeteum. He thinks that the deep sandy 
depression found by M. Burnouf below Koum Kioi, between the Kalifatli 
and the In Tepeh Asmak, marks the ancient bed of the Scamander. 
He holds such a communication to be the more probable, as the In 
Tepeh Asmak is far too broad and deeply cut for him to suppose that 
it could possibly have been formed by the northern arm of the Simois, 
which is a most insignificant rivulet. This rivulet may have flowed 
later into the In Tepeh Asmak, perhaps at a time when the communi- 
cation between the ancient Scamander (Kalifatli Asmak) and the In 
Tepeh Asmak had already been closed, but most certainly it was never 
strong enough to produce the bed of the latter. Professor Virchow 





10 Landeskunde, &c., pp. 136, 137, 170. 


86 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


adds:™* “The Kalifatl, in that part of its course which extends from 
between Hissarlik and Kalifatli to the junction of the Simois, has a 
bed just so broad, that it is not inferior to the present bed of the 
Scamander itself, and no other river in the Troad approaches it even 
remotely, and this fact has been overlooked by nearly all critics.” Professor 
Virchow' further says: ‘“ Regarding the alluvial deposits in the Plain, 
Maclaren* has advanced an important argument. He proceeds from 
the soundings made by the English Admiralty in the Hellespont, which 
are indicated on their map. Following these, he has drawn along the 
coast of the Hellespont three curves, which connect together the depths 
of one, two, and three fathoms respectively. These lines are not parallel 
with the coast, but they nearly join at the mouth of the Scamander ; 
they recede from the coast before the Stomalimne, and still more 
before the In Tepeh Asmak, and again approach each other, as well 
as the coast, at the neck of land before Rhoeteum. There is, besides, 
the difference produced in the form of the coast-line by the curves 
of one and two fathoms; that is to say, they are bent inward to 
the south, whereas the three fathoms’ line forms a curve which is 
on the north bent forward to the Hellespont, and projects far beyond 
the coast and the neck of land. Immediately behind it the depth of 
the water amounts to 10, 12, 16, and 19 fathoms. Maclaren concludes 
from this that the mass of alluvium, which has raised the bottom of 
the Hellespont, cannot have been produced by the present Scamander, 
but must be attributed to a time when this river flowed first through 
the In Tepeh Asmak, and later through the Stomalimne; that the 
Hellespont, whose current has a velocity of two miles an hour, carries 
its own alluvial material and a large part of that of the Scamander into 
the Aegean Sea, but the counter-current along the Trojan coast, which 
sometimes, especially with west and south-west winds, is very strong, 
distributes a certain quantity of the material along the coast as far as 
Rhoeteum; and that, if the mouth of the Scamander had always been 
at the present place, the lines of depths would be parallel with the coast- 
line. ΤῸ this it may be replied, that we cannot at once admit Maclaren’s 
supposition, that the depth of the Hellespont once was nearly as great 
on the coast as in the midst of this channel, and that the present 
difference in depth has been produced solely by alluvial deposits. On 
the other hand, we have some safe indications, which show the fact of the 
alluvial deposits, as well as their direction. As such I consider three 
phenomena:—1l. The bar of sand before the mouth of the In Tepeh 
Asmak,? which has exactly the direction of the Hellespont current, 
for it is joimed on the east side to Rhoeteum, and proceeds thence 
for a long distance westward. 2. The sandbanks at the mouth of the 
Scamander. 38. The sandy plain which projects into the Hellespont, on 
which Koum Kaleh is situated, and which extends in a south-westerly 
direction to the foot of the tumulus of Achilles. It appears to me that 





1 Landestunde, &c., p. 138. ? Charles Maclaren, 716 Plain of Troy de- 
1 Jbid. p. 148 ff. scribed; Edinburgh, 1863, p. 46. 
5. Virchow, Landeskunde, &e., p. 144. 


§ III] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 87 


these facts prove, not only that there exists a perceptible alluvium, but 
also that the easterly stream is the one which decides its formation. If 
it depended principally on the westerly or south-westerly counter- 
current, neither would exist the neck of land of Koum Kaleh, nor the 
sand-bar of the In Tepeh Asmak. Here comes in another circumstance 
which must not be underrated, namely, the direction and force of the 
wind. I may cite two observations which I consider to be sufficiently 
certain. One is the motion of the sand at the citadel of Koum Kaleh, 
which proves the predominance of an easterly or north-easterly direc- 
tion of the wind, in accordance with the direction and current of the 
Hellespont. The other is the position of the trees on Rhoeteum and 
on the lower section of the Plain. The trunks of all these trees (Valonea 
oaks) are uniformly inclined towards the west-south-west. This is in 
accordance with Maclaren’s* statement that the wind formerly called 
Ventus Hellespontinus blows for at least ten months in the year down 
the Hellespont. This direction of the wind explains sufficiently why the 
sand is carried along the coast in a westerly direction, and why in the 
course of time it has accumulated more and more below and _ before 
Sigeum, so as to form there the neck of land of Koum Kaleh. The coast- 
marsh proper, therefore, remains protected against an accumulation of 
sand, unless—as in the Stomalimne—the sea itself washes away part 
of the marshy soil. Indeed my investigations in the Stomalimne have 
proved that not only is there no alluvium, but rather a washing away 
of the marshy soil, which is partially replaced by sea-sand, but that 
there is no formation of dunes. This washing away takes place on the 
west side of the Stomalimne; it testifies to the ‘powerful agency of 
the water in the direction of the Hellespont current. I must, therefore, 
acknowledge that Maclaren’s arguments must not be rated so low as 
might appear. If it is found that, notwithstanding the force of the 
easterly current of water and wind, the three fathoms’ line before the 
In Tepeh Asmak extends in a convex curve far into the Hellespont, 
and indeed also far beyond the neck of land of Rhoeteum, this would 
tell decidedly for the view, that much alluvium has once been brought 
down by the In Tepeh Asmak, and perhaps also by the stream of the 
Stomalimne, provided of course the raising of the Hellespont bottom be 
due to sand and other alluvium. This has not been proved, but it is 
probable. In no case can I admit that this raising could have been 
produced by deposits of the water of the Hellespont which comes down 
from the Propontis. While, therefore, I do not hesitate to admit the 
existence of sand accumulations at the coast as certain, and for some 
distance from the coast in the Hellespont itself as probable, still I can 
infer but little from this as to the formation of the coast-land. Strabo 
says, indeed, with much assurance :° ‘The Scamander and Simois, uniting 
in the plain, and bringing down a great quantity of mud, bank up the 
sea-coast, and form a blind mouth, salt-water lagoons, and marshes.’ 





ie. cit, p. 215. καταφέροντες ἰλύν, προσχοῦσι τὴν παραλίαν, 
® Strabo, xiii. p. 595: συμπεσόντες γὰρ ὅτε καὶ τυφλὸν στόμα τε καὶ λιμνοθαλάττας καὶ 
Σιμόεις καὶ ὁ Σκάμανδρος ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ πολλὴν ἕλη ποιοῦσι. 


88 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


But nowhere on the coast can there be shown an increase of the soil by 
real mud (/Avs), except in the In Tepeh Asmak itself, namely in its 
upper part. The mud which reaches the Hellespont is soon cleared of 
its clayey ingredients; what remains is clean quicksand. This sand can 
change or fill up the mouths of the rivers, and can thereby cause the 
damming up of the water; but except at the neck of land of Koum Kaleh, 
it has exercised no immediate influence on the growth of the coast-land, 
at least not so long as the coast-marsh has existed. In order, therefore, 
to obtain a somewhat sure basis for the question of the alluvial forma- 
tions, it appeared to us necessary to investigate the soil of the Plain 
itself at various places.” 

Professor Virchow ὃ commenced his investigations by digging a number 
of holes; the first to the right of the bridge which spans the Kalifatli 
Asmak near Hissarlik. To a depth of 1:25 metres, he found a very com- 
pact blackish soil, and below it coarse sand, among which small pieces 
of quartz, flakes of mica, blackish grains and coarser fragments of rock, 
were conspicuous. There were no remains of shells. He dug the second 
hole in the flat dune-like hill on the left bank of the Kalifatli Asmak 
near Koum Kioi, on which is a Turkish cemetery. He found there toa 
depth of 2 metres nothing but coarse sand of a dark colour, consisting 
principally of angular grains of quartz mixed with mica, and some coarser 
but smoothed pebbles of rock; no trace of shells. He dug the third hole 
in a place near the road to Koum Kaleh, where the zone of the Valonea 
oak-trees ceases, and where the coast-marsh proper begins. He found 
there to a depth of 1 metre very rich dark clay, of which the banks of the 
Kalifath Asmak are also composed. He dug a fourth hole in the dry 
overgrown bed of the In Tepeh Asmak, close to the httle neck of land 
at the south-west corner of Rhoeteum. Here he found the same compact 
clammy rich black earth, to a depth of 1 metre 10 centimetres; there 
were no stones in it, but a great number of rounded pieces of baked 
bricks. He dug a fifth hole 1 metre deep to the west of Kalifatli, in a 
filled-up channel of the Scamander. The soil consisted there of fine sand 
near the surface and of coarse sand below; the latter was mixed with a 
fine clayish sand, and small grains of quartz, partly rounded and partly 
angular, as well as with large mica-flakes and coarse small stones, for 
the most part angular, but rounded at the corners. In none of these 
holes was found any trace of a marine formation. Professor Virchow 
having taken samples of the sand from all these holes, and having had 
them analysed in Berlin, they were all found to consist of quartz-bearing 
syenite. This, in his opinion, solves the question as to the origin of 
the alluvial layers in the plain, for the Scamander flows above Evjilar 
through a broad zone of syenite which is in process of disintegration.’ 
A similar region, also drained by the Scamander, is situated on the 
north-east part of the Chigri Dagh. ConsEQuenrLy THE ALLUVIUM OF 
THE Piatn oF TRoy IS ESSENTIALLY THE PRODUCT OF THE HIGHER MOUN- 
TAINS, ESPECIALLY OF Ipa. At the period of inundation the Scamander 


6 Landeskunde der Troas, pp. 146-154. 7 See T'chihatcheff, doc. cit. t. i. p. 359. 





§ Π|.] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 89 


carries away not only the primary products of the disintegrated syenite, 
but perhaps the larger part of the mud which the river brings to the 
lower plain originates in the older deposits of the upper plain between 
Iné and Beiramich. Here the Scamander and its numerous affluents 
are continually tearing and carrying away fresh parts of the banks. Its 
water, which is perfectly clear at its source, and which at Evjilar still 
shows no turbidity, appears in the lower plain turbid and yellowish, so 
that the name of Xanthus is here perfectly suitable. This change in 
its appearance, therefore, occurs during the course of the river through 
the upper plain, and the suspended matter which causes the muddy 
appearance belongs for the most part to the freshly-dissolved masses of 
a very ancient alluvium, which was formed in the upper plain at a time 
when it was still a lake. By thus proving that the alluvial soil of the 
lower plain is essentially of a syenitic origin, every possibility at once 
disappears of attributing to the other rivers and rivulets any deter- 
mining part whatever in the conveyance of the alluvial deposits. Neither 
the Bounarbashi Su, nor the Kemar Su, nor the Kalifath Asmak, can 
be taken into consideration, unless indeed they might occasionally again 
put in motion the alluvium already deposited by the Scamander. The 
fact is of very special importance, that the silt of all the Asmaks— 
of the Kalifatl Asmak, of the old Scamander-bed to the west of Kalifath, 
and especially of the In Tepeh Asmak—is derived from the upper moun- 
tains. It is not the material of the Oulou Dagh, such as the Simois 
carries away, which can possibly have filled up the In Tepeh Asmak ; 
the syenitic admixtures of the clay, which I took from the ancient bed 
of this Asmak, now filled up, point distinctly to its having been covered 
by the mud of the Scamander. The Plain of the Kalifatli Asmak also 
consists, below a later layer of a fine clayish deposit, of the same coarse 
sand, which now, as before, the Scamander alone brings down from the 
high mountains. Nay, the quicksand of the Stomalimne, though of much 
finer grain, has nothing of maritime origin except an admixture of 
shells; and for the rest, this quicksand is just such a syenitic sand as 
that of the Plain,—river-sand, carried into the Hellespont, but thrown 
by it on the land.® 

Professor Virchow ὃ goes on to say: “ However satisfactory this result 
is in itself, it is but of little use for the chronological question. Only in 
the In Tepeh Asmak I found fragments of bricks in the silt of the river- 
bed, which bore witness to the comparative lateness of this silting up, 
which must, therefore, have taken place when brick-baking men already 
had their habitations in the Plain. I observe here that these brick frag- 
ments occurred not only on the surface, but also below. On this side, 
therefore, there can exist no evidence against the opinion that the In 
Tepeh Asmak has ceased to be a real outlet only in a relatively modern time.” 

The result of the investigations of Virchow and Burnouf, that except 
in its hydrography the Plain of Troy has undergone hardly any material 








8 Mauduit, Decouvertes dans la Troade, p 136. © Op..cit. Ὁ... 153; 


90 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


Forchhammer’ obtained by the explorations he made in 1839 in 
company with Lieutenant (now Admiral) T. A. B. Spratt: “ We reject,” 
he says, “as utterly erroneous the theories, that the lower plain may 
have been formed by a post-Homeric alluvium, and that the latter 
may have covered up a pretended port, which once extended for a long 
distance into the land. Both these theories are decidedly contradicted 
by the facts, and they are not in any way corroborated by the Homeric 
poems. It would be perfectly inexplicable how vertical banks, from 
6 to 10 ft. high, could have been built up by the alluvial soil on the 
sides of the rivers after their prolongation and at the eastern end of 
the strand, while the lagoons were not filled up by them, but were 
nevertheless separated from the Hellespont by a sandbank. Homer, who 
mentions the large lagoon, neither knows of a port in the neighbourhood 
of the Greek camp, nor alludes to its existence by a single word. On 
the contrary, many passages in the Iliad! prove that the Greek camp 
was on the actual shore of the sea or of the Hellespont. Scylax rightly 
states the distance from Novum Ilium to the sea to be 25 stadia. The 
plain in its present condition is, in all essential features, old Priam’s 
ancient kingdom and the battle-field of Hector and Achilles.” 

I may also cite here what I wrote on the same subject twelve years 
ago:* “1 followed the seashore to the west towards the promontory of 
Sigeum, investigating most attentively the nature of the soil, in order to 
see whether it might be, as Strabo asserts, of an alluvial formation later 
than the Trojan war. The gradual elevation of the heights of In Tepeh 
appeared to me at once to refute the supposition that a gulf could ever 
have existed there, and I became fully convinced of this on seeing the 
high vertical banks of the little rivers In Tepeh Asmak and Kalifatli 
Asmak near their mouths in a swampy soil. If the soil of the plain had 
been produced by the alluvium of the present rivers and rivulets, their 
banks could not have had a perpendicular height of from 6 to 10 ft., in 
places where the ground is marshy and loose. Besides, the large deep 
lagoons on the shore of the plain make it impossible that the Plain of 
Troy could have been formed, either entirely or partially, by alluvial 
soil; because, if the rivers had deposited alluvial soil to the profit of 
the plain, these deep lagoons would have been filled up first. The great 
Stomalimne, or lagoon and swamp, of which Strabo? speaks, still exists, 
and doubtless it is now neither larger nor smaller than in the time of 
that geographer, because the water which evaporates from the lagoon 
is immediately replaced by infiltration from the sea. The current of the 
Hellespont, moreover, which runs at the rate of two miles an hour, 
carries away the alluvial matter of the rivers, and deposits it on the 
shallow grounds to the left outside the Hellespont, at a distance of 
several kilométres from the Plain of Troy; and this same current must 
at all times have prevented the growth of the shore.” 





10 Topographische und physiographische Be- 2 Ithaque, le Péloponnéscet Troie ; Paris, 1809, 
schreibung der Ebene von Troia, p. 28. p- 208. 


1 7]. ii, 92, 152 ; viii. 5015 xiii. 682 ; xiv. 31; ® xiii, p. 595. 
xviii. 66; xix. 40; xxiii. 59; xxiv. 12. 


§ IIl.] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. ΟῚ 


In his learned dissertation* on The Asiatic Coast of the Hellespont, 
Mr. Frank Calvert, who has been for twenty years a resident on the 
Dardanelles, proves beyond any doubt the cessation of the growth of 
the land on the coast, and the gradual invasion of the sea upon the 
land. After having cited a number of instances where the waters of 
the Hellespont have washed away portions of land on the Asiatic coast 
above the Plain of Troy, he writes: “The present effect of the Hellespont 
on the alluvium of the rivers which discharge into it, may in its con- 
sequence be compared with the impetuous current of a large river at 
the mouth of an affluent. Since on the sea-front of Sultanieh Kaleh ὃ 
and Koum Kaleh,® at the mouths of the rivers Rhodius and Scamander, 
no increase has taken place, it is thereby clearly proved that no growth 
of the coast has occurred since 1453 and 1659. If the hypothesis of 
the disappearance of a large part of the alluvial neck of land of Nagara 
(Abydus) since the time of Xerxes is admitted, then the proportion can, 
on the ground of historical testimonies, be dated back to a much earlier 
period; namely, to 480 3.c. The natural geological testimony presented 
by the crumbling sea-washed slopes of the coast, and the narrow strand 
close to the river-mouths and their deltas, especially near the pro- 
montories of Sigeum and Rhoeteum, proves that the destructive agency 
of the sea has been in activity long before the historical time, whilst the 
recession of the deltas would show that this is to be attributed to a 
change in the relative level of land and sea. The change is not lmited 
to the Hellespont. An investigation of the whole northern coast of the 
Gulf of Volo in 1875 has proved that, in those comparatively quiet 
waters which have no current, the sea has advanced on the land. If 
it is admitted that the alluvial coast between the promontories of Sigeum 
and Rhoeteum marks the site of the Greek camp and the Naustathmos, 
then in my opinion the testimony of geology proves that the coast-line 
was, at the time of the Trojan war, not different from what it is now.” 

I may here still further mention that those, who assume from the 
Iliad the existence of a deep gulf in the plain at the time of Homer, 
do not, in my opinion, rightly interpret the passages they quote, where 
the poet states that ‘they marched in front of the deep shore,”’ and 
again, that “they filled the long mouth of the whole shore, as much 
as the promontories enclosed.”® He evidently intends merely to describe 
the low shore of the Hellespont, shut in as it is by Capes Sigeum and 
Rhoeteum ; that is to say, by the heights of In Tepeh. Again, the words 
—‘ But the eddying Scamander will carry you to the broad bosom of the 
sea”°—cannot make us think of a real gulf; besides, the word evpus 
means in the Iliad “broad” and not “deep:” εὐρὺς κόλπος can there- 
fore mean nothing else but the broad or the vast expanse of the sea. 





4 Frank Calvert, Ueber die asiatische Kiiste alive 92" 


des Hellespont, vorgelegt in der Sitzung der Ber- ἠϊόνος προπάροιθε βαθείης ἐστιχόωντο. 
liner Anthropol. Gesellschaft am 20 Decbr. 1879, 5. ὙΠ XIVe 90, 90" 
ΝΗ ὌὔὌἸΕ eres, AD BABS aes καὶ πλῆσαν ἁπάσης 
5 The fort in the town of the Dardanelles, ἠϊόνος στόμα μακρόν, ὕσον συνεέργαθον ἄκραι. 
built in 1453. 9 71. χχὶ Ὑ24.) 120" 
ἘΠ ἘΠΠΙ according to Mr. δ᾽ νοι, ἴα 1659. °° jg ὁ 57 7 «sa. ἀλλὰ Σκάμανδρος 


Ie ε . 
οἴσει δινήεις εἴσω ἁλὸς εὑρέα κόλπον. 


92 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuar, Ἢ 


I have myself always maintained, not only the identity of the Kalifatli 
Asmak with the ancient Scamander, but also that the latter once turned 
at Koum Kioi into the bed of the In Tepeh Asmak, through which it 
fell into the Hellespont close to the promontory of Rhoeteum.!® That 
the ancient Scamander had this course and no other, appears evident from 
Homer ; for, had it occupied its present bed at the time of the Trojan 
war, it would have flowed through the Greek camp, and Homer would have 
had abundant opportunity of speaking of so important a fact. As he 
never mentions a river in the camp, we must infer that he did not know 
that there was any there. But there are several passages in the Πα 
which prove that in the poet’s mind the Greek camp was to the left and 
not to the right of the Scamander, as would have been the case if the 
river had then had its present course. When, for instance, Priam on 
his visit to Achilles passes the Tomb of Ilus and immediately afterwards 
reaches the ford of the Scamander, where he waters his horses and mules,} 
the Greek camp is necessarily to the left of the river, and this is clearly 
also the case when, on his return from the Greek camp, he again reaches 
the ford of the Scamander and drives his chariot to the city, while the 
cart drawn by mules follows with the corpse of Hector.2? I may further 
cite the passage where, Hector being wounded, his companions lift him in 
their arms and carry him from the battle-field, where his charioteer stands 
with the splendid chariot and the swift horses, which bring him back 
deeply groaning to the town. But when they reached the ford of the 
broad-flowing Xanthus born of Zeus, they lifted him from the chariot, laid 
him on the ground, and poured water over him.’ As W. Christ* justly 
remarks, this passage can leave no doubt that, on his way to Ilium, 
Hector had necessarily to pass the Scamander (or Xanthus), for it cannot 
possibly be admitted that the charioteer could have deviated from the 
shorter and more direct road to reach the river, in order to pour water 
over the dangerously wounded hero. 

That the Greek camp was to the left of the Scamander, and that this 
river flowed between the town and the camp, is further proved by the 
passage where, after Patroclus had cut off the foremost Trojan troops, 
he drove them back again to the ships, baffled their attempts to gain the 
town, and attacked and killed them between the ships, the river, and the 
high walls of Troy.® 

My theory that the Scamander, after its confluence with the Simois, 
flowed into the Hellespont to the east of the Greek camp, has been 





c δ᾽ Ὁ 7 ΑΓ 77 = 
ἕστασαν ἡνίοχόν τε καὶ ἅρματα ποικίλ᾽ ἔχοντες 
οἱ τόν γε προτὶ ἄστυ φέρον βαρέα στενάχοντα. 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ πόρον tov evdppetos ποταμοῖο, 
— / / a > i / / 
Ξάνθου δινήεντος, ov ἀθάνατος τέκετο Zevs, 
ἔνθα μιν ἐξ ἵππων πέλασαν χθονί, κὰδ 8έ οἱ ὕδωρ 
χεῦαν" 
* W. Christ, 


10 See my Zroy and its Remains, pp. 72, 73. 

1 7|, xxiv. 349-351 : 

οἱ δ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὖν μέγα σῆμα παρὲξ Ἴλοιο ἔλασσαν, 
στῆσαν ἄρ᾽ ἡμιόνους τε καὶ ἵππους, ὄφρα πίοιεν, 
ἐν ποταμῷ. 

2 I. xxiv. ὍΘ 


ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ πόρον ἷξον evppetos ποταμοῖο, Troianischen 


Topographie der 


and 696, 697: 
οἱ δ᾽ εἰς ἄστυ ἔλων οἰμωγῇ TE στοναχῇ TE 
ἵππους, ἡμίονοι δὲ νέκυν φέρον. 
3 ἡ], xiv. 428-486: 
τὸν δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἑταῖροι 
« 


χερσὶν ἀείραντες φέρον ἐκ πόνου, ὄφρ᾽ ἵκεθ᾽ ἵππους 
ὠκέας, οἵ οἱ ὄπισθε μάχης ἠδὲ πτολέμοιο 


Ebene, p. 208. 

5 Il. xvi, 394-398 : 

> / 

Πάτροκλος δ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὖν πρώτας ἐπέκερσε φάλαγγας, 
+ eng a ΕΥ̓͂ / ὑδὲ é 
ἂψ ἐπὶ νῆας Eepye παλιμπετές, οὐδὲ πόληος 
εἴα ἱεμένους ἐπιβαινέμεν, ἀλλὰ μεσηγύς 
νηῶν καὶ ποταμοῦ καὶ τείχεος ὑψηλοῖο 
κτεῖνε μεταΐσσων, - - . 


§ IIL] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 93 


warmly defended as far back as 1852 by the late gifted scholar Julius 
Braun, in his learned dissertation Homer und sein Zeitalter.6 W. Christ? 
nevertheless thinks that the Scamander must have flowed on the west 
side of the Greek camp, because all the principal battles are in the plain 
between the Scamander and Simois, where the armies alternately pursue 
each other to the town or to the ships, without any mention being made 
of their having to cross the rivers. But Homer is an epic poet, and no 
historian; he writes with poetical licence, not with the minute accuracy 
of a geographer, and we must be thankful to him for giving us the 
general outlines of the topography of the plain. From the passages 
quoted above, where the ford of the Scamander is mentioned, it is clear 
that this river had to be passed in order to reach the Greek camp, which 
lay to the left of it. The poet further alludes® to the confluence of 
the Simois and Scamander immediately in front of Troy; he repeatedly 
and most distinctly describes the principal battles as taking place on the 
plain between the two rivers and the city ; but to demand from him also 
a description of the manner in which the armies passed the Scamander, 
is asking, I think, too much from an epic poet. The passage to which W. 
Christ refers * can only mean the plain between the Scamander, the Simois, 
and Troy. Ina passage already referred to’? the Greek ships are said 
to fill the whole shore between the two promontories of Sigeum and 
Rhoeteum. But this may well be said of a camp which extended from 
Cape Sigeum eastward, and was only separated from the opposite cape by 
the breadth of the river. 

The Homeric epithets of the Scamander are ἠϊόεις,. which signifies 
high-banked, from ἠϊών, used in Homer only of the sea-shore; ἐὔῤῥοος," 
fuir-flowing ; δινήεις," eddying ; μέγας ποταμὸς βαθυδίνης," the great deep- 
eddying river ; βαθύῤῥοος apyupodivns,* deep-flowing with silvery eddies ; 
᾿ἐὔῤῥοος ἀργυροδίνης, fair-flowing with silvery eddies; δῖος, divine.’ Its 
banks were steep and high ;’ and live bulls and hard-hoofed horses were 
sacrificed to it.2 The Scamander was said to have been born of Zeus,° 
and had its priest in Troy, who was venerated by the people as a god," 
which leads us to suppose that the river-deity had a temple or at least 
an altar in the town. He was called Xanthus by the gods, and assisted 
at the assembly of the gods on Olympus;" he took part in the battle 
of the gods before Troy;’ he made great inundations;? and, as at 
the present day, his banks were abundantly covered with elms, willows, 
tamarisks, lotus, bulrushes, and cyprus-grass.* 





ὁ Heidelberg, 1856-1858. o Ml. xiv. 434; xxi. 2; xxiv. 693. 


7 Topogr. d. Troian. Ebene, p. 202. RL ets 

8 Il. v. 774-778. 9. 77. vie Ἃ: Δολοπίονος, ὅς fa Σκαμάνδρου 

I Σιν. σῦν Ob. τ γῆν. 90, ἀρητὴρ ἐτέτυκτο, θεὸς δ᾽ ὡς τίετο δήμῳ,. .. 
Vil. xiv. 483; xxi. 130; xxiv. 693. 11 7. xx. 5-40 and 73, 74. 

2 Hl. xiv. 484; xxi. 2, 8; xxiv. 694. PENSE. GOs, ΤᾺΣ 

Sila χε 70} x1, 329) 603: 2 Tl. xxi. 234-242. 

A011 xml. 8: Ὁ xxi. 130; 3 J], xxi. 350-352 + 

δ) Aiexiis 21. iis ext 171. 175: 200; καίοντο πτελέαι te Kal ἰτέαι ἠδὲ μυρῖκαι, 
ΒΟ" ταὶ 191. 159: καίετο δὲ λωτός τ᾽ ἰδὲ θρύον ἠδὲ κύπειρο,ν 
oe ᾧ δὴ δηθὰ πολέας tepedere ταύρους, τὰ περὶ καλὰ ῥέεθρα ἅλις ποταμοῖο πεφύκειν. 


ζωοὺς δ᾽ ἐν δίνῃσι καθίετε μώνυχας ἵππους. 


94 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. 1. 


I may add, that nothing seems to me better to show the great 
importance which the Trojans attached to this river, and the veneration 
which they had for it, than the fact that Hector, the most powerful 
champion of Ilium, compares himself to the Scamander, and gives to his 
son Astyanax the name of “Scamandrius,” or the Scamandrian.‘ 

Herodotus says that when the army of Xerxes reached the Sca- 
mander, it was the first stream they had crossed since leaving Sardis, 
the water of which failed them, and did not suffice to satisfy the thirst 
of the men and cattle, and that the Persian monarch afterwards ascended 
into the Pergamus of Priam,° in order to see it. This account of Hero- 
dotus appears to be no exaggeration; for, although the Scamander has 
a large volume of water in winter and spring, it is in the dry seagon 
generally reduced to a very slender and shallow brook. I have seen it 
several times, and the last time in September and October 1878, so dried 
up that there was no stream at all in the Plain of Troy, nothing in fact 
but a series of pools of stagnant water. This is by no means a rare 
occurrence; nay, the villagers of Kalifatl, Yeni Shehr, and Yeni Kioi 
assured me that in dry summers, and on an average once in three years, 
there is in August and September no flowing water whatever in the river 
in the Plain of Troy. They also asserted that this always occurs in the 
late summer or autumn, if in April and May there have been in the 
mountains of Ida abundant rains, which melt away the snow, and these 
have been followed by a long-protracted drought. If the army of Xerxes 
reached the Scamander when in such a condition, it is no wonder that 
its water did not suffice for the men and animals. This condition of 
the Scamander is described with some exaggeration by Lucan, who says 
that Caesar had unconsciously passed the winding Xanthus on a surface 
of dry sand, and had safely put his foot among the deep grass.° 

In the time also of Pomponius Mela, the Roman geographer, who 
flourished during the reign of the Emperor Claudius (41-54 a.p.), the 
Scamander and Simois were considered to possess no other importance 
than that of the reminiscences attached to them; for he observes, in 
speaking of them, “Fama quam natura majora flumina.”’ This very 
just observation stands in striking contrast with the statement of Pliny,° 
who, twenty-five or thirty years later, mentioning the objects he saw from 
his ship when passing the coast of the Troad, speaks of the Scamander as 
“‘amnis navigabilis.” Now, to call the Scamander a “navigable river” is 
simply a bad joke, because even in winter it is not navigable for small 





4 Tl. vi. 402, 403: 

τόν ῥ᾽ Ἕκτωρ καλέεσκε Σκαμάνδριον, αὐτὰρ of 
ἄλλοι 
᾿Αστυάνακτ᾽ * οἷος yap ἐρύετο Ἴλιον “Ἕκτωρ. 

5 vii. 43: ᾿Απικομένου δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐπὶ 
τὸν Σκάμανδρον, ὃς πρῶτος ποταμῶν, ἐπεί τε ἐκ 
Σαρδίων ὁρμηθέντες ἐπεχείρησαν τῇ ὁδῷ, ἐπέλιπε 
τὸ ῥέεθρον οὐδ᾽ ἀπέχρησε τῇ στρατιῇ τε καὶ 
τοῖσι κτήνεσι πινόμενος, ἐπὶ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν πο- 
ταμὺν ὡς ἀπίκετο Ἐέρξης, ἐς τὸ Πριάμου Πέργαμον 
ἀνέβη ἵμερον ἔχων θεήσασθαι. 

6 Pharsal. ix. 974: 

“Inscius in sicco serpentem pulvere rivum 


Transierat, qui Xanthus erat; securus in 

alto 

Gramine ponebat gressus,” 

* De Situ Orbis, i. 18. 

8 ἢ. N. ν. 33: “Troadis primus locus Ha- 
maxitus : dein Cebrenia: ipsaque Troas, Antigonia 
dicta; nunc Alexandria, colonia Romana. Oppi- 
dum Nee, Scamander amnis navigabilis, et in 
promontorio quondam Sigeum oppidum. Dein 
Portus Achaeorum, in quem influit Xanthus 
Simoenti junctus: stagnumque prius faciens 
Palaescamander.” 


§ 11|.} RIVERS—THE IN TEPEH ASMAK. 95 


boats, on account of its strong current and many sandbanks. The Roman 
naturalist commits also an obvious error in making the Xanthus and the 
Scamander two distinct rivers, and mentioning besides a Palaescamander. 
It has been repeatedly asserted by scholars who never visited the Troad, 
that, as Pliny mentions the navigable Scamander before the promontory 
of Sigeum, he cannot possibly mean anything else than the artificial 
channel by which part of the waters of the rivulet called the Bounar- 
bashi Su run into the Bay of Besika. This channel, however, is only 
from 13 to 20 ft. broad, and its depth is from 1 to 4ft.; but it is 
much less still at its mouth. It would therefore be a ridiculous parody 
to call it an “amnis navigabilis.” Hence I perfectly agree with Professor 
Virchow that Pliny cannot mean by his Scamander any other river than 
the present Scamander; by the “ Xanthus Simoenti junctus,” the Kali- 
fath Asmak, into which the Simois still flows, and the bed of which, as we 
have before explained, is identical with that of the ancient Scamander ; 
lastly, by Palaescamander, the In Tepeh Asmak, by which the ancient 
Scamander once fell into the Hellespont close to Cape Sigeum.® 

(d) The In Tepeh Asmak*® “runs along the eastern border of the plain 
in a parallel line with the Rhoeteum ridge, and falls into the Hellespont 
at a distance of about 600 ft. to the north of In Tepeh, the tumulus attri- 
buted to Ajax. According to Akerblad! and Forchhammer,’? the mouth of 
the In Tepeh Asmak is called by the inhabitants Karanlik-Limani (Port 
of Karanlik, which word means ‘darkness’). But this is an error, for 
by this name is designated, not the mouth of the In Tepeh Asmak, 
but a small bay or creek immediately to the east of the projecting neck of 
land of Rhoeteum; it is encompassed by a rampart-like border of the 
tertiary ridge, and is thus pretty well concealed: hence its name. Here, 
as I have said, I always took my morning bath in the dark. Maclaren? 
holds the mouth of the In Tepeh Asmak to be identical with the Portus 
Achaeorum mentioned by several ancient writers This mouth ig 
separated from the Hellespont by a vast, flat sandbank, which Pro- 
fessor Virchow estimates to be 230 paces long, and which is connected 
on the east side with the projecting neck of land of Rhoeteum. From 
its mouth to the bridge,® which is 72 paces long, the In Tepeh Asmak 
becomes a river of importance. It preserves its breadth for some 
distance, but its banks and borders are covered with a richer vegetation ; 
the rushes, which are very hard and pointed, become higher and 
thicker; here and there the wild vine (Vitis vinifera) slings its long 
branches among them; tall shrubs of Asphodel and an odoriferous Arte- 
misia occupy the higher and dry places. At some fifty paces above the 


" Biichner, Homerische Studien, i. ii. Progr. 
Schwerin, 1871, 1872, endeavours to prove (i. p. 
15) that Pliny held the channel of the Bounar- 
bashi Su, which empties itself into the Bay of 
Besika, to be the Scamander, the Mendere or 
present Scamander the Xanthus Scamander, and 
the Kalifatli Asmak the Palaescamander, E. 


laescamander.” 

10 1 extract this interesting description of the 
In Tepeh Asmak from R. Virchow, Seitrage 
zur Landeskunde der Troas, pp. 82-92. 

1 Lechevalier, op. cit., t. ii. p. 244, note. 

2 Forchhammer, Zopogr. und physiogr. Be- 
schreibung der Ebene von Troia, p. 12. 


Brentano, Alt-Ilion im Dumbrekthal, p. 8, pro- 
poses to read the passage in Pliny: “Xanthus 
Simoenti junctus stagnumque prius faciens, Pa- 


3 Maclaren, op. cit., p. 41. 
4 As.eg. by Pliny Nav. oa. 
5 See the Map of the Troad. 


96 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. Coape ΙΝ 


bridge the open water-current in the river-bed becomes narrow, and it 
soon disappears under a rich vegetation of reeds, rushes, and Typha. 
It appears again here and there, but covers itself with a thick veil of 
water-ranunculus. Still further on may be seen in the river-current 
solid islands, of greater or less length, partly covered with vegetation, as 
well as masses of ground projecting into the river from the banks which 
are here higher, so that the width of the river-bed becomes quite out 
of proportion to the breadth of the water-current. About ten minutes’ 
walk above the first bridge is a second stone bridge, but it is short and 
low. Soon afterwards the watercourse appears only as a small ditch; 
finally it becomes altogether dammed up by rushes and harder soil. 
This is the case somewhat below the high ground which projects from 
the south-west corner of Rhoeteum, and which can easily be recognized 
by a couple of sheep-folds which stand on it, and which belong to 
Koum Kioi. Here the ancient river-bed, which is easily recognized 
by its sloping banks, is still 42 paces broad, but is entirely dry, except 
on its right border a ditch-like watercourse 4 to 5ft. broad, which has 
no current. It is still cut like a trough, but the surface is unequal, 
being here and there slightly hilly, and in general somewhat higher 
in the middle than on the sides. It is covered with grass interspersed 
with clover (λωτός) and numerous blue flowers of the Gynandriris; there 
are still here and there thick beds of rushes. A short distance farther 
upwards the trough is still more filled up, and on the further side of the 
above-mentioned high ground the old river-bed can no longer be dis- 
tinctly recognized.” Professor Virchow goes on to say: “I have described 
the nature of the In Tepeh Asmak thus fully, in order to put an end to 
the uncertainty regarding the extent, the character, and the connection 
of that river. It will be seen from this description that at present this 
Asmak is a dead, stagnant watercourse, whose upper bed is more and more 
overgrown, and whose lower part is only kept open by the flowing in of 
the Hellespont. lt as no longer an outflowing, but rather an inflowing 
stream (inlet Inwike). What water it receives, except at the time of the 
inundations, can only be rain-water.” 

(6) The Bounarbashi Su.—The principal part of the water which com- 
poses this rivulet comes from the 34 or, more probably, 40 springs at 
the foot of the heights of Bounarbashi, which I visited and explored in 
company with Professor Virchow.’ The first three of them are in close 
proximity ; a little further north are two more, and the others rise 
within a distance of about 1700ft. Their waters form a rivulet from 
3 to 6ft. deep and 13 to 20 ft. broad. It is joined at once by a very 
small affluent, which comes from the valleys to the east of the Bali Dagh. 
“In its further course,” says Professor Virchow,’ “it forms a series of 
large swamps, which have been most accurately described by M. Forch- 
hammer.’ The rivulet of Bounarbashi,” he adds, “ notwithstanding its 
turning off by the artificial channel, provides, during its short course, 





6 See p. 55. 8 P. W. Forchhammer, Zopogr. und physiogr. 
7 Beitréige zur Landeskunde der Troas, pp.  Beschr. der Ebene von Troia, p. 15; compare 
114-119. Maclaren, p. 123. 


§ 1Π.] RIVERS—-THE BOUNARBASHI SU. 91 


four large basins with a lasting supply of water even during the summer. 
Apart from the infiltration through the compact soil at the sources 
themselves, we find to the east of Ujek Tepeh a large tank, which is 
deep in the middle and overgrown with reeds and rushes; even in the 
height of summer it is navigated by fishing boats. Further down, at 
Yerkassi Kioi, is a smaller swamp with abundance of water. There is 
a similar swamp in the valley through which the canal is cut. In the 
rainy season, the same rivulet (the Bounarbashi Su), by means of the 
winter-stream of the original bed, the so-called Lisgar, fills also a vast 
swamp in a sinuosity of the promontory of Yeni Shehr below Hagios 
Demetrios Tepeh. This swamp dries up in summer, and it was in August 
overgrown with high dry reeds. 

“The winter-stream (just mentioned) of the ‘rivulet,’ as Forchhammer 
ealls the Bounarbashi Su in a very significant manner, is in his opinion® 
identical with the original bed, which existed before the artificial channel 
to the Aegean Sea was cut. That ancient bed is partly cut deep in the 
clayey soil, and partly it spreads over the flat surface with undefined 
borders. But even in these flat places its limits do not change from year 
to year. While the stream prefers in winter the already existing bed to 
any other course over higher ground, in summer it all the more pre- 
serves the course impressed on the clayey soil, the clay becoming by the 
heat almost as hard as stone. In the hard clayey soil of the level 
parts of this winter-bed small artificial channels were visible, whose 
age may perhaps be considerable. This winter-stream of the Bounar- 
bashi Su discharges in two places into the Scamander above Yeni Shehr, 
and pours with it into the Hellespont. 

“From this description it is apparent that the whole west side of 
the Plain along the Ujek and Sigeum ridges is full of the swamps of 
the Bounarbashi Su, and this is still more evident from Spratt’s map. 
These swamps occupy all the sinuosities of the coast-line and encroach 
to a great extent on the Plain, so that they leave only in its southern 
part a small portion of land for tillage; and even this is also exposed 
to the inundations of the Scamander. One can best view all this by 
following up the road which leads from Kalifatli to Yerkassi Kioi and 
Ujek Kioi. On the 22nd of April it was in the following condition :— 
Having passed a field still very wet from the last inundation, and 
covered in places where it had dried up with a rich crumbling crust, 
I first came to two small arms of the Bounarbashi Su, which are close 
together, and in which there was open, but scarcely flowing, dirty 
water ; a half-ruined bridge leads over them. ‘To the right (north) these 
arms were lost in a vast swamp thickly overgrown with luxuriant 
water-plants. To the left, where the swamp was not less extensive, old 
reeds still stood, double a man’s height. Through this swamp a long 
winding road leads over a ruined stone dyke. On the west side we 
reach another small stone bridge, spanning with a single short arch 
the excavated canal below. Somewhat turbid but still transparent water 





® Topogr. und physiogr. Beschr. der Ebene von Troia, p. 14. 


98 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


flows through it in a rapid current. Immediately beyond it, on the 
western bank, firm soil is reached.” 

Considering the series of swamps and particularly the ancient water- 
beds of the Bounarbashi Su further down, Professor Virchow™ thinks 
the construction of the artificial canal to the Aegean Sea cannot claim a 
high antiquity. In fact, various conjectures have been made as to its age. 
It was first spoken of by Wood, who supposed it to have been excavated 
by a Turkish governor. Hunt,” who travelled in the Troad in 1801, 
says he heard from the peasants, that eighty years before (that is, in 
1720) the canal had been made by a Sultana of the Serail, who was at 
that time proprietor of the estate, and that it had been afterwards 
restored by Hassan Pasha. The Turks of Yerkassi Kioi assured Le- 
chevalier® that the Kapudan Pasha Hassan had built a mill and baths 
in the neighbouring valley, and they had themselves been employed 
in the excavation of the new canal. Lechevalier thinks that the water 
of the Bounarbashi Su had formerly been led off to Alexandria-Troas 
by the aqueduct of Herodes Atticus. Barker Webb* also says that 
Hassan Pasha el Ghazi led the water of the Bounarbashi Su through 
an old canal which he restored and which moves a mill. Mauduit® 
is of opinion that the canal has been restored at different periods, 
but that it already existed at the time of Xerxes, and that at the time 
of Demetrius of Scepsis it led off all the water of the Bounarbashi Su 
(called by him Scamander) into the Aegean Sea. Forchhammer® shares 
the opinion that the canal is very ancient. Colonel Leake’ did not 
venture to decide whether it was a work of the ancients or of the 
Turks. But I think we find the best answer to the question in the 
alluvium deposited by this channel, which covers a space about one 
mile and a half long and broad, and has thus already filled up by far the 
larger portion of the Bay of Besika. That a small rivulet lke this 
channel should form such immense alluvial deposits in a hundred years 
is out of the question; in my opinion, a long number of centuries is 
required. This canal is, as before mentioned, from 13 to 20 ft. broad, and 
from 1 to 4 ft. deep. It is cut for a long distance in the rock. 

Virchow ὃ says: “As M. Forchhammer rightly observes in the passage 
quoted above, the ancient water-beds of the Bounarbashi Su are partly 
very deeply impressed ; and, 1 might add, they are impressed so deeply 
that we cannot well suppose them to have been preserved so for 
thousands of years. This can best be seen by following the -road from 
Yeni Kioi down to the ferry of the Scamander. A long turning is first 
made to the north round the Lisgar; then the road leads round a spur 
of the ridge towards a couple of bridges on which we cross two such 
watercourses. When I first came there, I thought, especially at the 





10 Beitrége zur Landeskunde der Troas, p. 118. * Barker Webb, at other places, p, 34, notes. 

1 Essay on the Original Genius and Writings of 5 A. Εν Mauduit, Découvertes dans la Troade 5 
Homer ; London, 1775, p. 326. Paris et Londres, 1840, pp. 132, 215. 

2 Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and ὁ Forchhammer, op. cit. p. 26. 
Asiatic Turkey ; London, 1817, p. 135. 7 Journal of a Tour in Asia Mino”, p. 293. 

3 Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade en 1785, 8 Landeskunde, &e., p. 118. . 


1786. 11, p. 198, 


§ Π1.] RIVERS—THE BOUNARBASHI SU. 99 


eastern bridge, that I saw a stately river before me. As far as I could see 
on both sides there was before us a broad bed, with but slight windings, 
filled with open water and sharply-cut banks, presenting on a small 
scale the image of the Scamander which is close by. but a further 
investigation showed that this bed had no continuity; even at the time 
of high water it was connected with the Bounarbashi Su only by the 
swamps and the inundating water. This water, however, had not been 
brought down by the Bounarbashi Su, but by the Scamander, which 
inundates its left bank in certain fixed places. The three principal places 
where this occurs are accurately marked on Spratt’s map, just as I found 
them to be. The first is not far below Bounarbashi, where, after its 
entry into the Plain, the Scamander makes its first great bend to the 
west and forms the islands. The second is opposite the Ujek Tepeh, and 
indeed in a distinctly-marked connection with the great reedy swamp of 
the Bounarbashi Su. The third is much farther down, opposite Yeni Kioi ; 
it fills the swamps of the Lisgar district and the adjoining low ground. 

“Properly speaking, the proportion of the Bounarbashi Su to the 
Scamander is very similar to that of the Kalifatli Asmak. Both of them 
are indebted for their existence, in a large degree, to the powerful 
‘brother.’ If it were not for the artificial canal to Besika Bay, the 
water of the Bounarbashi Su would also pour entirely into the Plain, 
and it would fill the watercourses further down which are now dry, just 
as the water of the Duden sources fills the bed of the Kalifatli Asmak. 
There should, therefore, be also a name ‘Bounarbashi Asmak.’ The 
name §u is only suitable if the artificial canal with its flowing water 
is referred to.” , 

Another canal, which has evidently required even greater labour, has, 
at an unknown period, been cut across the promontory of Sigeum between 
Yeni Kioi and Hagios Demetrios Tepeh. According to Forchhammer,? 
the length of this canal is 3000 ft., its depth more than 100 ft., and its 
upper width about 100 ft. At present it is filled up 10 to 15 ft. deep 
with earth, so that it is of no use whatever. It had evidently been 
made to drain the waters of the Lisgar and the winter inundation of 
the Bounarbashi Su.” 

Before the artificial canal was cut, and before the Scamander had its 
present course, the Bounarbashi Su ran along the heights of Sigeum and 
fell into the Hellespont. As in this position, and also on account of its 
insignificance, it in no way interfered with the movement of the armies, 
it is not mentioned by Homer. 

(f) Of the Kalifatli Asmak —which, with Virchow, Burnouf, and Calvert, 
I hold to be identical with the ancient bed of the Scamander-——I have 
already spoken at some length. It is enough to add here, that one arm 
of it rises in the Duden swamp Ὁ on Mr. Calvert’s farm of Akshi Kioi, 
while another arm starts from the point where the Scamander and 





9 Forchhammer, op. cit. p. 20. dried up and converted into most valuable 
10 This swamp, which formerly covered an land; the three springs which produced it still 
area of about 250 acres, has by the exertions of exist 
Mr. Calvert and his engineer, Mr. Stoney, been 


100 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I, 


Thymbrius meet. The latter arm, which is broad and deep, brings at 
the time of the floods an immense volume of water from the Scamander, 
and joins the former arm at a short distance to the north of the Duden 
swamp. There can hardly be any doubt that this is the ancient bed of 
the Scamander. Ata short distance to the north of the confluence of the 
Scamander and Thymbrius there is a second channel, and a little further 
on a third, through which the Scamander now sends its surplus waters 
into the Kalifatli Asmak. In all three channels, but particularly in 
the last one, may be seen countless trunks of uprooted trees, which have 
been carried down the stream by the force of the current. The Kalifatli 
Asmak has scarcely any current except in the winter months; in the 
dry season it consists of a long series of pools of stagnant water. 

(7) The river Rhesus (ὁ ‘“Phoos") was called Rhoites (‘Poecrns) in 
the time of Strabo, who says, however, on the authority of Demetrius 
of Scepsis, that possibly the river which flows into the Granicus might 
be identical with the Rhesus of Homer." 

(h.) The river Heptaporus (ὁ ‘Extazropos’), according to Strabo,* flowed 
180 stadia to the north of Adramyttium. 

(1.) The river Caresus (ὁ Kapnoos*) criginated at Maloiis, between 
Palaescepsis and Achaeum, on the coast opposite Tenedos, and fell 
mto the Aesepus.® 

(j.) The river Rhodius (ὁ Ῥοδίος") is, in all probability, the small river 
which falls into the Hellespont at the Dardanelles.?’ According to Strabo, 
it fell into the Hellespont between Abydus and Dardanus; opposite its 
mouth, on the Thracian Chersonesus, was the Dog’s-tumulus (Cynossema, 
Kuvos σῆμα or Κυνόσσημα), the pretended tomb of Hecuba. Strabo 
further states that, according to others, the Rhodius fell into the Aesepus.* 
Elsewhere Strabo says that the Rhodius fell into the Aenius; he remarks 
at the same time that it came from Cleandria and Gordus.? 

(k.) The Granicus (ὁ Tpymxos"®) rises in Mount Cotylus, one of the 
peaks of Ida. It flows to the north-east through the district of Adrasteia, 
and falls into the Propontis opposite the island of Ophiusa (now Afzia).” 
On the banks of this river Alexander the Great defeated the army of 
Darius (334 B.c.) 

(1) The Aesepus (ὁ Alonzos*) rises also in Mount Cotylus,’ receives 
the Caresus, as before stated, passes to the north-east of Zeleia, and 


aL ὙΠ χῖι ΩὉ: 8 xiii. p. 595: μεταξύ τε CABUS0v καὶ Aap- 


1 xiii. 602: ὁ μὲν Ῥῆσος ποταμὸς νῦν καλεῖται 
Ῥοείτης, εἰ μὴ ἄρα ὃ εἰς τὸν Γράνικον ἐμβάλλων 
Ῥῆσός ἐστιν. 

2. dy, xa 20: 

3 xiii. p. 603: ᾿Αδραμυττίου δὲ διέχει πρὸς 
ἄρκτον ἑκατὸν καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίους“. 

4 7; χῦΣ 

" Strabo, xiii. p, 603: Κάρησος 8 ἀπὸ Μα- 
λοῦντος ῥεῖ, τόπου τινος κειμένου μεταξὺ Πα- 
λαισκήψεως καὶ ᾿Αχαΐον τῆς Τενεδίων Περαία" 
ἐμβάλλει δὲ εἰς τὸν Αἴσηπον. 

Ol xii, 20, 


” Ε΄ Buchholz, Homer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. 


p- 310. 


δάνου) ὁ Ῥοδίος ἐκπίπτει ποταμός, Kad’ ὃν ἐν TH 
Χεῤῥονήσῳ τὸ Kuvds σῆμά ἐστιν, ὅ φασιν Ἑκάβης 
εἶναι τάφον οἱ δὲ τὸν Ῥοδίον εἰς τὸν Αἴσηπον 
ἐμβάλλειν φασίν. 

δ xiii. p. 603: Ῥοδίος δὲ ἀπὸ Κλεανδρίας καὶ 
Γόρδου ἃ διέχει τῆς καλῆς πεύκης ἑξήκοντα 
σταδίους": ἐμβάλλει δ᾽ εἰς τὸν Αἴνιον. 

29 Tx 

1 Strabo, xiii. p. 602: ἔστι yap λόφος tis τῆς 
Ἴδης Κότυλος" ἐξ οὗ 6 τε Σκάμανδρος pet kal 
ὁ Γράνικος καὶ Αἴσηπος. 

2 E. Buchholz, Homer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. 
p. 311, 3 ΜΙ, xii, 21. 

* Strabo, xiii. p. 602, just cited. 


THE CLIMATOLOGY OF THE TROAD 101 


§ JV.] 


falls into the Propontis opposite the island of Halone, the present 
Aloni.° 

(m.) The Selleis (ὁ Σελλήεις) flowed in the neighbourhood of Arisbe. 
Strabo says: ‘Of the rivers the poet makes the Selleis flow near Arisbe, 
if indeed Asius came from Arisbe and the river Selleis.’’’ 

(v.) The Practius (ὁ Τ]ράκτιος ) flowed between Abydus and Lamp- 
sacus. Strabo says: “ The Practius is also a river, but a city (of this 
name), as some have thought, is ΩΝ to be found. This river flows also 
between Abydus and Lampsacus.”® 

(0.) The Satniois (ὁ Σατνιόεις), to which the ἐσοὺ gives the epithet 
ἐὐῤῥείτης (with a fair current*°), is now called Tuzlatchai, that is to say, 
“Salt river:” it rises in Ida, flows in a westerly direction through the 
southernmost part of the Troad, and falls into the Aegean Sea between 
Larissa and Hamaxitus.' 


SIV. Tur Crmatotocy or tHe Troan. 


If we consider the Homeric Troad to extend from the coast of the 
Propontis and the district of Cyzicus to the Caicus, it would lie between 
40° 30’ and 39° N. latitude; Novum Ilium being in latitude 39° 53’: 
its climate therefore must be almost identical with that of Constanti- 
nople, which lies only 1° 7’ further to the north. According to Tchiha- 
tcheff,? the mean temperature of Constantinople is 14°27 Celsius=57°°70 
Fahrenheit; while that of Rome, which lies in the same latitude, is 1604 
= 59°30 Fahrenheit, that of Barcelona 17° = 62°60 Fahrenheit. 


TABLE OF THE MEAN NuMBER OF Days OF THE Four CARDINAL WINDS; OF FINE Days; OF 
RAINY Days; AND OF MORE OR LESS CLOUDY Days IN THE YEARS 1847, 1848, anp 1854.3 



























































Months. North. | East. | South. | West. | ia eo ΠΝ 
Junuary . 4 20 2 6 - [15 14 
Mepristy ss) Moe E 1 12 1 4 Σ 21 
Maxehs ταν πο τὲ 19 1 6 2 8 ᾷ 15 
PPTUUY . a ya oF 9 1 14 4 {710 9 
ΠΥ: 19 1 9 2 13 3 12 
SUMO ty wh Py, ΤῊ 15 1 9 - 16 ἐ 10 
E10 ae es a ος ao 1 4 1 14 3 19 
August opty [22] 4 4 2 21 3 8 
September τ. ..| 22 - 6 1 9 8 15 
October =." 21 4 γί 1 11 41 18 
November.) τ΄ 19 - 7 2 6 101 14 
December. . . 18 il a 1 5 | 16} 14 

Total numbers. | 217 17 91 15 180) 80: 1588 
° i. Buchholz, Homer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. 9. xiii, p. 590: 6 δὲ Πράκτιος ποταμὸς μέν 


o / 5 
ἐστι, πόλις δ᾽ οὐχ εὑρίδκεται. ὥς τινες ἐνόμισαν 


Ῥ- 911. 
ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος μεταξὺ ᾿Αβύδου καὶ Λαμψάκου. 


5 7]. ii, 838, 839: 


ἼΑσιος Ὑρτακίδης, ὃν ᾿Αρίσβηθεν φέρον ἵπποι, 

αἴθωνες, μεγάλοι, ποταμοῦ ἀπὸ Σελλήεντος. 

7 Strabo, xiii. p. 590: τῶν δὲ ποταμῶν τὸν 
μὲν Σελλήεντά φησιν ὁ ποιητὴς πρὸς τῇ ᾿Αρίσβῃ 
ῥεῖν" εἴπερ ὁ ἔΑσιος ᾿Αρίσβηθέν τε ἧκε καὶ 
ποταμοῦ ἄπο Σελλήεντος. 

871. ii. 835: 

ot δ᾽ ἄρα Περκώτην καὶ Πράκτιον ἀμφενέμουτο. 


10 7], vi. 34: Σατνιόεντος éevppeitao. See also 
xiv. 445 and xxi. 87. 

1 —. Buchholz, Humer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. 
Ῥ. 954. 

2 Ῥὶ de Tchihatcheff, Asie Mineure: II. Clima- 
tologie et Zoologie, pp. 35-37. 

3 Ῥ᾽ὴ de Tchihatcheff, Jbid. p. 44. 


102 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuar. I. 


It will be seen from this table that the north wind predominates very 
decidedly, except in February and April. Thus in January it is on an 
average nearly three times more frequent than all the other winds taken 
together; in March it is a quarter more frequent than the rest; in May, 
November, and December, almost twice as frequent; in July, more than 
three times as frequent ; and in August, twice as frequent. 

These north winds blow nearly always with great violence, and they 
caused us much suffering during the whole period of our excavations 
at Troy. 

The rainy season here is in December, January, and February. From 
the beginning of April to the end of October it hardly ever rains, and in 
the many summers I passed in the Troad I experienced hardly any rain 
except in the shape of an occasional thunderstorm. 

The winters are seldom very severe in the Troad; the cold generally 
does not set in before January. It is seldom so cold that the rivers freeze. 
I have seen the Kalifatli Asmak frozen over in the winter of 1873, but 
never the Scamander or Simois. But it appears that even the Hellespont 
has sometimes been frozen over, since the straits were frozen in 739* and 
753° a.p., While in 755 a.p. both the Bosphorus and the Hellespont are 
reported to have been covered with ice. Tchihatcheff,’ from whom I 
take this information, mentions further two occasions when the Bosphorus 
was frozen during the reign of the Emperor Romanus (919-944 ap.), 
one in 1011 and one in 1068; also one in 1620 a.p. 

No traveller has studied the climate of the Troad with more attention 
and accuracy than P. Barker Webb, who expresses himself in the following 
terms :’—“ The Troad being placed in the delicious temperature of Northern 
Asia, its winters are tempered by the south winds which blow from the 
Mediterranean ; the summer heat is also modified by the regular return 
of the Etesian winds, which are poetically described by Homer under the 
image of Boreas traversing the Thracian Sea. The fertility of the fields 
and valleys, continually irrigated by the waters which descend from 
Mount Ida, so rich in springs; the variety of the soil, now flat, now 
mountainous; the abundance of the rivers; the neighbourhood of the 
sea; the charming and picturesque landscape, which Nature alone has 
had the care of forming, without Art having any share in it,—all pleases 
the eye and strikes the imagination: in one word, the situation of 
this country, considered as a whole, is such that Nature leaves nothing 
to desire. In fact, if this country had a more enlightened government, 
if it were under a less barbarous rule, few countries in the world could be 
compared with it, whether for the richness and variety of its products, or 
for the abundance of all that is necessary for human life. We may say 
the same of the whole of Asia Minor, which was celebrated for the luxury 
and the riches of its ancient inhabitants; but Phrygia in particular 
appears to have been in a high degree favoured by Heaven. Its forests 





4 Von Hammer-Purgstall,  Gesch. des Osm. 7 Asie Min. : Descr. phys. p. 70. 
Reichs, 2nd ed. vol, ii. p. 784. 8 Topographie de la Troade ancienne et moderne, 
5 Glycas, ed. Bon., p. 493. Dp 110. 11: 


© Theophanes, ed. Bon., vol. i. pp. 540 anc 070, 





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Mounds of Achilles and Patroclus. 


No. 214. VIEW OF THE NORTHERN PART OF 


THE CHAI 


































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































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No. 218. VIEW OF THE SOUTH-EASTERN PART Ὁ 
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PENINSULA OF GALLAPOLI. 
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right of the Camels is the old bed of the Scamander. To face page 103. 


| OF TROY, FROM THE HILL OF HISSARLIK. 


Ted A 


Mount Gargarus (Kaz Dagh). 







































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































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§ V.] PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OF TROY. [00 


and pasture-lands are greener than those of the neighbouring countries 
of Europe, and the fertility of its soil is by no means inferior to that of 
the rest of Asia: add to this that it has neither the rigorous winters of 
the former nor the scorching heat of the latter. What is missing here 
is man. Desunt manus poscentibus arvis! The want of population has 
changed these very blessings into as many misfortunes; nay, this want 
of men is the cause of those pestilential miasmata which have rendered 
endemic in this country the sickness represented by Homer under the 
image of the arrows cast by the wrath of Apollo. The aspect of the 
country is in the highest degree picturesque: sometimes it reminds an 
Englishman of the landscapes of his own country. ‘This resemblance is 
due as much to the form of the fields enclosed by verdant hedges, as to 
the trees which are scattered here and there without symmetry, now 
isolated, now in detached groups; and this gives to the whole the appear- 
ance of a park, or of a large space of ground destined to please the eye of 
the traveller by its variety. There are but few vineyards here; what is 
chiefly cultivated is grain.” 


δ V. Panoramic View or THE Puain oF Troy. 


I might add, that the Plain of Troy itself is even more favoured than 
the surrounding country in the exuberant fertility of its soil and the 
glorious beauty of its landscape. I beg the reader to accompany me at 
sunset in spring to the summit of Hissarlik, in order that he may 
convince himself how greatly the Trojans were favoured above other men 
in the beautiful situation of their city.° Immediately before us extends 
the plain bordered by the Simois and the Kalitatli Asmak, the ancient 
Scamander, which was the theatre of the principal battles of the Iliad 
and the scene of so many heroic actions. It is covered with grain and 
innumerable yellow or red flowers. It ends at the confluence of the two 
rivers, a mile distant, close to the village of Koum Kioi, whose small 
terraced houses much resemble the mud hovels of the Egyptian fellahs. 
The ridge to the right of this village, clothed with Valonea oaks, runs 
out on the north-east into the promontory of Rhoeteum, on a lower 
height of which, to the left, our eyes discern the tumulus which tradition 
attributes to Ajax; its summit is, according to Burnouf’s measurement, 
4022 metres =131 ft. above the sea. To the north of this tumulus lies 
the site of an ancient city, 8m.=26 ft. 8in. above the level of the sea, 
according to Burnouf’s measurement. It is strewn with fragments of 
ancient pottery and sculptured splinters of white marble. Near the sea- 
shore rises a small mound, which, according to Pausanias,"° must be the 
tumulus to which tradition pointed as the original tomb of Ajax. I shall 
revert to it in the description of the Heroic tumuli.'' Close to this 
tumulus lies a mutilated marble statue of a warrior, draped and of 
colossal size. In all probability the spot marks the site of the ancient 
city of Aeanteum, which is not mentioned by Strabo, but is aliuded to 
by Pliny,’ who says that it no longer existed in his time. 





® See the View, No. 21a. 10 1, 35.5. 1Ῥ1 See Chapter XII. (on the Tumuli). τ Mave ee, 


104 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap, 1. 


On the promontory of Rhoeteum, 250 m.=820 ft. to the east of the 
great tumulus of Ajax, are numerous traces of an ancient city, probably 
Rhoeteum, which is repeatedly mentioned by Strabo,” and still existed in 
the time of Pliny.’ A little further to the east and north-east are four 
more small artificial tumuli, on the height which descends to a miniature 
port now called “ Karanlik” (darkness). Fragments of marble columns and 
pottery abound here. I agree with Mr. Calvert that the above-mentioned 
city of Aeanteum must have extended as far as this, and that Karanlik 
marks its port, and perhaps at the same time the port of Rhoeteum. 

Close to the height of Rhoeteum, and parallel with it, is the deep bed 
of the In Tepeh Asmak, into which the Scamander once flowed a little to 
the north-east of Koum Kioi. We cannot discern from hence the tumulus 
of Ilus, where the Scamander formerly bent to the north-east or east, as 
it is.too low. The eye follows for some distance to the north-west the 
present bed of the Kalifatl Asmak, until we lose sight of it among the 
oaks with which the plain is covered; but we can distinctly trace its 
course to the north as far as its mouth by the two rows of trees with 
which the banks of the Scamander are lined. To the left of its mouth 
we see the little town of Koum Kaleh, with its two white minarets and its 
citadel surrounded with high walls, which can now be easily scaled, the 
wind having accumulated immense masses of sand on its eastern side. 
Koum Kaleh was a thriving and flourishing city before the town of the 
Dardanelles was built, which cannot be much more than a hundred years 
ago; indeed, the masses of marble which have been lavished on its 
mosques and its fountains, now dried up, testify to its former opulence. 
Fragments of ancient marbles, as well as stone tombs, which are some- 
times dug up in Koum Kaleh or its neighbourhood, lead me to think that 
it marks the site of the ancient city of Achilleum (τὸ ᾿Αχίλλειον), which, 
according to Herodotus,* was built by the Mytilenaeans. It is mentioned 
by Strabo as having been destroyed by the Ilians,° and by Pliny,® who 
says that it no longer existed in his time. M. Burnouf observes to me: 
“The current of the Hellespont does not prevent the accumulation of 
alluvial soil at Koum Kaleh, because (1) the fort is almost buried under the 
sand which the north and north-east winds heap up there: (2) the current 
of the Scamander forms before Koum Kaleh horizontal mounds of sand, 
where the swamp changes little by little, by the effect of the vegetation, 
into vegetable earth: (8) there are deposits of sand at the mouth of the 
Scamander, which are on a level with the surface of the sea; though it 
appears that they cannot grow higher, since the wind carries away their 
crest when it emerges and becomes dry: (4) behind Koum Kaleh, on the 
side of the Aegean, is a lagoon of salt water, which tends to fill up and 
appears to have once been connected with the sea. In short, the whole 
neck of land of Koum Kaleh seems to be of recent formation; the sea 
must once have washed the foot of Cape Sigeum. But probably this neck 
of land, in its present condition, already existed in the Trojan time, for 
such a formation requires ages.” 





2 xiii, pp. 595, 597, 601, 602, ὃ H N.v.33. ‘v.94. ὁ xiii, pp. 600,604 ° H.W. v. 88, 


§ V.] PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OF. TROY. 105 


To the south-west of Koum Kaleh we see Cape Sigeum, crowned with 
the Christian village of Yeni Shehr, 252 ft. above the sea, and its many 
windmills; and immediately to the east of it two tumuli, one of which is 
attributed to Achilles, the other to Patroclus. Looking further on, we 
see the beautiful blue Hellespont, bordered on the north by the Thracian 
Chersonesus, which runs out to a point, crowned by a lighthouse, the 
site probably of the ancient Elaeus (EXaods) mentioned by Thucydides.’ 
Further to the north-west, we see in the Aegean Sea, and at a distance 
of about 23 miles from Cape Sigeum, the island of Imbros. It is about 
23 miles in circumference, and in ancient times had on its east side a 
city of the same name. Above Imbros rises the high mountain of the 
island of Samothrace, on the top of which Poseidon sat, and gazed with 
wonder at the battles before Troy: from thence he overlooked the Greek 
fleet, the city of Troy, and Mount Ida.* According to the Scholiast (on 
this passage) and Pliny,’ this mountain was called Saw«n: it is 5000 ft. 
high. Pliny adds, with absurd exaggeration, which seems a copyist’s 
error: “Samothrace attollitur monte Saoce x. mill. passuum altitudinis.” 
A little more to the west we discern, at a distance of 119 miles, the 
beautiful cone of Mount Athos, called ᾿Αθόως by Homer," "Ἄθως and "Adwy 
by other classic writers’! (now Monte Santo), the highest and most 
eastern ridge by which the Macedonian peninsula of Chalcidice penetrates 
into the Aegean Sea. Pliny’ states that it extends for 75 Roman miles 
into the sea, and that its circumference is 150 miles. Strabo? compares 
its form to a woman’s breast. 

A severe critic of mine has declared that Mount Athos is only visible 
from Hissarlik at sunset in early autumn ;* but I can assure the reader 
that this is an utter mistake, as the mountain is visible from Hissarlik 
all the year round at sunset, whenever the weather is clear. 

According to Herodotus,* Xerxes, during his expedition to Greece, 
dug a canal through the neck of land which joins Athos to the Chaleidic 
peninsula. The promontory was also called Acte.2 Mount Athos is now 
celebrated for its monasteries, of which there are said to be 34 (32 Greek 
and 2 Russian), and for the ancient MSS. preserved in their libraries. 

teturning to the Plain of ‘Troy and turning our eyes to the north- 
west, west, and south-west, we see immediately before us the broad bed of 
the ancient Scamander (now the Kalifatli Asmak); then the Christian 
village of Kalifatli, with its wooden church steeple; further on, the lines 
of trees which flank the course of the present bed of the Scamander ; 
then fields of grain, followed by vast swamps, which are impassable 
except in the very driest season of the year, and even then only in a few 
places. There are, however, three bridges in these swamps, by which 





* viii. 102, 107. 1H. N. iv. 10, 17. Pliny exaggerates the 
® Zi. xiii, 11-14 : length of Athos, which is actually about 40 
καὶ yap ὃ θαυμάζων ἧστο πτόλεμόν Te μάχην Te English miles. 

ὑψοῦ ἐπ᾽ ἀκροτάτης κορυφῆς Σάμου bAnéoons 2 vii. p. 331. 

Opnixins’ ἔνθεν yap ἐφαίνετο πᾶσα μὲν Ἴδη, 3. Β, Stark, Jenaer Literatur Zeitung, 1874, 
φαίνετο δὲ Πριάμοιο πόλις καὶ νῆες ᾿Αχαιῶν. No. 29. 

ἘΠ Ν. iv. 12, 28. 10 J]. xiv. 09. 4 vii. 23. See also Diodor. xi. 1, and Plin. 


1! See Tzschucke, and Mela, ii. 2, 10. ἊΣ JN: wen LOM LG. 5 Thucydides, iv. 109. 


106 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. 1. 


they may always be crossed, except during the period of inundation and 
for some time afterwards. These large sheets of stagnant water, helped 
by the decomposition of the animal and vegetable matter contained in 
them, produce pestilential miasmata, which engender much sickness and 
especially intermittent fevers. 

We learn from ancient authors that swamps existed in the Plain 
of Troy throughout antiquity, even at a time when the population was 
numerous and powerful. There was even a swamp immediately below 
the walls of Troy itself, for Ulysses says to Eumaeus:*® “But when we 
reached the city and the high wall, we lay down in full armour around 
the citadel, in the midst of the thick shrubs, among the rushes and 
the swamp.” But the swamps must have largely increased since the 
disappearance of the industrious population which formerly inhabited 
the Troad. Renewed prosperity and cultivation can alone remove the 
majority of the endemic diseases which are due to them. 

The Trojan plain, which is about two hours’ ride in breadth, is 
bounded on the west by the shores of the Aegean Sea, which aie, on an 
average, 131 ft. high, and upon which we see first a conical hill, not 
unlike a tumulus in appearance. This is called Hagios Demetrios Tepeh, 
“the hill of Saint Demetrius,” on account of an open chapel dedicated 
to that saint, which has been built at the foot of the hill, fragments of 
sculptured white marble having been used for the purpose. Many other 
sculptured marble blocks he close by, and evidently mark the site of an 
ancient Greek temple, which, as Mr. Sayce justly observes,’ must in all 
probability have been dedicated to Demeter, who—like nearly all other 
Greek deities—has been metamorphosed into a saint of no real existence, 
or absurdly confounded with a real one.* But here people have not 
even gone to the trouble of changing the name more than was necessary 
in order to alter the feminine gender into the masculine (Δημήτηρ into 
Δημήτριος). I explored the tumulus and shall revert to it later on. 

A little further to the south-west lies the large Christian village of 
Yeni Kioi, in a splendid situation on the cliff, 203 ft. high, and over- 
hanging the sea. But in spite of its high situation, it is, owing to its 
close neighbourhood to the swamps, more infested by fever than any 
other place in the Troad; it even sometimes happens that all the inha- 
bitants of Yeni Kioi are fever-stricken at the same time.’ 





6 Odys. xiv. 472-475 : 
ἀλλ᾽ Ore δή ῥ᾽ ἱκόμεσθα ποτὶ πτόλιν αἰπύ τε 
τεῖχος, 
ἡμεῖς μὲν περὶ ἄστυ κατὰ ῥωπήϊα πυκνά, 
ἂν δόνακας καὶ ἕλος, ὑπὸ τεύχεσι πεπτηῶτες 
κείμεθα, νὺξ δ᾽ dp ἐπῆλθε κακὴ Βορέαο 
πεσόντος. 

" Atheneum, Oct. 4th, 1879. 

§ Thus, for example, Saint Nicholas has taken 
the place and functions of Poseidon. Many of 
the chapels or churches dedicated to him occupy 
the site where a sanctuary or temple of the 
Greek god once stood; and just as in old times 
the sailors invoked the assistance of Poseidon to 
grant them a fair wind or to save them from 


danger, so the Greek sailors of our own time 
invoke Saint Nicholas to the same effect. 

9. Without possessing the slightest knowledge 
of medicine, I became celebrated in the Troad as 
a physician, owing to the quantity of quinine 
and tincture of arnica I had brought with me 
and dispensed liberally. In all the villages of 
the Troad, the priest is the parish doctor; and 
as he himself possesses no medicines, and is 
ignorant of their properties, besides having 
an innate dislike to cold water and all species 
of washing, he never uses any other means than 
bleeding, which of course never cures, and often 
kills the poor creatures he takes in charge. 


Na PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OF TROY. 107 

To the south-east of this village is the military farm of Yerkassi, 
with its ruined mosque and minaret; and further south, on the heights, 
the lofty tumulus called Ujek Tepeh, which is 83 ft. high, and thus by 
far the highest of all the tumuli in the Troad. Those who would place 
Troy at Bounarbashi erroneously identify it with the tomb of Aesyetes. 
I have thoroughly explored it, and shall describe it in detail in the 
following pages. 

To the north-west of Ujek Tepeh, we see high up on the shore the 
tumulus called Besika Tepeh, which I also explored, and of which I shall 
speak hereafter. Of this tumulus, however, we can merely catch the top, 
as it is screened from our view by the intervening hills and tall oaks. 
Immediately to the west of Besika Tepeh is a small promontory, which 
has the shape of a castle, and is for this reason called “ Palaeocastron.” 
I visited it in company with Professor Virchow. We found there the 
foundations of one or two modern buildings, but no accumulation of débris 
and no fragments of pottery,—those everlasting and indestructible wit- 
nesses of ancient settlements. Here begins the far-stretching Bay of 
Besika, in front of which lies the island of Tenedos, still called by its 
ancient name, but by the Turks Bogdsha-Adassi. It is distant about 
40 stadia from the mainland.’® Plny' gives its distance from Lesbos 
as 56 Roman miles, and from Sigeum as 121 miles. 

This island appears to have been celebrated in ancient times, together 
with Chryse * and Cilla,* for its worship of the Sminthian Apollo: “ Hear 
me, O God of the silver bow, thou that guardest Chryse and most holy 
Cilla, and rulest Tenedos with might, Sminthean Apollo; if ever I roofed 
for thee an acceptable shrine, or if ever I burnt for thee fat thighs of 
bulls or goats, fulfil for me this wish.’* 

Tenedos is now celebrated for its excellent wine, which is not 
mentioned in Homer. 

Returning again to the Plain of Troy, our eyes wander in a southerly 
direction,® for the distance of a two hours’ ride, as far as the Turkish 
village of Bounarbashi and the heights to the right and left of it; this 
village rises up with its white minaret, and behind it, at a great distance, 
Mount Chigri, which I have mentioned before. To the north-east of 
Bounarbashi we again recognize the Scamander by the masses of trees 
with which its banks are lined; here to the south of its confluence with 
the Thymbrius is its best ford. As I have said before, from the temple 








10 Strabo, xiii. p. 604. Strabo’s time. 


ΚΝ αν SAO, 

2. Chryse was a city on the coast of the Troad, 
situated ona hill near Thebe, inthe neighbourhood 
of Adramyttium, with a temple of the Sminthian 
Apollo in a sacred grove. It was the home of 
Chryseis: Iliad, i. 390, 452 ; Ovid, Metam. xiii. 
174 ; Strabo, xiii. pp. 605, 611. Pliny, H. ΝΥ: 
32, says, “ fuit et Polymedia civitas, et Chrysa 
et Larissa alia Smintheum templum durat ;” 
but he can of course only mean the later Chryse, 
which was near Hamaxitus (Strabo, xiii. p. 612), 
the ancient city having utterly disappeared in 


3 Cilla was in the valley of Thebe in the 
Troad, on the river Cillacus, at the foot of 
Mount Cillaeus (part of the range of Ida): 
Strabo, xiii. pp. 612, 618; Pliny, ΤΠ. W. v. 30; 
Herodotus, i. 149; Ovid, Metam. xiii. 174. 

4 Il. i. 27-41: 
κλῦθί μευ, ἀργυρότοξ᾽, ds Χρύσην ἀμφιβέβηκας 
Κίλλαν τε ζαθέην, Τενέδοιό τε ἶφι ἀνάσσεις, 
Σμινθεῦ. εἰ ποτέ τοι χαρίεντ᾽ ἐπὶ νηὸν ἔρεψα, 

ἢ εἰ δή ποτέ τοι κατὰ πίονα μηρί᾽ ἔκηα 
ταύρων 79 αἰγῶν, τόδε μοι κρήηνον ἐέλδωρ" 

5 See the View, No. 218, opposite p. 103, 


108 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. 1. 


of the Thymbrian Apollo, at the confluence, to Novum Ilium is, according 
to Strabo,° 50 stadia. At a mile’s distance in a north-westerly direction 
lies the beautiful estate belonging to my friend Mr. Calvert, the old name 
of which—Akshi Kioi or Batak (which latter means “swamp ”)—has 
now been changed into Thymbra. It deserves the change of name, for 
not only is it bounded by the river Thymbrius, but it stands, as before 
stated, on the site of the ancient Thymbra. It also comprises the site 
of an early settlement, on a small hill to the north of Mr. Calvert’s farm- 
house. This site is covered with fragments of ordinary Greek pottery, 
and in regard to position, distance, &c., corresponds so closely with the 
statements of Strabo, that it must certainly be his Ἰλιέων Kwon, where, 
on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis, he places the Homeric Troy. 
At the foot of the hill are, curiously enough, the three springs of water 
already described, which produced the Duden swamp, now dried up, of 
which I have spoken before. The temperature of these springs is, 
according to Professor Virchow’s measurement, 68°-71°60 Fahr. 

I have explored the site of Ἰλιέων Kon, but found it to consist 
simply of coarse gravel sand; there is no accumulation of débris ; and the 
scanty potsherds lie on-the surface of the ground. Demetrius of Scepsis 
may have been deceived by the appearance of the soil; he may have 
supposed the Trojan walls to be hidden under a small natural rampart, 
which projects to some distance and encloses the site in some places; 
but it really consists of nothing but gravel and sand. Mr. Calvert has 
excavated a number of tombs close to this site. If we may judge from 
the contents of the tombs, they would belong to poor villagers. Another 
curiosity of the estate is the tumulus of Hanai Tepeh, of which I shall 
treat hereafter. 

Between the estate and Hissarlik are small heights covered with 
oaks, low shrubs, and bushes. At a short distance to the south rises a 
tumulus called Pasha Tepeh, which has been excavated by Mrs. Schlie- 
mann, and which I shall describe hereafter.’ To the north-east of it 
is the Turkish village of Chiblak or Tchiplak (a word which means 
“naked”), with its minaret lately built with the stones I excavated 
at Hissarik. This tumulus is situated on a neck of land which projects 
thence in a westerly direction for half a mile further into the Plain of 
Troy, and whose last spur dominates the swamp of the Kalifatl Asmak. 
On this sort of promontory Webb® places ancient Troy. But his map 
is in confusion, for he says that this promontory is to the east of Ilium 
and to the south-east of Chiblak, whereas it is to the south of the former 
and to the west of the latter. Webb® supposes that there were two 
springs at the foot of the site, which formed a swamp. But there are 
no springs; there are only low lands which are inundated at the period 
of the high waters. He commits a further error in making the Kalifatli 
Asmak come from Chiblak, and in identifying the tumulus of Aesyetes 
with Besika Tepeh. The facts are, as M. Burnouf writes to me, that 





ὁ xiii. p. 598, 8 P. Barker Webb, Zopographie de la Troade, p. 55. 
7 See Chapter XII. 9 Ibid. p. 55. 


§ VJ PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OF TROY. 109 


the little promontory consists of a horizontal limestone rock 290 metres 
= 951 ft. long by 16 to 90 metres = 52 to 295 ft. broad; the two lower 
spurs, 6 and ὁ, advance from it to the north-west and south-west. (See 
the Plan, No. 22.) On the hill a’ are to be found only a few fragments 
of red modern pottery. Advancing towards a, the quantity of vase- 
fragments increases, but the pottery is the same, wheel-made, and dull 
red. There is no fragment of 
hand-polished pottery, no frag- 
ment of a saddle-quern, or of 
other ancient objects. The 
accumulation of débris here 
and there hardly amounts to 
1 inch; below it is the naked 
rock, But there are frag- 
ments of white or coloured 
marble, some of which are 
sculptured. 

The hill is crossed by the footpath which leads from Kalifatli by Pasha 
Tepeh to Chiblak. In the dale at the southern foot of the hill is the little 
rivulet of Chiblak, which is hardly 3 ft. wide, and generally dry; it passes 
in front of the little promontory a’, feeds the reeds in the plain, and dis- 
charges into the Kalifatli Asmak at about 300 metres=984 ft. below the 
village of this name. To the south-east of Chiblak Mount Gargarus, now 
called Kaz Dagh, lifts up its head in the far distance. Immediately to 
the south-west, south, and east, is the site of Novum Ilium, the walls of 
which may still be traced in a number of places. Its extent would imply 
that it may have had from 40,000 to 50,000 inhabitants. The accumula- 
tion of débris on its site is generally from 6 to 16 ft. deep. The surface 
is covered with Hellenic and Roman potsherds, as well as with fragments 
of marble sculptures and columns, which testify to the ancient magnifi- 
cence of the town. 

As before explained, the hill of Hissarlik is the spur of a continuous 
ridge, which Strabo well describes by the words συνεχὴς paxis,'” because 
it runs for 12 miles in an easterly direction. It is partly covered with 
oaks, and apparently terminates in Mount Oulou Dagh, which I have tried 
to identify with the Homeric Callicolone. Between this ridge and the 
heights of Rhoeteum is the beautiful plain called Halil Ovasi, from 1 to 
14 mile in breadth and 4 miles in length, which is traversed by the 
Simois, and extends to the foot of the hill upon which are the ruins 
of Ophrynium: in this valley, which forms part of the great Plain of 
Troy, at a distance of 24 miles, lies the Turkish village of Halil Eh. 
Another branch of the same valley extends from this village along the 
Simois to beyond the pretty Turkish village of Doumbrek, which is at 
a distance of 8 miles from Hissarlik. This second valley is of wonderful 
fertility ; its orchards are full of peach-trees, almond-trees, pear-trees, 
and the like 

In the steep rocky slope close to Hissarlik a large theatre has been 





No. 22. The Hill which extends from Pasha Tepeh, in the 
form of a small promontory, to the Plain. 





10 Strabo. xiii. Ὁ. 599. 


110 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


excavated, with a stage 197 ft. broad, and apparently capable of contain- 
ing 5000 persons. ‘To judge from the fragments of sculptured marble I 
have dug up there, it appears to belong to the Macedonian time. It was 
probably built by Lysimachus, and was one of the favours he conferred 
upon Novum [hum." 

Immediately to the east of this theatre, directly below the ruins of 
the town-wall of Novum Ilium, and exactly 365 metres or 399 yds. from 
Hissarlik, is the spring, whose water has, as before mentioned, a tempera- 
ture of 14°°6 Celsius (58°28 Fahrenheit). It is enclosed to a height of 
ΟΣ ft. by a wall of large stones joined with cement, 9} ft. in breadth, and 
in front of it there are two stone troughs for watering cattle. A second 
spring, which is likewise still below the ruins of the ancient town- 
wall, is exactly 725 metres (793 yds.) distant from Hissarlik. It had a 
similar enclosure of large stones, 7 ft. high and 5ft. broad, and has the 
same temperature. But it is out of repair: all*the stones of the enclosure 
have been taken away by the villagers for building purposes, and the 
water no longer runs through the stone pipe, but along the ground 
before it reaches the pipe. After these two springs, exactly 945 métres 
or 1033 yds. from Hissarlik, is a third spring. It is copious and runs 
out through two stone pipes placed side by side in an enclosure com- 
posed of large stones joined with earth, which rises to a height of 7 ft. 
and is 23 ft. broad. The temperature of the spring is from 1498 to 15° 
Celsius (57°74 to 59° Fahr.). In front of the spring are six stone 
troughs, placed so that the superfluous water runs from the first through 
all the others. All these enclosures and troughs are of Turkish masonry 
and manufacture. ‘These three springs were of course insufficient for the 
vast population of Novum Jlum; a large quantity of water was conse- 
quently brought also from the Upper Thymbrius by the great aqueduct 
already mentioned, which still spans the lower course of that river. 


§ VI. Zootocy or THE TRoaD. 


Barker Webb writes:' “The zone of forests with which the Gargarus 
is surrounded is probably in the same state of wild nature in which it 
was at the time of the Trojan war; even at a much more advanced 
stage of civilization it preserved the same aspect, for Libanius informs 
us that the mountains of Ida were inhabited by a peculiarly wild species 
of bear ;? nay, Cresconius Corippus, at a later period, describes the same 
wild scene as existed at the time of Homer and as still exists to-day. 
These forests are peopled by bears, wolves, and a race of animals, probably 
jackals, which, we hear, pursue their prey in bands. Mount Ida is still 
the μήτηρ θηρῶν (mother of wild beasts), and, if we believe the in- 
habitants of the country, even tigers are sometimes seen there.” 

I will here make some extracts from Tchihatcheff* on the Zoology 
of the Troad: “ Jackal (Chacal) is a Persian word. The wolf, described 
by Aristotle and Pliny under the name of 6s, is identical with the jackal. 








11 Strabo, xiii. p. 595. 3 Flavii Crescon. Coripp. Johannidos. 
1 Topo yraphie de la Troade, p. 113. 4 Asie Mineure: Descr. phys. p. 592 ff 
2 Libanius, List. 146. 


8 VI] ZOOLOGY OF THE TROAD. 111 


The lion, so well known to Homer, in the time of Herodotus? still inha- 
bited the country between the rivers Nestus® and Achelous’ (between the 
present Missolonghi and Salonica), so that he calls it infested by lions. 
Aristotle * reproduces the delimitation of the country inhabited by lions 
as drawn by Herodotus. Parthenius,’ who lived about 50 B.c., says that 
the hunter Euanippus hunted lons and boars in Thessaly. Aelian,'® who 
flourished in the beginning of the third century of our era, mentions lions 
and bears on Mount Pangaeus in Thrace. An Homeric hymn" mentions 
lions, panthers, bears, and wolves on Mount Ida. According to Aelian,* 
there were lons in Armenia. According to Constantine Porphyro- 
genitus,” lions existed in Cappadocia. The medals of Tarsus represent a 
lion devouring a bull. It appears that the lion had already in the time 
of Hadrian (117-138 a.p.) left the districts which it had inhabited in 
Europe. Lions were still seen in Asia Minor in the sixteenth century 
of our era; but they have: now completely deserted the peninsula. We 
learn from the Bible,* that lions were very common in Palestine and 
Syria. That they were bold enough to attack, not only flocks guarded by 
shepherds, but wayfarers on the roads, is shown by the hons killed by 
Samson (Judg. xiv. 5, 6) and by David (1 Sam. xvi. 34), and by the 
lion that slew the disobedient prophet (1 Kings xii. 24). The lion is 
a constant image of strength and courage, violence and oppression, in 
innumerable passages, especially of Job, the Psalms, the Proverbs, and 
the Prophets; and he is the symbol of the tribe of Judah, and of the 
Messiah himself (Gen. xlix. 9; Rey. v. 5). The retrograde movement of 
the lion seems at first sight the more difficult to explain, as the countries 
which it inhabited underwent an immense decrease of population. But 
the cause is to be found in this very decrease of population and domestic 
animals. Panthers are no longer found in the Troad, but they are 
still seen in the environs of Smyrna. Boars are very frequent in all 
the mountains of Phrygia and in those of the Troad, which appear to 
have been one of the most ancient residences of this pachyderm. But 
it must be distinctly understood that our domestic pig does not descend 
from the Sus scropha, or boar, but from the wild pig of India. 

“Horses are very numerous in the Troad. We know from the testi- 
mony of Homer that Asia Minor and Thrace were celebrated for their 
horses. According to the Bible,* Solomon (1000 B.c.) had 12,000 horse- 
men; Isaiah (700 B.c.) speaks of the cavalry of the Israelites, and 
mentions the horse as serving for agricultural purposes. Asses, mules, 
oxen, goats, camels, and sheep, are equally plentiful. The wool of 
Phrygia and of Miletus was very celebrated in antiquity, for Aristophanes 
thrice ®° mentions that the Athenians imported their wool for the manu- 
facture of cloth from Phrygia and Miletus. Herodotus® represents 





5 Herodotus, vii. 126. 11 Hymn. in Venerem, vv. 69, 199. 
ὁ The present Karasu or Maisto, to the east 1 Hist. Animal. xvii. 31. 
of Salonica. 2 D» Themat., i. Them. Armeniacum. 
7 Probably the Aspropotamus, in Livadia. 5. Jeremiah v. 6; xlix. 19; Solomon’s Song, 
8 Hist. Animal. viii. 28. ix. 8. 4 2 Chronicles, i. 14. 
® Ed. Passau; Leipzig, 1824. . > In Av., verse 4933; in Lysist., verse 730; 


10 Hist. Animal. iii. 13. and in /tan., verse 549. 6 y, 49, 


112 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. I. 


Phrygia as the richest country in the world for flocks. Appian informs 
us that on the shores of the Pontus the abundance of cattle was so 
great that, when Lucullus besieged Amisus (Samsoun), the price of an ox 
was 1 drachma (about 1 frane), and that of other animals in proportion. 

“Of the eight different species of oxen only the ox (Bos taurus) and 
the buffalo (Bos bubalus) are found in Asia Minor. Independently of the 
little advanced state of industry and agriculture, the development of the 
bovine race finds in this country rather unfavourable conditions, owing 
to its mountainous formation and the nature of its pasture-grounds. 
These are generally composed of an herbage more or less short, which 
is excellent for sheep, goats, and even horses, but not good for oxen. 
Milk, cheese, and meat, being furnished here almost exclusively by sheep 
and goats, the use of the ox is limited to the needs of agriculture; and 
as this is here but very little developed, the number of oxen and buffaloes 
is naturally inconsiderable. Varro’ mentions very wild bulls (perferi 
boves) in Dardania (the Troad), as well as in Thrace and Media; but 
these certainly do not remind us of the present bulls of Asia Minor, 
which are so quiet and inoffensive. 

‘“ Aelian® informs us that the laws of Phrygia condemned to death 
any one who killed an ox destined for the plough. This proves either 
the great scarcity of this animal, or the great development of agri- 
culture. Varro,’ Pliny,’® Valerius Maximus,’ and Columella,? also inform 
us that the ancients had such a respect for the ox, as indispensable for 
agriculture, that they decreed death to any one who killed one. 

“The buffalo is very common, and frequently serves instead of oxen 
for the labours of agriculture. Of camels, the only species found here is 
the Camelus Bactrianus. That this species was known in Assyria, which 
has close relations with Asia Minor, is proved by the appearance of the 
two-humped camel among the tributes brought to king Shalmaneser III. 
(z.c. 840), on the famous black obelisk in the British Museum. This 
animal seems to have been unknown in Asia Minor and Greece in high 
antiquity, for Herodotus * attributes the victory of Cyrus over Croesus at 
Sardis to the presence of camels in the Persian army, which were 
unknown until then, and the sight of which frightened the Lydian 
cavalry. 

“The stag (Cervus elaphus) is rare, whereas the deer (Cervus dama) 
and the roebuck (Cervus capriolus) are very abundant. Of gazelles, the 
Antilope Dorcas is the most frequent. 

“The ornithological Fauna is very rich, but little known. Crows, 
ravens, partridges (both red and grey), quails, as well as storks, are 
very abundant. The part which the stork plays in the physiognomy 
of the landscape is particularly due to the respect shown to him: this 
respect is such that he is everywhere inviolable, and his presence is 
regarded as a good omen. According to Rosenmiiller, the word Chasidah, 
by which the stork is named in the Bible, signifies ‘ pious.’” 





7 De Re Rust. ii. 11 8 Hist. Animal. xii. 54. 9 De Re Iust, ii. 5. 
10 77. N, viii. 70. 4. 1 viii. 8. 2 De Re Rust. vi. & i. 79, 80. 


113 


§ VI] ZOOLOGY OF THE TROAD. 


I must mention, however, that the storks build their nests only on 
the houses of Turks, or on walls and trees, never on the houses of the 
Christians ; for while the former have a sort of veneration for the stork, 
the latter call it the sacred bird of the Turks, and do not suffer it to 
build nests on their houses. The Turks, on the contrary, can never have 
too many storks’ nests on their houses. There are houses in Bounarbashi 
with four, six, eight, ten, and even twelve storks’ nests on one and the 
same flat roof. 

Cranes do not remain in the Troad during the summer, but migrate 
northward in immense swarms in March, and return in August to 
more congenial climes. As Homer never mentions storks, though they 
must have been at all times plentiful in the Troad, I am inclined to think 
that he includes under the word γέρανοι both storks and cranes. Nothing 
can be more beautiful than his description of the passage of these birds : 
“The Trojans went with clanging and noise like birds; as when the 
clanging of the cranes rises in the face of heaven, who, after having 
escaped the winter and the tremendous rain, fly with loud cries over the 
streams of Ocean, bearing murder and destruction to the Pygmaean 
race.” * 

There are various species of vultures in the Plain of Troy, but only 
one species of eagle. This has a very dark plumage, nearly black, in 
consequence of which M. Burnouf holds it to be identical with the 
Homeric περκνός, of which the poet says: “ Zeus, the counsellor, heard 
him (Priam), and forthwith sent an eagle, the king of birds, a dark: bird 
of chase, which men also call perenos.” * 

There is also a small bird in the plain with a beautiful plumage, 
which M. Burnouf holds to be identical with the Homeric Cymindis, 
called Chalecis by the gods. The reader will remember that Sleep, in 
the shape of this bird, sat hidden in the foliage among the boughs of 
a pine-tree.© Owls are here even still more plentiful than in Athens. 


Some species of them have a beautiful plumage; they used to make 


aot τὰ ΞΟ: 
Τρῶες μὲν κλαγγῇ T ἐνοπῇ τ᾽ ἴσαν, ὄρνιθες ὥς, 
Hite περ κλαγγὴ γεράνων πέλει οὐρανόθι πρό, 
αἵ τ᾽. ἐπεὶ οὖν χειμῶνα φύγον καὶ ἀθέσφατον 

ὄμβρον, 

κλαγγῇ ταί γε πέτονται ἐπ᾽ ᾿Ωκεανοῖο ῥοάων, 
ἀνδράσι Πυγμαίοισι φόνον καὶ κῆρα φέρουσαι. 

5 7|. xxiv. 314-316: 
as ἔφατ᾽ εὐχόμενος, τοῦ δ᾽ ἔκλυε μητίετα Ζεύς. 
αὐτίκα δ᾽ αἰετὸν ἧκε, τελειότατον πετεηνῶν, 
μόρφνον θηρητῆρ᾽, ὃν καὶ περκνὸν καλέουσιν. 

There can be no doubt that μορφνός means 
dark-coloured (μέλας) ; according to Hesychius, 
it is related to ὄρφνη, which appears to be con- 
firmed by the word περκνός (also πέρκος in 
Aristotle), because the verb περκάζειν, which 
has the same root, is used for grapes which are 
beginning to turn black. 

δ 7). xiv; 289-291 : 
ἔνθ᾽ jor ὕζοισιν πεπυκασμένος εἰλατίνοισιν, 
ὄρνιθι λιγυρῇ ἐναλίγκιος, ἥν τ᾽ ἐν ὄρεσσιν 
χαλκίδα κικλήσκουσι θεοί͵ ἄνδρες δὲ κύμινδιν. 


The Scholiast of Venice, interpreting the name 
Χαλκίς, says (ad Iliad. xiv, 291): “Some people 
say that Χαλκίς is the mother of the Cory- 
bantes” (οἱ δὲ τὴν μητέρα τῶν Κορυβάντων 
Χαλκίδα φασίν). He adds that, according to the 
traditions, this bird was nothing else but a 
metamorphosed heroine, and that its name was 
derived either from its copper-coloured plumage, 
or from the circumstance that, during her life- 
time, the heroine dwelt at Chalcis in Euboea. 
As we shall see in ‘the subsequent pages, the 
Corybantes were celebrated metallurgists in the 
service of Rhea and practised divination on the 
island of Samothrace. Professor Sayce observes 
to me, that, “if κύμινδις in the language . of 
men—that is, in the language of the natives— 
had the same meaning as the Greek Χαλκίς or 
‘bronze-coloured,’ we might compare it with 
σκάμανδρος, the Greek equivalent of which was 
ξανθός, and derive them both from a root or 
stem stamand, signifying ‘ yellow.’” 


114 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS, [Cuap. 1. 


their nests in the holes of my trenches, and annoyed us a great deal, 
particularly at night, by their doleful and hideous cries. 

Snakes are very frequent in the Troad ; in fact, so much 50 that, were 
it not for the storks which eat them, the Plain would abound with them. 
There are a great many different species of snakes, and among them many 
are very poisonous; but, as before mentioned, the most poisonous of all is 
said to be a small adder, not larger than a worm, which is called ἀντήλιον 
by the present Trojans, probably because they fancy that a person bitten 
by it can only live till sunset. The pools of the Plain of Troy abound 
with water-snakes, some of which are said to be venomous. As tortoises 
are not eaten, both land and water tortoises are very abundant; in fact, it 
would not be difficult to catch some hundreds of them in a day. 

All the water-pools in the Plain of Troy are also very rich in 
annelids of the sucker class, particularly in medicinal leeches and horse- 
leeches; the former, indeed, are so plentiful that an oke=24 lbs. troy is 
sold for 10 francs=8s. sterling, so that a pound of leeches would cost 
only 3s. 2d. 

The devouring locusts (Grillus migratorius) are very common. They 
sometimes make their devastating visits for several years in succession. 
Very common also is the Kermes (Coccus ilicis), which inhabits the 
evergreen oak (Quercus alex) and the Quercus coccifera. 

I am indebted to Professor Virchow for the following report on the 
Conchylia which he has brought from the Troad. He collected them 
partly in his excursions in the Troad, partly in my excavations. The 
report was read on the 17th of June, 1879, by Herr yon Martens, at the 
session of the Gesellschaft naturforschender Freunde at Berlin. 

“1. Lanp Snatts.— Hyalina hydatina (Rossm.), found at Koum Kaleh, 
at the mouth of the Scamander. Helix vermiculata (Miull.). Helix Tawrica 
(Kryncki; radiosa, Ziegler; Rossmiissler, fig. 456), from the Ida moun- 
tains. Helix figulina (Parr). Helix variabilis (Drap). Another Helix 
of the group of the Xerophils. Heliw Cantiana (Montague), near Koum 
Kaleh. Buliminus tuberculatus (Turton), also from Koum Kaleh. Budli- 
minus Niso (Risso; seductilis, Ziegler): this species was hitherto sup- 
posed not to be found in Asia Minor. Stenoyyra decollata (L.). 

“9. FresoHwater Concuyiia.—Limnaea ecuricularia (1..}, from the 
Scamander. Melanopsis praerosa (L.), var. Merussact (Roth.); numerous 
in the Bounarbashi Su. Melanopsis costata (Oliv.), found on the strand 
of the Hellespont near Rhoeteum. Neritina Syriaca, var. Trojana (Char- 
pentier); found in the Bounarbashi Su, together with 17. praerosa. 

08. Marine Concnyiia. (H., on the shore of the Hellespont near 
Rhoeteum. A., collected alive in the Gulf of Adramyttium, at Assos.)—H. 
Conus Mediterraneus (Hwass). H. Columbella rustica (L.). H. A. Nassa 
neritea (L.). H. Cerithium vulgatum, var. pulchellum (Phil.). H. Cerithiwm 
Mediterraneum (Desh.). H. Cerithium scabrum (Olivi) H. A. Trochus 
arvticulatus (Lamarck as Monodonta). A. Trochus divaricatus (L.). 
H. Trochus albidus (Gmelin; Béasolettii, Phil). H. Trochus Adriaticus 
(Phil.). H. Patella Tarentina (Salis; Lam.). H. Dentalium Tarentinum 
(Lam.). H. Anomia cepa (L.). Pecten glaber (., from the Dardanelles). 


§ VIL] ι ZOOLOGY OF THE TROAD. 115 


H. A. Mytilus edulis (L.). H. Mytilus minimus (Poli). A. Cardita sul- 
cata (Brug.). H. Cardiwm edule (1..}, var. rusticum (Lam.). H. Lucina 
leucoma (Turt.; lactea, auct.). H. Cytherea Chione (L.). H. Venus ver- 
rucosa (Li.). Venus gallina (L.), in the sand of the serail at Con- 
stantinople. H. Tupes decussatus (Li.). Tapes awreus (Maton). H. Mactra 
stultorum (L.). H. Donax trunculus (L.). H. Tellina tenuis Dacosta, 
mouth of the Scamander. H. Tellina fragilis (L.). 

“In the excavations at Troy were found :— 

“ Murex trunculus (L.). Purpura haemastoma (L.). Columbella rus- 
tica. Cerithium vulgatum, var. spinosum (Philippi). Cypraea lurida (L.). 
Trochus articulatus (Lam.). Patella caerulea (L.). Ostrea lamellosa 
(Brocchi). Spondylus gaederopus (L.). Pecten glaber (L.). Pecten glaber, 
var. sulcatus (Born).  Pectunculus pilosus (1...  Pectunculus violascens 
(Lam.). Mytilus edulis (L.), var. Galloprovinciales (Lam.) ; very numerous. 
Cardium edule (L.), var. rusticum (Lam.); very numerous. Venus ver- 
rucosa (L.). Tapes decussatus (L.). Solen marginatus (Pulteney ; vagina, 
auct.). 

“ Murex trunculus and Purpura haemastoma have probably served 
for the manufacture of purple. This is the more likely, as precisely 
these two occur in peculiarly sharp angular fragments, such as are not 
found at present either on the seashore or in kitchen-middens. But, 
as Aristotle and Pliny expressly state, the purple-fish were violently 
broken for the manufacture of purple. Murex trunculus is the very 
kind which was already found in 1811 by Lord Valentia, and later by 
Dr. Wilde (1839-1840), in the ruins of Tyre, and was recognized as 
the purple-fish ; it was found also in the Morea by Bory St. Vincent. 
Purpura haemastoma serves the fishermen of Minorca at the present day 
for marking their shirts. It was used by Lacaze-Duthiers for his well- 
known researches on purple; but as far as we know, no specimen of 
it, preserved from antiquity, had hitherto been known. This Trojan 
specimen is therefore of capital interest. We may conclude from the 
statement of Aristotle’ that the industry of purple-dyeing flourished on 
the coast of the Troad, as well as that a large species of purple-fish was 
found near Sigeum. The knowledge of purple among the Greeks goes 
back to a very remote period, as is proved by numerous passages in the 
Homeric poems, which mention purple, sometimes in its proper sense 
for dyeing garments, sometimes in certain well-known passages, as the 
colour of very heterogeneous objects. 

“Most of the other cochleae and conchylia found in the excavations 
have doubtless served the Trojans or Ilians as food. Cerithium, Trochus, 
Patella, Ostrea, Spondylus, Pecten, Cardium, Venus, Tapes, and Solen, 
are precisely the kinds which the inhabitants of the Mediterranean 
coasts are still fond of using for food; as well as the inhabitants of the 
islands in the Aegean Sea,* of Dalmatia, of the eastern coast of Italy, 
and of Southern France. In some parts of the Upper Adriatic, even the 
ancient Greek names of these cochleae and conchylia are preserved. 





” Hist. Animal. v. 15. 8 See Tournefort’s Zravels into the Levant, Lond. 1718 


116 THE COUNTRY OF THE ''ROJANS.  , [Cuap. 1. 


Thus Cerithium vulgatum is called strombolo in the fish-market of Spalatro. 
By the strombos of the ancient Greeks we are to understand this peculiar 
species, and not the general conception of a cochlea with spiral con- 
volutions. It is therefore of interest to find the Cerithiwm among the 
antiquities of Troy. The ancient authors took their statements on sea- 
animals essentially from the mouths of fishermen and lovers of delicacies ; 
but such only know and name what is of practical interest to them. 
How important the cochleae and conchylia were as food to the ancient 
Greeks we see from the comedies, as well as from the Deipnosophistae of 
Athenaeus. On the other hand, it appears strange that we find no 
mention made of them in the Iliad and Odyssey. A passage in the 
Iliad,’ which compares the mortally-wounded Hebriones, precipitated 
from his chariot, to a diver who searches for τήθεα, has indeed been 
referred to oysters; but as this word does not occur again in Homer, 
whereas the very similar τήθυον means in Aristotle and others merely 
ascidia (ἀσκίδια, acephalous molluscs), which still serve on the Mediter- 
ranean coast as food for men, that interpretation is at least doubtful. 
The Homeric poems describe chiefly the royal festive meals of sacrificial 
meats, not the daily food of the common people. We hesitate to regard 
as remains of food only the Columbella, on account of its smallness; 
the Trochus articulatus, on account of its good preservation; and the 
Pectunculus, on account of its perforation, which may perhaps be artificial. 
These species may have been used as ornaments or toys.” 


ὃ VII. Tue Frora or tHe Troap.”® 


“Most of the plains and hills of the Troad abound with trees, par- 
ticularly with that kind of oak which yields the valonea (from βάλανος, 
‘acorn’), called Quercus aegilops. The road from Bounarbashi to Alex- 
andria-Troas leads through an almost uninterrupted forest of these oaks, 
mixed here and there with some nettle-trees (Celtis Tournefortii). If left 
to its natural development, this oak grows majestically ; but as the oaks 
are annually beaten with poles in order to knock off the acorns, they 
are often much deformed. The acorns are gathered a little before 
maturity; they are thrown into heaps, and after a slight fermentation 
the acorn detaches itself from the cup. Only this latter is used. It 
is exposed to the air, and as soon as it is completely dry it can be used 
for tanning. This is the most important produce of the Troad, and is 
largely exported to England. There is another variety of oak, the leaves 
of which have both surfaces of an identical green colour, and scarcely at 
all villous (Quercus trojana, Nob.). On all the low and barren hills 
flourish two other kinds of oak, the cnfectoria and the coccifera, or rather 
Quercus pseudo-coccifera, which rarely exceed the size of a shrub. The 
former of these shrubs produces the gall-nut or oak-apple of commerce, 





® xvi. 746, 747: Jearned dissertation. which the accomplished 
εἰ δή που καὶ πόντῳ ἐν ἰχθυόεντι γένοιτο, botanist P. Barker Webb gives on the flora of 
πολλοὺς ἂν κορέσειεν ἀνὴρ ὅδε τήθεα διφῶν. the Troad: Topographie de la Troade ancienne et 


10 Not being a botanist myself, 1 think I cannot moderne, pp, 115-123. 
do better than quote here a translation of the 


§ VIL] THE FLORA OF THE TROAD. | 117 


which is nothing else than an excrescence in the form of a walnut, 
produced by the sting of an insect ; the latter yields the small red grains 
of the dyers, produced by a sitdilon cause: but in the Troad none of 
these objects are used, or even gathered. 

‘‘Homer is an admirable painter of the beauties of physical nature, 
One of his characteristic qualities is to sketch by a few masterly strokes 
the most simple objects and the distinct qualities of each object. He 
describes to us the Plain of the Scamander, where the Greek army was 
drawn up in battle array—‘ they stood on Scamander’s flowery meadow.’ ? 
He tells us that it was covered with flowers, just as we see it now. When 
the soldiers return to their tents, they give their horses the Lotus and 
Apium, with which the swamps are covered.” When Hephaestus, yield- 
ing to the prayers of Heré, kindles a great fire on the banks of the 
Scamander, ‘the elms, the willows, and the tamarisk-shrubs burned; 
and the lotus burned too, and the reeds, and the gallingale, which grew 
abundantly about the fair streams of the river.’? In another passage * 
we find also mentioned the pupixas and the dovaxes (Tamarix Gallica and 
Arundo donax), which grew near the river. See besides in the Iliad 
(vi. 39;° xxi, 18,° 242°); Odyssey (xiv. 474°), and the description of the 
nuptials of Zeus and Heré in the Iliad.° All the plants named there by 
the poet still exist. 

“The ἐρώδιαι of Homer are now called ῥοδοδάφνη, but more frequently 
πικροδάφνη in modern Greek (Neviwm Oleander, Lin.). They are found 
everywhere on the banks of rivers or in dry river-beds, side by side with 
the Platanus orientalis, the Vitew Agqnus-castus, and the aforesaid Tamara 
Gallica, called μυρίκη by the poet.” 

Webb says: “ Though the year was on its decline, we still saw in 
flower, on the top of Gargarus, a dianthus, sp. n., and a centaurea with 
yellow flowers. These two plants flourished on the top of Gargarus, where 
the long duration of the snow stops even the vegetation of the pines. 
Near them was an exceedingly beautiful purple-coloured garlic, and several 
other interesting vegetables, which were no longer in flower. A little 
farther down we found the ground covered with the autumn crocus, Col- 
chicum autumnale et variegatum, and Ophrys spiralis, but less abundantly. 

“In some places the ground was entirely covered with these plants, 
and presented to our eyes the flowery couch on which the nuptials of 





Pl, 13. 46003 8. 77: xivs 846-351: 
ἔσταν δ᾽ ἐν λειμῶνι Σκαμανδρίῳ ἀνθεμόεντι... Ἢ fa, καὶ ἀγκὰς ἔμαρπτε Κρόνου παῖς ἣν παρά- 
2 Ul. it. 765-777: κοιτιν. 
ἵπποι δὲ παρ᾽ ἅρμασιν οἷσιν ἕκαστος, τοῖσι δ᾽ ὑπὸ χθὼν dia φύεν νεοθηλέα ποίην, 
λωτὸν ἐρεπτόμενοι ἐλεόθρεπτόν τε σέλινον λωτόν θ᾽ ἑρσήεντα ἰδὲ κρόκον ἠδ᾽ ὑάκινθον 
ἕστασαν. - πυκνὺν καὶ μαλακόν, ὃς ἀπὸ χθονὸς ὑψόσ᾽ ἔεργεν. 
3 Tl. xxi, 350-352. τῷ ἔνι λεξάσθην, ἐπὶ δὲ νεφέλην ἕσσαντο 
καίοντο πτελέαι τε καὶ ἰτεαι OE μυρῖκαι, καλὴν χρυσείην: στιλπναὶ δ᾽ ἀπέπιπτον ἔερσαι. 
καίετο δὲ λωτός τε ἰδὲ θρύον ἠδὲ κύπειρον, “The son of Cronus clasped his consort in 
τὰ περὶ καλὰ ῥέεθρα ἅλις ποταμοῖο πεφύκειν. his arms; and under them divine earth put 
4 Il, x. 466, 467: forth the new-blown grass, and dewy lotus, and 
θῆκεν ava μυρίκην" δέελον δ᾽ ἐπὶ σῆμά τ᾽ ἔθηκεν, crocus and hyacinth thick-spread and_ soft, 
Tuupdppas δόνακας μυρίκης T ἐριθηλέας OCous,... which shut them off aloft from the ground. 
5 μυρίκη, tamarisk. Thereon they lay veiled in a beautiful golden 


δ πτελέη, elm. 7 δόναξ, reed. cloud, and glistering dewdrops fell from it.” 


118 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [πᾶν ἢ 


Jove were accomplished.® The Homeric descriptions are always founded 
on reality, and show that Homer was a most accurate observer as well as 
an inimitable poet. His verses describe admirably the cloud of dew 
which enveloped’ the mountain; they are likewise the result of observa- 
tion and truth.” We are indeed at a loss which to admire most, the 
beauty of the allegory or the fidelity of the description. 

“In the second zone of forests, the only plant which we saw in flower 
as far as Eyjilar, in the shade of the pine-trees, was the Adenocarpus 
divaricatus, which is not found at a lesser elevation. We found there the 
Quercus erinita, which did not reappear after Kuchunlu Tepeh, and 
around the Bali Dagh an almond-tree, which Jaubert and Spach have 
called Amygdalus Webbit. 

“We have already mentioned one of the most important productions 
of the rural economy in this plain; that is to say, the valonea, or fruit 
of the Quercus aegilops. In the fields we see the women working the 
soil with their families, and at every step on the roads we encounter their 
little carts, which have the shape of the ancient chariots, aad quietly 
return laden with the produce of the soil. Around the Greek villages is 
gathered a certain quantity of excellent wine, and especially at Giaur 
Kioi and Yeni Kioi. If the red wine of Tenedos were carefully made, it 
would not be inferior to that grown in France. It must also be said that 
they have not in this country the bad habit, which prevails nearly every- 
where in the Morea, of mixing rosin or pitch with the wine to preserve it. 
From these ingredients the wine gets a taste which is highly disagreeable 
to any one not accustomed to it. Nevertheless this habit must date from 
a very remote antiquity, for we know from the most ancient monuments 
that the fruit of the pine has at all times been sacred to Dionysus. 

“On the banks of the Simois, and particularly in the village of 
Doumbrek, the Turks themselves cultivate the vine; they make of the 
grapes either a sort of syrup, called petmez, or a kind of preserve. They 
also dry the grapes in the sun, and thus preserve them as provision for 
the winter. Grapes, water-melons, and several other fruits, form a large 
part of their food in summer. They cultivate the Solanwm Melongena 
and the Sesamum orientale, from which they know how to prepare an 
excellent oil. They spread on their bread the grains of this plant, 
mixed with those of the Nigella damascena. Homer mentions this habit 
in the Batrachomyomachia. 'They also cultivate the Hzbiscus esculentus, 
which they vulgarly call Bamia, as well as chick-pease, kidney-beans, 
lentils, and various other leguminous plants. The cultivation of cotton, 
wheat, and Indian corn is the most profitable. According to Sibthorpe, 
the yellow variety of Indian corn is the commonest. They also gather 
here cocoons of silk, which they work rudely enough. We observed 
that, as regards the cultivation of the fig-tree, they always employ the 
ancient method of caprification. The pomegranate attains a great de- 
velopment, and almost all trees appear to thrive in this climate.” 

I may here add that Homer mentions a field of wheat under the very 
walls of Troy.! --- 


® See the preceding note 8, 10 J], xiv. 347-351. 1 7). xxi. 602: πεδίον rupopopor. 





CHAPTER IL. 


ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS: THEIR SEVERAL DOMINIONS 
IN THE TROAD: TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY. 


§ I. Evnnocrapny oF THE TRogans. 


We have the testimony of Herodotus’ that the Trojans were 
Teucrians, This is confirmed by the tradition preserved by Apollo- 
dorus, that from Electra, the daughter of Atlas, were born by Zeus 
Tasion and Dardanus. Now JIasion, having fallen in love with Demeter 
and intending to violate the goddess, was killed by a thunderbolt. Dar- 
danus, grieving for his brother’s death, left the island of Samothrace, 
and crossed to the opposite continent. Here reigned Teucer (Tedxpos), 
son of the river Scamander and a Nymph of Ida, from whom the 
inhabitants of the country were called Teucrians. Having been adopted 
by the king, he married his daughter Bateia, received part of the land, 
built the city of Dardanus, and, after Teucer’s death, named the whole 
country Dardania.? 

In the time of Herodotus, the inhabitants of the city of Gergis? 
were still considered a remnant of the ancient Teucrians,* who, in 
company with the Mysians, had crossed the Bosphorus into Europe 
before the time of the Trojan war, and, after conquering all Thrace, 
had pressed forward till they came to the Ionian Sea (the modern 
Adriatic), while southward they reached as far as the river Peneus.° 
According to some writers, these Mysians appear to have been Thracians, 
who had come into Asia from Europe.® Others, and among them 
Herodotus,’ seem to have looked upon the Mysians as a genuine Asiatic 
race, closely akin to the Lydians, whose language the Mysian tongue 
greatly resembled. According to Xanthus,*® the Mysian dialect was akin 
both to the Lydian and the Phrygian (μιξολύδιος καὶ μιξοφρύγιος). By 
the Roman poets the names Teucrians and Trojans are employed as 





ΠΣ 118 ΠῚ 

2. Apoll. ii. 129,81: Ἠλέκτρας δὲ τῆς "Ατ- 
λαντος καὶ Διὸς. Ἰασίων καὶ Δάρδανος ἐγένοντο. 
ἸἸασίων μὲν οὖν, ἐρασθεὶς Δήμητρος καὶ θέλων 
καταισχῦναι τὴν θεόν, κεραυνοῦται, Δάρδανος 
δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ θανάτῳ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ λυπούμενος, Σα- 
μοθράκην ἀπολιπὼν εἰς τὴν ἀντίπερα ἤπειρον 
ἦλθε. Ταύτης δὲ ἐβασίλευε Τεῦκρος ποταμοῦ 
Σκαμάνδρου καὶ νύμφης ᾿Ιδαίας > ad οὗ καὶ of τὴν 
χώραν νεμόμενοι Τεῦκροι προσηγορεύοντο. Ὑπο- 
δεχθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ λαβὼν μέρος 
τῆς γῆς καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου θυγατέρα Βάτειαν, Δάρ- 
δανον ἔκτισε πόλιν, τελευτήσαντος δὲ Τεύκρου 
τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν Δαρδανίαν ἐκάλεσε. 


5. In all probability the small city on the 
Bali Dagh behind Bounarbashi. 

1 Herod. v. 122 and vii. 43. 

5 Herod. vii. 20: μήτε τὸν Μυσῶν te Kal 
Τευκρῶν, τὸν πρὸ τῶν Τρωϊκῶν γενόμενον, ot 
διαβάντες ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην κατὰ Βόσπορον, τούς 
τε Θρήϊκας κατεστρέψαντο πάντας καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν 
Ἰόνιον πόντον κατέβησαν μέχρι τε Πηνειοῦ 
ποταμοῦ τὸ πρὸς μεσαμβρίης ἤλασαν. 

6 Strabo, iii. pp. 295, 303; viii p. 572° ef. 
Xanth. Lyd. Frag. 8. 

7 Herod. i. 171. 5. Frag. 8ὲ 

® Rawlinson’s History of Herodotus, ἵν. p 23, 
note ὅ. 


120 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. II. 


equivalents: *° on the other hand, the Roman prose-writers generally use 
the word Tvojani.' 

It is curious that, whilst Herodotus always calls the old Trojans 
of epic poetry Teucrians, the Attic tragedians and the Roman poets 
call them Phrygians, although the Trojans and Phrygians are repre- 
sented as completely distinct in the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodité, where 
this goddess says to Anchises: “Otreus is my sire, faraous of name, if 
anywhere thou hearest it, who reigns over all well-fortified Phrygia; and 
both your language and mine I know well, for a Trojan nurse nourished 
me in the palace; she nurtured me, taking me as a little baby from my 
mother: thus I know indeed your language well.”* The name Hector is 
Phrygian ;* so also are Paris and Scamandrius, for the Greek Alexandros 
and Astyanax seem to be Phrygian appellations.* Moreover, the Phrygians 
are merely mentioned in the Iliad as allies of the Trojans from distant 
Ascania,° and there is little indication of any more intimate relationship. 
Hecuba, however, was a Phrygian princess,° and her brother lived in 
Phrygia on the banks of the Sangarius.’ According to Strabo* and 
Stephanus Byzantinus, the Phrygians were Thracians. Herodotus reports 
that the Macedonians preserved a tradition, according to which the 
Phrygians had once been their neighbours, but that they had afterwards 
emigrated to Asia Minor. The Lydian Xanthus’ asserts that this 
emigration did not occur till after the Trojan war; but Conon! makes it 
take place as early as ninety years before this war, under King Midas. 
On the other hand, several testimonies have been preserved to us as to 
the affinity existing between the Phrygians and the Armenians. In the 
expedition of Xerxes, both these nations appear under one commander- 
in-chief and with the same armament; nay, Herodotus? adds that the 
Armenians were descendants of the Phrygians. Eudoxus?* confirms this, 
and mentions, in addition, the similarity of the two languages. So too 
we find subterranean dwellings in use among both the Phrygians and the 
Armenians.* Finally, both nations were actually considered as identical,° 
the Armenians being said to have come from Western Phrygia. 

But the Assyrian inscriptions make it clear that no Aryans were 
settled eastward of the Halys before the eighth century B.c. Armenia 
was inhabited by a non-Aryan race, which has left behind it many still 
undeciphered inscriptions at Van and its neighbourhood, until the close 
of the Assyrian monarchy, and there are no traces of Aryan inha- 


10 Virgil, Aen. i. 172; vy. 265; xii, 187. 
Horace, Od. iv. 6,15. Ovid. Met. xii. 66. 

i Cic, Dw. ii. 89; Livy, i. 1, 

2 “vuvos eis ᾿Αφροδίτην, 111-116: 
’Orpeds δ᾽ ἐστὲ πατὴρ ὄνομα κλυτός, εἴπου 


Tl. vi. 402 ; Strabo, xiv. pp. 680, 681 
fi. ii. 863. 6 Lhe RVI MIB 19. 
LL avi lids 

Strabo, vii. p. 295, and x. p. 471. 
Herodotus, vii. 73. 


ο οΟ “,. ὅν ὦ. 


ἀκούεις, 10 Strabo, xiv. p. 680. 
bs πάσης Φρυγίης εὐτειχήτοιο ἀνάσσει. 1 Ap. Photium, p. 130, Bekk. 
γλῶσσαν δ᾽ ὑμετέρην καὶ ἡμετέρην σάφα οἶδα, 2 Herod. vii. 73. 
Tpwas γὰρ μεγάρῳ με τροφὸς Tpeper * ἣ δὲ διαπρὸ 3 Ap. Steph. ΒΥΖ. 5. v. ᾿Αρμενία ; and Eustath. 
σμικρὴν παῖδ᾽ ἀτίταλλε, φίλης mapa μητρὸς ad Dion. Per. 694. 

ἑλοῦσα. 4 Vitruy. ii. 1,5; Xenoph. Anad. iv. 5, 25; 
bs δ᾽ ἤτοι γλῶσσάν γε καὶ ὑμετέρην εὖ οἶδα. Diod. xiv. 28. 


ὁ Hesychius, s. v. Δαρεῖος. 5 Cramer, Anecd. Graec. ; Oxon. iv. p. 257. 


§ 1.) TEUCRIANS AND PHRYGIANS. 121 


bitants in Armenia until a much later period. Even the Aryan Medes 
did not occupy the country to the south of the Caspian until the eighth 
century B.c. The Assyrians first became acquainted with them in the 
reign of Shalmaneser III. (s.c. 840), when they lived far to the east, the 
non-Aryan Parsuas or Parthians intervening between them and Assyria. 
It is not till the age of Rimmon-nirari, about 790 B.c., that they had 
advanced into the country known to the classical geographers as Media 
Rhagiana. All the proper names mentioned on the Assyrian monu- 
ments as belonging to the natives of the districts east of the Halys 
continue to be non-Aryan up to the last, and the language of the modern 
Tron or Ossetes in the Caucasus is, like the Kurdish, a member of the 
Iranic or Persian stock.6 An examination of the Phrygian words pre- 
served in classical writers and inscriptions, which has been made by 
Fick,’ has shown that, while the language was related to Thracian and 
Lydian, it was so closely allied to Greek as to be fitly termed its sister, 
both Greek and Phrygian presupposing a common parent-language. 
Professor Εἰ. Curtius in his History of Greece had already pointed out a 
close connection between the Greeks and the Phrygians upon other 
grounds, while Plato* long ago recognized the affinity between the 
languages of the two nations. The Phrygian legends of Midas and 
Gordius formed part of Greek mythology, and the royal house of the 
Pelopids was made to come with all its wealth from the golden sands of 
the Pactolus. The Armenian language, on the other hand, stands apart 
by itself, and belongs rather to the Asiatic branch of the Aryan family of 
speech than to the European. 

It deserves particular attention that the Teucrian name is nowhere 
connected in Homer with Troy or its people. But as they had a city 
Gergis, Gergithus, or Gergetha, in the Troad, we may perhaps connect 
the name with that of the Homeric Gargarus! as well as with Gor- 
gythion, who, with Cebriones, is mentioned by Homer as a natural son of 
Priam.’ The poet thus gives, as Grote” remarks, a sort of epical re- 
cognition to both Gergis and Cebren. It must, however, be remarked 
that Teucer (Teucros), the celebrated archer, was according to legend the 
son of the Trojan princess Hesioné, whom she bore to Telamon.® 

According to a tradition which we find in Strabo, the Teucrians 
immigrated from Crete into the Troad. An oracle had bidden them 
settle down in the place where they should be assailed by the earth- 
born. This is said to have happened near Hamaxitus, where an immense 
host of field-mice came forth from the ground, and gnawed away all the 
leather of their arms and utensils. There consequently they established 
themselves, and called the range of Ida after the mountain of that name 
in Crete. Strabo adds that this tradition had been first related by the 








δ Sayce, Principles of Comparative Philology, 1 77]. viii. 302. 


2nd edit. p. 391. 2 History of Greece, i. p. 307. I observe 
7 Die ehemalige Spracheinheit Europa’s, 1873. here that for all quotations from Grote’s History 
8 Cratylus, 410 A. of Greece I use the 4th edition, London, 1872. 
° A. H. Sayce, Contemporary Review, December 3 Diod. iv. 32-49; compare the Venice Schol. 
1878, ad Iliad. viii. 284. 


W Ji. viii. 48; xiv. 292..352; xv. -152, 


122 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap II, 


elegiac poet Callinus (about 660 B.c.), and after him by many others.‘ So, 
é.g., by Ovid.* 

It appears from this legend that the Teucrians were credited with 
having introduced into the Troad the worship of the Sminthian Apollo, 
who had a celebrated temple at Chrysa near iamaxitus. Strabo distinctly 
says that Chrysa was said to be the spot where the newly-arrived Teu- 
crians were attacked by the field-mice. (XpivOos, it may be added, is said 
by the Venetian Scholiast on the Iliad to have meant a field-mouse, both 
in the Cretan and in the Aeolian dialects.*) Others, however, denied the 
legend, maintaining that Teucer, the primitive ancestor of the Teucrians, 
had immigrated from Attica.’ 

I may mention here that the name of the Tekkri, believed to be 
identical with that of the Teucrians, figures in the mural paintings of 
Medinet-Abou among the confederate nations, which in the thirteenth 
century B.c. invaded Egypt during the reign of Ramses 111. 

The connection of the Teucrians with Crete seems to be confirmed by 
the similarity of certain geographical names, such as those of Mount Ida 
and the city named Pergamus.? 

Grote says: “From the Teucrian region of Gergis and from the 
Gergithes near Kyme sprang the original Sibylline prophecies, and the 
legendary Sibyl, who plays so important a part in the tale of Aeneas. 
The myth of the Sibyl, whose prophecies are supposed to be heard in 
the hollow blast bursting from obscure caverns and apertures in the 
rocks,!® was indigenous among the Gergithian Teucrians, and passed from 
the Kymaeans in Aeolis, along with the other circumstances of the tale 
of Aeneas, to their brethren the inhabitants of Kumae in Italy. The date 
of the Gergithian Sibyl, or rather the circulation of her supposed pro- 
phecies, is placed under the reign of Croesus, a period when Gergis was 
thoroughly Teucrian. Her prophecies, though embodied in Greek verses, 
had their root in a Teucrian soil and feelings; and the promises of future 
empire, which they so liberally make to the fugitive hero escaping from 
the flames of Troy into Italy, become interesting from the remark- 
able way in which they were realized by Rome. The date of this Ger- 
githian Sibyl, or of the prophecies passing under her name, is stated 
by Heracleides of Pontus, and there seems no reason for calling it 
in question.” ἢ 

According to Herodotus, the Paconians prided themselves upon being 
Teucrian colonists from Troy.1| The descent of the Paeonians from the 
Teucrians is confirmed by Strabo,? whilst others held them to have been 
descended from the Phrygians.* It is important to notice that in Homer 
we find Paeonians from the Axius fighting on the same side as their 


* Strabo, xiii. p. 604. 10 Virgil, Zneid. vi. 43-45: 


5 Metamorph. xiii. 705. “ Excisum Euboicae latus ingens rupis in antrum, 
6 Grohmann, Apollo Smintheus und die Bedeu- Quo lati ducunt aditus centum, ostia centum : 
tung der Miéuse in der Mythologie ; Prag. 1862. Unde ruunt totidem voces, responsa Sibyllae.” 
7 Strabo, xiii. p. 604. 11 Grote’s History of Greece, i. 310, 311. 
8 Francois Lenormant, Les Antiquités de la 1 Herodot. v. 13. 
Troade , Paris, 1876, p. 75. 2 Fragm. Palat. Vatic. 37, ed. Tafel. 


 Pln. 7. iv: 42; 20, 5 Eustath. ad Hom. 11, ii. 848. 


§ I] AFFINITY WITH THRACIANS. 125 


Trojan kinsmen.* Their expedition to Perinthus on the Propontis, 
according to the statement of Herodotus, must have taken place at a 
very early epoch.’ To the east of the Axius, Crestonia and Bisaltia were 
once Paeonian possessions ;° to the west Emathia was formerly called 
Paeonia;? while Pieria and Pelagonia had originally a Paeonian popula- 
tion. In Pieria was a city named Pergamus.’ Pliny’ calls the Eordians 
a Paeonian nation; and it is evident from Lycophron’ that they were of 
Phrygian race. They are doubtless the Mysians, whom Hellanicus? calls 
neighbours of the Macedonians. ΤῸ these Hordians the name of the river 
Eordaicus,*? the present Deval or Devol, doubtless belongs; it is near 
the lake of Lychnidus, where we also find traces of the Phrygians.* 

Homer has no knowledge of Dardanus having immigrated from Samo- 
thrace, Arcadia, or Italy; he only knows him as a son of Zeus, and as 
having his origin in Dardania. He conceived the Troad to be inhabited 
by a non-Hellenic population,—Trojans, Dardanians, Cilicians, Lelegians, 
and Pelasgians. Of these, the Dardani or Dandani (Dardanians) of Iluna 
(Ilion) are mentioned, together with the Leka (possibly the Lycians) and 
the peoples of Pedasa (Pedasus), the Masu (Mysians), and the Akerit 
(perhaps the Carians), in the poem of Pentaur in the “ Sallier” hieratic 
papyrus, preserved in the British Museum, among the confederates who 
came to the help of the Hittites (or Khita) under the walls of Kadesh, on 
the Orontes, in the fifth year of Ramses II. (cir. 1333-1300 B.c.). There 
was therefore at that period a kingdom of the Dardanians, one of whose 
principal towns was Ilion, a kingdom which ranked among the most 
powerful of Asia Minor, and sent its warriors into Syria to do battle with 
the Egyptian troops for the defence of Asia. This agrees admirably with 
what Greek tradition says of the power of Troy. This poem of Pentaur 
is also to be seen engraved on the walls of the temples of Luxor and 
Karnak at Thebes. It deserves particular attention that in the mural 
paintings and inscriptions in the temple of Medinet-Abou at Thebes, 
among the confederates against Ramses III., about 1200 B.c., instead of 
the Dardanians, who do not appear at all, only the Teucrians (Tekkri) 
are mentioned.® 

According to Forbiger, the Trojans were a Thracian race, who had 
immigrated at a remote period into the Troad and had there intermarried 
with the Phrygians, who until then inhabited the region.® This appears 
to be confirmed by Strabo, who mentions at a distance of only 40 stadia 
from Lampsacus a temple of great sanctity dedicated to the Mother of 


4 7|. ii. 848-8503 xvi. 287-291; xvii. 348-- 
oda ἐν Xxis 199. 


5 Francois Lenormant, in the Academy of 
21st and 28th March, 1874. Professor Sayce 


» Herodot. v. 1, 2. 

δ Strabo, Fragm. 40. 

* Polyb. xxiv. 8; Liv. xl. 35 Justin. vii. 1 
Strabo, Fragm. 37; Eustath. ad 7.1. 1. 

® Herodot. vii. 112. 


ΤῸ ΠΝ: Av 17 1 Alexandra. 


2 Ap. Constant. Porphyrogen. de Them. 11. 


2, Ὁ. 483; Schol. ad Hom. Ul. xui. 3. 
3 Arrian. Alerand. Anabas. i. 5, 9. 
* Pauly’s Real-Encyclopddie, s. v. “ Phryges.” 


writes to me: “ Brugsch-Bey, however, has 
proposed different identifications for these names. 
He makes the Tekkri the Zygritae of the 
Caucasus, the Leka the Ligyes, the Dardani the 
Dardanians of Kurdistan (Her:dot. i. 189), the 
Masu the inhabitants of Mopnt Masius, and 
Pedasa the town of Pidasis, while he reads 
‘Tluna’ as Maluna.—LZgypt under the Pharaohs 
(Eng. transl]., vol. 11. p. 129, 2nd ed.)” 
6 Pauly’s Real-Encyclopddie, s. vy. “ Troas.” 


124 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuar. 11. 


the Gods, surnamed the sanctuary of Rhea.’ In another passage he says: 
“The Berecynthians, a Phrygian race, and the Phrygians generally, as 
well as those of the Trojans who live in the district of Ida, worship 
Rhea, and celebrate orgies in her honour, calling her the Mother of the 
Gods, and Agdistis, and the great Phrygian goddess, adding, according to 
the localities, the epithets Idaean, Dindymene, Sipylene, Pessinuntis, 
and Cybele (Cybebe).”* He further states that the country near the 
junction of the Hellespont and the Propontis was originally inhabited by 
the Bebrycians,? who had immigrated from ‘Thrace : also that a great 
many Thracian names existed in the Troad. ‘On Lesbos (he says) was 
a city Arisba, whose lands are now possessed by the Methymnaeans, and 
there is in Thrace a river Arisbus, on which live the Thracian Cebrenians.? 
There are indeed many similar names common to the Thracians and the 
Trojans: for instance, the Scaeans, a certain Thracian race, the river 
Scaeus, the Scaean wall, and the Scaean gate; the Xanthians in Thrace, 
and the river Xanthus at Troy; Rhesus, a river at Troy, and Rhesus, 
king of the Thracians. The poet also mentions another person of 
identical name with the Asius,? who was an uncle of Hector the tamer of 
horses, Hecuba’s full brother, and son of Dymas, who resided in Phrygia 
on the river Sangarius.”* 

I may here add that, according to Stephanus Byzantinus,° there was a 
city Ilium in Thrace ; further, that Strymo was the daughter of the river 
Scamander, wife of Laomedon and mother of Priam,® whilst Strymon 
was a great river in Thrace; further, that the name of the powerful 
Trojan province Dardania also existed in Thrace, the island of Samo- 
thrace having originally borne this name.° 

In the Iéad the Thracians are allies of the Trojans.? According to 
Dionysius of Halicarnassus,’® the Trojans were Greeks. The Dardanians 
play an important part in the Iliad ; to the descendants of their prince 








7 xiii, p. 589: of δ᾽ ἀπὸ τετταράκοντα τῆς 
Λαμψάκου σταδίων δεικνύουσι λόφον, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μητρὸς 
θεῶν ἱερόν ἐστιν, ἅγιον τῆς Ῥείης ἐπικαλούμενον. 

8 x. p. 469: οἱ δὲ Βερέκυντες Φρυγῶν τι 
φῦλον καὶ ἁπλῶς οἱ Φρύγες καὶ τῶν Τρώων οἱ 
περὶ τὴν Ἴδην κατοικοῦντες Ῥέαν μὲν καὶ αὐτοὶ 
τιμῶσι καὶ ὀργιάζουσι ταύτῃ, μητέρα καλοῦντες 
θεῶν καὶ Αγδιστιν καὶ Φρυγίαν θεὸν μεγάλην, 
ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν τόπων ᾿Ιδαίαν καὶ Δινδυμήνην 
καὶ Σιπυλήνην καὶ Πεσσινουντίδα καὶ Κυβέλην 
[Κυβήβην.. ® Strabo, xiii. p. 586. 

1 Strabo. vii. p. 2953 xii. p. 542. 

2 T here call attention to the name of the 
ancient city of Cebrene in the Troad. 

3 Here Strabo evidently rneans by the former 
Asius the son of Hyrtacus, the leader of the 
troops from Abydos, of whom he speaks at p. 
585, whilst at p. 586 he tells us that the 
district of Abydus was held by the Bebrycians, 
a Thracian race (pp. 295, 542), and was sub- 
sequently occupied by Thracians, who had pro- 
bably newly immigrated. All, therefore, that 
he shows us by the name Asius is, that it ex- 
isted in Thrace and in Phryvsia. 


4 Strabo, xiii. p. 590: ἦν δὲ καὶ ἐν Λέσβῳ 
πόλις ᾿Αρίσβα, ἧς τὴν χώραν ἔχουσι Μηθυ- 
μναῖοι" ἔστι δὲ καὶ ποταμὸς ΓΑρισβος ἐν Θράκῃ, 
ὥσπερ εἴρηται, καὶ τούτου πλησίον οἱ Κεβρήνιοι 
Θρᾷκες. πολλαὶ δ᾽ ὁμωνυμίαι Θρᾳξὶ καὶ Τρωσίν, 
οἷον Σκαιοὶ Θρᾷκές τινες καὶ Σκαιὸς ποταμὸς καὶ. 
Σκαιὸν τεῖχος καὶ ἐν Τροίᾳ Σκαιαὶ πύλαι" Ξάνθιοι 
Θρᾷκες, Ἐάνθος ποταμὸς ἐν Τροίᾳ: “ApioBos ὃ 
ἐμβάλλων εἰς τὸν Ἕβρον, ᾿Αρίσβη ἐν Τροίᾳ" 
Ῥῆσος ποταμὸς ἐν Τροίᾳ, Ῥῆσος δὲ καὶ ὁ βα- 
σιλεὺς τῶν Θρᾳκῶν. ἔστι δὲ καὶ τῷ ᾿Ασίῳ 
ὁμώνυμος ἕτερος παρὰ τῷ ποιητῇ "Ασιος “ds 
μήτρως ἣν “Ἕκτορος ἱπποδάμοιο, αὐτοκασίγνητος 
Ἑκάβης, υἱὸς δὲ Δύμαντος, ὃς Φρυγίην ναίεσκε 
pons ἐπὶ Σαγγαρίοιο.᾽" 

5. v. ὝΛΊΟΣΣ 

6 Apollodor. iii. 2, 3. 

7 Stat. Theb. v. 188; Steph. Byz. 85. v. Μίεζα. 

8 Pausanias, vii. 4; Steph. Byzant. 8. v. 
Aapdavia. 

9 Jl. x. 434, 435; xx. 484, 485. 

10 Antiy. Rom. i. 62: ὡς μὲν δὴ Kal τὸ Τρω- 
ἱκὸν γένος Ἑλληνικὸν ἀρχῆθεν ἦν, δεδήλωταί 


μοι. 


§ 1.] CONNECTION WITH THE PHOENICIANS. 125 


Aeneas is predicted the future dominion over Troy: ‘“ But now the 
mighty Aeneas shall reign over the Trojans, and his sons’ sons, who 
shall be born hereafter.” * The genealogy of the royal house of Dardania 
presents, as Aldenhoven’ observes, some strange names, which make 
him think that they are of Phrygian origin. 

I think it not out of place to cite here the following words of Grote :# 
“ According to the Trojan legend, it was under proud Laomedon, son 
of Ilus, that Poseidon and Apollo underwent, by command of Zeus, a 
temporary servitude; the former building the walls of the town, the 
latter tending the flocks and herds. When their task was completed, 
they claimed the stipulated reward; but Laomedon angrily repudiated 
their demand, and even threatened to cut off their ears, to tie them hand 
and foot, and to sell them in some distant island as slaves.*. He was 
punished for this treachery by a sea-monster, whom Poseidon sent to 
ravage his fields and to destroy his subjects. Laomedon publicly offered 
the immortal horses given by Zeus to his father Tros, as a reward to 
any one who would destroy the monster. But an oracle declared that a 
virgin of noble blood must be surrendered to the monster, and the lot fell 
upon Hesioné, daughter of Laomedon himself. Herakles, arriving at this 
critical moment, killed the monster by the aid of a fort built for him by 
Athené and the Trojans,° so as to rescue both the exposed maiden and 
the people; but Laomedon, by a second act of perfidy, gave him mortal 
horses in place of the matchless animals which had been promised. Thus 
defrauded of his due, Herakles equipped six ships, attacked and captured 
Troy, and killed Laomedon,® giving Hesioné to his friend and auxiliary 
Telamon, to whom she bore the celebrated archer Teucros.’ A painful 
sense of this expedition was preserved among the inhabitants of the 
historical town of Ilium, who offered no worship to Herakles.” ® 

I have cited all this in order to show that a link of connection seems 
to have existed between Troy and Phoenicia, for, as Mr. Gladstone has 
ingeniously endeavoured to show,’ a connection with Poseidon frequently 
denotes Phoenician associations; and further, as Millenhof has proved, 
in his Deutsche Alterthumskunde,’° Herakles is the representative of the 
Phoenicians. This has also been pointed out by Professor Sayce, who 
says: “The whole cycle of myths grouped about the name of Herakles 
points as clearly to a Semitic source as does the myth of Aphrodité and 
Adonis.” * 

The Homeric Cilicians (KiAuxes) of the Troad inhabited the plain of 
the Hypoplakian Thebes, and appear, according to Strabo,” to have been 
of the same race as the inhabitants of the later Cilicia. 





eT xx. 307, 308: 7 Diodorus, iv. 32-49. Compare Schol. Venet. 
νῦν δὲ δὴ Αἰνείαο Bin Τρώεσσιν ἀνάξει ad Iliad. viii. 284. 
kal παίδων παῖδες, Tol κεν μετόπισθε γένωνται. 8 Strabo, xiii. p. 596. 

2 Ueber das neuentdeckte Troia. 9 See his Pretace to my Iycenae, pp. viii. and 

3 History of Greece, i. p. 264. xxiv. 

4 Tl. vii, 452, 4533; xxi. 451-456 ; Hesiod. ap. 10 W. Christ, Die Topographie der Troian. 
Schol. Lycophr. 393. : Elene, p. 225. 

5 Zl. xx. 145; Dionys, i. 52. 1 Contemporary Review, December 1878, 


ὁ Il. v. 640-642, 2 Strabo, viii. p. 3765 xiv. Ρ. 676. 


126 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. II. 


The Leleges (Λέλεγες) are often brought into connection with the 
Carians. In fact, according to Herodotus,* the former was merely the 
ancient name of the latter; Homer, however, mentions the Leleges and 
Carians as two distinct peoples. But we also find the Leleges in Greece, 
as a very ancient and wide-spread race, dating from a pre-Hellenic time. 
They are mentioned by Homer side by side with the Pelasgians.* The 
little troop of Leleges, of whom the Iliad speaks, occupied the district 
to the east of Cape Lectum.® 

Regarding the Pelasgians, I think I cannot do better than give 
here an extract from a letter of Professor Sayce published in the 
Academy of the 25th of January, 1879: “I do not intend to dispute 
the existence of tribes called by the Greeks Pelasgians. But to turn 
these into a particular race or people is quite a different matter. It is 
true that Greek writers, from Homer and Hesiod downward, mention 
Pelasgians, but if we examine their statements we find that the term is 
used in two (or perhaps three) senses: firstly, as denoting a certain Greek 
tribe which inhabited Thessaly during the heroic age; and secondly, as 
equivalent to our own term ‘pre-historic.’ In the first sense it is used 
twice in the Ihad (11. 681 and xvi. 233). In two other Homeric 
passages of later date (11. x. 429; Od. xix. 177), the name has passed 
into the region of mythology, and a way has accordingly been prepared 
for the use of it by later writers to denote those populations of Greece 
and its neighbourhood which we should now call pre-historic, or whose 
origin and relationship were unknown. (for this employment of the 
word, see Herodotus, 1. 146; 1. 56; 11. 56; vin. 44; vu. 94; 11. 51; v. 26; 


vi. 138.). The name is more especially applied to the natives of Thrace, — 


who seem to have belonged to the Illyrian stock (see Herodotus, 1. 56; 
Thucydides, iv. 109). It is probable, therefore, that there were tribes on 
the coastland of Thrace who were known as Pelasgians; and, since the 
same name is also found in Mysia (JU. 11. 840-3), it is probable that it was 
a word of general meaning, like so many of the names of early Greek 
ethnology, and accordingly applied to tribes of different origin and race. 
Hence Pischel’s etymology, which makes Πελωσγός a compound of the 
roots we have in πέραν and εἶμι (ya), and so meaning ‘the further- 
goers’ or ‘emigrants,’ becomes very probable. 

‘“We now know enough of the languages of Italy, Greece, Albania, 
and Asia Minor, to be able to lay down that, although all probably 
belonging to the Indo-European stock, they are as distinct from one 
another as Latin and Greek. Indeed, it is still doubted by some philo- 
logists whether Albanian should be classed as an Aryan language at all. 
However this may be, I am quite willing to allow that it is very probably 
a descendant of the ancient Illyrian or Thracian, and I will not quarrel 
with any one who wishes to call the latter Pelasgian. But it must be 


remembered that we know nothing about the Pelasgian language or . 








3 Herodot. i. p. 171. ῥάχις, ἀνατείνουσα πρὸς τὴν Ἴδην, ὑπέρκειται 
4 Jl. x. 429; Hecat. ap. Strab. vii. p. 321, τῶν πρώτων τοῦ κόλπου μερῶν" ἐν οἷς πρῶτον 
xii. p. 572. τοὺς Λέλεγας ἱδρυμένους 6 ποιητὴς πεποίηκεν. 


> Strabo, xiii. p. 605: ἡ γὰρ ἀπὸ τοῦ Λεκτοῦ 








§ 1] THE AEOLIAN COLONIZATION. 127 
languages; and that, if the ancient Thraco-Illyrian is to be called 
Pelasgian, the latter term must be closely defined. In the oldest passages 
of Homer where it occurs, it is applied to Achaean Greeks, not to 
barbarous Thracians; in later Greek literature, it is merely synonymous 
with ‘ pre-historic ;’* while in modern times it has served as the watch- 
word of all kinds of obsolete theories and pre-scientific fancies.” 

Strabo informs us that after the Trojan war the whole Troad, from 
Cyzicus to the Caicus, was Aeolized; that is to say, it was occupied 
by colonies formed by Peloponnesian Achaeans and Aeolian Boeotians, 
who had been driven from their homes by the Dorian invasion. As 
Mr. Gladstone judiciously observes, Homer was not aware of the existence 
of Aeolians, only of Aeolids. But in the later Greek tradition we have 
numerous notices of Aeolians as settled in various parts of Greece. In 
Homer a variety of persons and families, holding the highest stations 
and playing important parts in the early history, are descended from 
or connected with Aeolus, a mythical eponymist, but of an Aeolian tribe 
he is ignorant.® 

According to Thucydides,’ the Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus 
took place 80 years, according to Strabo* 60 years—that is, two gene- 
rations—after the Trojan war; according to Pausanias,? in the time of 
Orestes. Pausanias seems probably to be in the right, for the dynasty 
of the Pelopids appears to have ceased at Mycenae with the death of 
Aegisthus, which occurred in the eighth year after the murder of Agamem- 
non,’’ and thus about eight years after the Trojan war ; in fact, tradition 
says that Agamemnon’s son Orestes reigned in Arcadia and Sparta, but 
not that he succeeded his father. Only a fearful political revolution and 
catastrophe, such as the Dorian Invasion, could have prevented Orestes 
from becoming king in Mycenae, which was the richest and most powerful 
State of Greece, and belonged to him as the only son of the glorious 
and universally lamented Agamemnon. Strabo" says that Orestes began 
the emigration, that he died in Arcadia, and that his son Penthilus came 
as far as Thrace; whilst his other son, Archelaus, brought the Aeolian 
colony into the district of Cyzicus, in the neighbourhood of Dascylium. 
But Gras, the youngest son of Archelaus, penetrated as far as the river 








τοῦ Τρανίκου ποταμοῦ καὶ παρεσκευασμένον 


ἄμεινον περαιῶσαι τὸ πλέον τῆς στρατιᾶς εἰς 


§ Homeric Synchronism, p. 74. 
7 2.12. & xii. ἢ. 082, 


® viii. 5, § 1. 

τ Od. iti. 305-307 : 
ἑπτάετες δ᾽ ἤνασσε (Αἴγισθος) πολυχρύσοιο 

Μυκήνης" 
τῷ δὲ οἱ ὀγδοάτῳ κακὸν ἤλυθε δῖος ᾿Ορέστης 
a am ᾿Αθηνάων, κατὰ δ᾽ ἔκτανε πατροφονῆα. 

1 xii, p. 582: ᾽Ορέστην μὲν γὰρ ἄρξαι τοῦ 
στόλου, τούτου δ᾽ ἐν ᾿Αρκαδίᾳ τελευτήσαντος τὸν 
βίον διαδέξασθαι τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Πενθίλον, καὶ 
προελθεῖν μέχρι Θράκης ἑξήκοντα ἔτεσι τῶν 
Τρωικῶν ὕστερον, ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν 
εἰς Πελοπόννησον κάθοδον" εἶτ᾽ ᾿Αρχέλαον υἱὸν 
ἐκείνου περαιῶσαι τὸν Αἰολικὸν στόλον εἰς τὴν 
νῦν Κυζικηνὴν τὴν περὶ τὸ Δασκύλιον" Τρᾶν δὲ 
τὸν υἱὸν τούτον τὸν νεώτατον προελθόντα μέχρι 


Λέσβον καὶ κατασχεῖν αὐτήν: Κλεύην δὲ τὸν 
Δώρου καὶ Μαλαόν, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀπογόνους ὄντας 
᾿Αγαμέμνόνος, συναγαγεῖν μὲν τὴν στρατιὰν κατὰ 
τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον καθ᾽ ὃν καὶ Πενθίλος, ἀλλὰ 
τὸν μὲν τοῦ Πενθίλου ατόλον φθῆναι περαιωθέντα 
ἐκ τῆς Θράκης εἰς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν, τούτους δὲ περὶ 
τὴν Λοκρίδα καὶ τὸ Φρίκιον ὕρος διατρῖψαι πολὺν 
χρόνον, ὕστερον δὲ διαβάντας κτίσαι τὴν Κύμην 
τὴν Φρικωνίδα κληθεῖσαν ἀπὸ τοῦ Λοκρικοῦ 
ὄρους. Τῶν Αἰολέων τοίνυν καθ᾿ ὅλην σκεδα- 
σθέντων τὴν χώραν, ἣν ἔφαμεν ὑπὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ 
λέγεσθαι Τρωικήν, οἱ ὕστερον οἱ μὲν πᾶσαν 
Αἰολίδα προσαγορεύουσιν οἱ δὲ μέρος, καὶ Τροίαν 
οἱ μὲν ὅλην οἱ δὲ μέρος αὐτῆς, οὐδὲν ὅλως 
ἀλλήλοις ὁμολογοῦντεξ. 


128 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS. [Cuap. IT. 


Granicus, led the larger part of his troops over to Lesbos, and occupied 
this island. Penthilus then brought his expedition over from Thrace 
to the Troad, and was followed by other descendants of Agamemnon. 
The Roman geographer further says that, the Aeolians having spread over 
the whole country called Trojan by the poet, the whole was by some later 
writers called Aeolis, whilst others call only part of it by this name. 

Strabo informs us that Abydos was first occupied by Milesian colonists 
in the reign and by the permission of the Lydian king Gyges (cir. 698-660 
B.c.), to whom the whole Troad and the neighbouring territory belonged. 
A promontory near Dardanus was called after him, Gygas. Neither 
Strabo nor any other classical author tells us when this Lydian dominion 
in the Troad commenced. But, as I shall describe at length in the 
subsequent pages, I found in my excavations at Hissarlik, at an average 
depth of from 6 to 7 ft. below the surface of the ground, and just between 
the ruins of Novum Ilium and the débris of the latest pre-historic 
city, a mass of pottery which, both in shape and fabric, has the very 
greatest resemblance to the most ancient Etruscan pottery, whilst it 
has no similarity whatever either to any of the pre-historic pottery or 
to that of Novum Ilium. Professor Sayce calls my attention to the 
fact, that two terra-cotta cones, inscribed with the Cypriote character 
mo and found at a depth of 3 métres, exactly correspond in size, shape, 
and material with a cone found by the late Mr. George Smith under the 
floor of Assur-bani-pal’s palace at Kouyunjik. This cone must have been 
brought by an embassy sent to Nineveh by Gyges about B.c. 665, when, 
according to the inscriptions, the Assyrians heard the name of Lydia 
for the first time, and became acquainted with the districts westward of 
the Halys. , 

Now we read in Herodotus:* “In the reign of Atys, son of Manes, 
there was a great famine throughout all Lydia. The Lydians bore the 
calamity patiently for some time, but, seeing that it did not stop, they set 
to work to devise remedies for the evil. Various expedients were dis- 
covered by various persons; dice and huckle-bones and ball, and all such 
games, were invented, with the exception of tables, the invention of which 





1 xiii, p. 590: ἔΑβυδος δὲ Μιλησίων ἐστὲ τε δὲ οὐκ ἀνιέναι τὸ κακόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι 


κτίσμα ἐπιτρέψαντος Γύγου τοῦ Λυδῶν βασιλέως" 
ἦν γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τὰ χωρία καὶ ἣ Τρῳὰς ἅπασα, 
ὀνομάζεται δὲ καὶ ἀκρωτήριόν τι πρὸς Δαρδάνῳ 
Γύγα-. 

2 Herodot. i. 94, ed. George Rawlinson: ἐπὶ 
“Arvos τοῦ Μάνεω βασιλέος σιτοδηΐην ἰσχυρὴν 
ἀνὰ τὴν Λυδίην πᾶσαν γενέσθαι" καὶ τοὺς Λυδοὺς 
τέως μὲν διάγειν λιπαρέοντας, μετὰ δέ, ὡς οὐ 
παύεσθαι, ἄκεα δίζησθαι, ἄλλον δὲ ἄλλο ἐπι- 
μηχανᾶσθαι αὐτῶν. ἐξευρεθῆναι δὴ ὧν τότε καὶ 
τῶν κύβων Kal τῶν ἀστραγάλων καὶ τῆς σφαίρης 
καὶ τῶν ἀλλέων πασέων παιγνιέων τὰ εἴδεα πλὴν 
πεσσῶν᾽" τούτων γὰρ ὧν τὴν ἐξεύρεσιν οὐκ οἰ- 
κηϊοῦνται Λυδοί. ποιέειν δὲ ὧδε πρὸς τὸν λιμὸν 
ἐξευρόντας, τὴν μὲν ἑτέρην τῶν ἡμερέων παίζειν 
πᾶσαν, ἵνα δὴ μὴ (ητέοιεν σιτία, τὴν δὲ ἑτέρην 
σιτέεσθαι παυομένους τῶν παιγνιέων. τοιούτῳ 
τρόπῳ διάγειν ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα δυῶν δέοντα εἴκοσι. ἐπεί 


βιάζεσθαι, οὕτω δὴ τὸν βασιλέα αὐτῶν δύο μοίρας 
διελόντα Λυδῶν πάντων κληρῶσαι, τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ 
μονῇ, τὴν δὲ ἐπὶ ἐξόδῳ ἐκ τῆς χώρης, καὶ ἐπὶ 
μὲν τῇ μένε.» αὐτοῦ λαγχανούσῃ τῶν μοιρέων 
ἑωυτὸν τὸν βασιλέα προστάσσειν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ἀπαλ- 
λασσομένῃ τὸν ἑωυτοῦ παῖδα, τῷ οὔνομα εἶναι 
Τυρσηνόν. λαχόντας δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς ἑτέρους ἐξι- 
έναι ἐκ τῆς χώρης, καταβῆναι ἐς Σμύρνην καὶ 
μηχανήσασθαι πλοῖα, ἐς τὰ ἐσθεμένους τὰ πάντα, 
ὅσα σφι ἦν χρηστὰ ἐπίπλοα, ἀποπλέειν κατὰ 
βίου τε καὶ γῆς (ζήτησιν, ἐς ὃ ἔθνεα πολλὰ 
παραμειψαμένους ἀπικέσθαι ἐς ᾿Ομβρικούς, ἔνθα 
σφέας ἐνιδρύσασθαι πόλιας καὶ οἰκέειν τὸ μέχρι 
τοῦδε. ἀντὶ δὲ Λυδῶν μετονομασθῆναι αὐτοὺς 
ἐπὶ τοῦ βασιλέος τοῦ παιδός, Os σφεας ἀνήγαγε" 
ἐπὶ τούτου τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ποιευμένους ὀνομα- 
σθῆναι Τυρσηνούς. 


§ 1] LYDIANS AND ETRUSCANS. 129 


they do not claim as theirs. The device adopted against the famine was 
to give up one day so entirely to playing as not to feel any want of food, 
and the next day to eat and to stop the games. In this manner they 
continued for eighteen years. As the affliction lasted and even became 
more grievous, the king divided the nation in half, and made the two 
portions draw lots, the one to stay, the other to emigrate from the 
country ; he would remain king of those whose lot it should be to remain 
behind, whilst his son Tyrsenus should be the leader of the emigrants. 
When they had drawn lots, those who had to emigrate went down to 
Smyrna and built themselves vessels, in which they put all needful 
stores; after that they sailed away in search of land and sustenance. 
After having sailed past many countries, they reached Umbria, where 
they built cities for themselves and fixed their residence. Instead of 
Lydians they called themselves after the name of the king’s son, who led 
the colony, Tyrsenians.” 

In these Tyrsenians the general voice of antiquity saw the Htruscans, 
though Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the contemporary of Strabo, main- 
tained that neither in language, religion, laws, nor customs was there 
any similarity between the Lydians and Etruscans. But so firmly 
convinced of the relationship were most of the ancients that, according 
to Tacitus,? in the time of Tiberius deputies from Sardis recited before 
the Roman Senate a decree of the Etruscans, declaring their consan- 
guinity, on the ground of the early colonization of Etruria by the 
Lydians. Mommsen,* Corssen, and other authorities, however, now agree 
with Dionysius. The fact that the great cities of Ktruria were inland 
and not maritime shows that they could not have been founded by 
a people who came by sea; and the native name of the Etruscans, 
the Rasena, is evidently identical with the Rhaeti of the Rhaetian 
Alps, whose language, according to Livy (v. 33), was similar to that of 
the Etruscans. Now, Etruscan inscriptions have been found as far 
north as Botzen, the phonology of which belongs to an earlier period 
in the history of the Etruscan language than the phonology of the 
inscriptions found in Etruria proper. Moreover, no relationship can be 
discovered between the Etruscan language, which is agglutinative, and 
the remains of the Lydian language, which are Aryan. If, nevertheless, 
the connection between Etruria and Lydia is still maintained,’ con- 
sidering the striking resemblance of the curious pottery found at 
Hissarik immediately below the ruins of Novum Ihum, with the most 
ancient pottery found in the cemeteries of Felsina,’ Villanova,’ and 
Volterra,* I think it possible that there may have been a Lydian settle- 


3 Annal. iv. 55, Etruria, i. pp. Xxxv. sq. 

* Rémische Geschichte, i. 9. Mommsen sug- 6 Giovanni Gozzadini, di alcwni Sepolcri della 
gests that the notion of a connection between Necropole Felsinea, p. 6. 
Etruria and Lydia arose out of a confusion 7 Giovanni Gozzadini, Ja Necropole di Villaneza 
between the Tursenni (more properly Rasena), (1870), p. 33. 
corrupted by Greek pronunciation into Tyr- 8 L, Pigorini, Bullettino di Paletnoloyia, anno i. 
rheni, and the Lydian Tyrrheni, whose name, Nos. 4 and 5, April and May 1875. Plate iii, 
according to Xanthus, was really Torrhebi. Nos. 3a and ὃ ὁ, 


5 See George Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of 


130 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS. Pees i 


ment on Mount Hissarlik contemporary with the colonization of Etruria 
by the Lydians (1044 B.c.), and that the Lydian dominion may have 
been established over the whole Troad at the same epoch. 

Of other nations which may have sojourned for a short time in the 
Troad, I may name the Trerians, whom Strabo mentions once as neigh- 
bours of the Thracians.? They invaded the north coast of Asia Minor 
in the seventh century B.c. in company with the Cimmerians,’° and even 
took Sardis, which had been already taken by the Cimmerians.1 But 
in another passage Strabo states that the Trerians were a Cimmerian 
people ;* and again in another he says that the Trerians were also called 
Cimmerians, or a tribe of them.* According to Aristotle, the Cimmerians 
settled in Antandros on the Gulf of Adramyttium, at the foot of Ida, 
and remained there a hundred years. This appears to be confirmed by 
Pliny* and Stephanus Byzantinus,° according to whom the town was 
formerly called Cimmeris and Edonis. Alcaeus® calls it a city of the 
Leleges ; Herodotus’ and Conon ® call it a Pelasgian city. 

How fearfully the Troad must have been devastated by these inva- 
sions, we may conclude from the statement of a Greek historian, that 
the district of Lampsacus had formerly been called Bebrycia, but that 
the Bebrycians had disappeared through the frequent wars.° 

I have further to mention the Gauls or Galatians, who, in 279 B.c., 
passed over into Asia Minor, partly by the Hellespont, partly by the 
Thracian Bosporus,’® and spread such terror by their devastations that, 
according to Livy,’ “the coast of the Hellespont was given up to the 
Troemi, the Tolistoboji obtained Aeolis and Ionia, the Tectosagi the inland 
parts of Asia, and they exacted tribute from all Asia within Taurus, while 
they chose their own abode about the river Halys,—so that at last even 
the kings of Syria did not refuse to give them tribute.” But these 
Galatians seem not to have stopped for any length of time in the Troad, 
for otherwise Strabo would have known the fact through Demetrius of 
Scepsis, who flourished but a hundred years after the invasion of the 
Gauls. But as Strabo is silent on the subject, and only mentions the 
Gauls as living quietly in the country on the Halys, south of Paphlagonia, 
we may consider it as certain that they did not stay in the Troad. 





® i. p. 59; but it must be distinctly under- sent tribute to Nineveh. See also Od. xi. 14- 


stood that Strabo nowhere mentions that the 19.” 2 χῖν, ps 647. 

Trerians settled for any length of time in the 1 pi pee ἘΝ. Na ae 

Troad; he only speaks of their constant in- 5 S.v. Kimpepos. © Ap. Strabo, xiii. p. 606. 
vasions. 10. Ba Um ie 4 vit. 42, 8 Narr. 41. 


1 xiii. p. 627. Professor Sayce calls my 
attention to the fact that, “according to the 
Assyrian inscriptions, the Gimirrai or Cim- 
merians invaded Lydia in the time of Gyges, 
who sent two of their chiefs in chains to Assur- 
bani-pal, the Sardanapalus of the Greeks (about 
B.C. 665). Subsequently Gyges assisted Psam- 
metichus of Egypt in shaking off the Assyrian 
yoke, in consequence of which, says Assur-bani- 
pal, the gods punished him by causing him to 
be defeated and beheaded in battle by the Cim- 
merians. His son and successor, Ardys, again 


® Charon in Schol. ap. Rhod. 2, 2. 

10 Memnon Heracl. ap. Phot. i. 1. 

1 See Wernsdorf, de Republ. Galatt. i. p. 15. 
Liv. xxxviii. 16: “Trocmis Hellesponti ora 
data, Tolistoboji Aeolida atque Ioniam, Tectosagi 
mediterranea Asiae sortiti sunt, et stipendium 
tota cis Taurum Asia exigebant, sedem autem 
ipsi sibi circa Halyn flumen ceperunt,—ut Syriae 
quoque ad postremum reges stipendium dare 
non abnuerent.” The Trocmi, Tolistoboji, and 
Tectosages were the three races or clans of the 
Gauls. 


§ 1] PECULIAR SITUATION OF TROY. 131 


I shall not speak in this place of the passage of the Persians, 
Macedonians, Romans, &c., through the Troad; I have enumerated only 
those nations of whose sojourn or devastation in this country tradition or 
history has preserved some record. It will be seen in the following pages 
that the ruins at Hissarlik bear testimony to the settlements of at least 
five different nations, which have succeeded each other on the site in 
remote pre-historic ages. In fact the passage of nations to and fro on 
this spot could not have been better described than by Mr. Gladstone :?— 
“Tt appears as if the Hellespont and the immediate neighbourhood of 
the Bosphorus had formed a sort of hinge, upon which turned the fortunes 
and movements of mankind from a very remote period. Consequently 
I am not surprised when I see how some powerful cause has determined 
the course of events actually exhibited in historical times. I am not at 
all surprised to find at Hissarlik the marks of an extraordinary interest 
attaching to that neighbourhood, and of a great number of successive 
races, beginning with the earliest recorded periods of civilized settlement, 
endeavouring to lodge themselves upon this particular spot. To me it 
involves no paradox, because I think it greatly supported and confirmed 
by what we have seen since in respect to the desirableness of that spot, 
and its importance in connection with the movements of races. The very 
circumstances of climate and soil may, I apprehend, be considered as 
rendering it a very eligible site, and therefore there is nothing strange 
to me in finding that a number of different peoples should have planted 
themselves upon the hill of Hissarlik within the course of a certain 
number of centuries.” 

I also cite here what Mr. Philip Smith * has written on the subject: 

“ Apart even from its traditional claim to be the Ilium of Homer, 
Hissarlik lay in the track of the primitive migrations of the Indo- 
European race from their cradle in the East to their settlement in the 
West; and not of one migration only, but of their passage to and fro 
between the shores of Asia and of Europe; as well as upon the path 
of their commerce and military expeditions, after they were settled in 
their homes. For, lest we be misled by the arbitrary distinction between 
the continents, which is stereotyped in the names of Asia and Hurope 
—that is, East and West—it must be borne in mind that the Hellespont 
and Bosporus (as the latter name expresses) were ferries rather than 
sundering seas, and the islands of the Aegean were stepping-stones. 
The close affinities of the early settlers on both shores had long since 
been proved; and, in particular, the presence of the great Pelasgo- 
Hellenic or Graeco-Italic family had been traced on both. The very 
ancient habitation of the north-western parts of Asia Minor by the 
Tonians—the Oriental name of the whole Hellenic race—long before 
their traditional colonization from the peninsula of Hellas—had been 
maintained by Ernst Curtius twenty years ago,* and more fully esta- 


? At the Royal Institute of British Architects, 3 See my Zroy and its ..emains, Ὁ. 364. 
30th April, 1877; see Sessional Papers, 1876- 4 Curtius, Die Lonier vor der Wanderung ; 
1877, No. 12. Berlin, 1855. 


132 DOMINIONS OF THE TROAD. [Cuap. II. 


blished by recent Egyptologers*—thus confirming the most ancient 
ethnic record, that the Isles of the Gentiles were divided among the 
families of the Sons of Javan.” 5 


§ IZ. THe severan Dominions or THE Trop.’ 


1. The Dominion of Pandarus.—This possession of the Lycians 
extended along the Aesepus to Zeleia; its inhabitants are called wealthy 
(agvevol). Their leader is Pandarus, son of Lycaon, the excellent archer.® 

Cities—The only city mentioned by the poet is Zeleia, situated on the 
Aesepus at the last spur of Ida. According to Strabo,® it was at a 
distance of 80 stadia from the nearest sea (the Propontis) into which the 
Aesepus falls, and 190 stadia from (the post-Homeric) Cyzicus. 

2. The Dominion of Adrestus and Amphius, sons of Merops.—This 
dominion bordered on the preceding, as is shown by Homer,'? as well 
as by Strabo: “ Below Zeleia, on the sea, on this side of the Aesepus, 
was situated the plain of Adresteia.”’ The leaders of the Adresteans 
are Adrestus and Amphius, sons of Merops, though elsewhere Amphius 
is called the son of Selagus. 

Cities.— Three are mentioned by the poet :— 

a. Adresteia (ἡ ᾿Αδρήστεια) was situated between Priapus and Parium.’ 

b. Apaesus (ἡ ᾿Απαισός)." also called Paesos (ἡ Ilasoos),* was situated 
between Lampsacus and Parium on the river Paesus. Strabo says that 
the city was destroyed and that its inhabitants had settled in Lamp- 
sacus,° because they were Milesians, like the Lampsacenes, which is 
confirmed by Anaximenes.°® 

6. Pityeia (ἡ Uetveva)’ was situated in Pityis, a district of the 
territory of Parium, at the foot of a mountain overgrown with pines, 
between Priapus and Parium, close to the town of Linum on the sea, 





5 Chabas, Etudes sur UAntiquité historizue ; 
Paris, 1872, p.190. 

6 «Genesis x. 4,5. The essential letters of the 
Hebrew name })) are identical with the Greek 
IQN (lon), and both are equivalent to the 
Yavanas, the ‘younger race’ of the old Aryan 
traditions, who migrated to the West, while the 
elder branch remained in the East. See the 
Student’s Ancient History of the East, Chapter xx., 
on the Nations of Asia Miner, which contains a 
discussion of the Hellenic affinities of the Phry- 
gians and Trojans in particular.” 

7 In the geography of the several dominions 
of the Troad I have adopted the order followed 
by E. Buchholz in his excellent work, Homerische 
Kosmographie und Geographic, and I have to a 
large extent profited by his details; but as re- 
gards Ilium, I have not used his work at all. 

8 7|. ii. 824-827: 
οἱ δὲ Ζέλειαν ἔναιον ὑπαὶ πόδα νείατον “15s, 
ἀφνειοί, πίνοντες ὕδωρ μέλαν Αἰσήποιο, 

Τρῶες" τῶν αὖτ᾽ ἦρχε Λυκάονος ἀγλαὺς υἱός, 
Πάνδαρος, ᾧ καὶ τόξον ᾿Απόλλων αὐτὸς ἔδωκεν. 

9. Strabo, xiii. Ῥ. 587: Ἢ μὲν δὴ Ζέλεια ἐν 

τῇ παρωρείᾳ τῇ ὑστάτῃ τῆς Ἴδης ἔστιν, ἀπέ- 


χουσα Κυζίκου μὲν σταδίους ἐνενήκοντα καὶ ἑκα- 
τόν, τῆς δ᾽ ἐγγυτάτω θαλάττης καθ᾽ ἣν ἐκδίδωσιν 
Αἴσηπος ὅσον ὀγδοήκοντα. 

10 J]. ii. 828-880: 
ot δ᾽ ᾿Αδρήστειάν τ᾽ εἶχον καὶ δῆμον ᾿Απαισοῦ, 
καὶ Πιτύειαν ἔχον καὶ Τηρείης ὔρος αἰπύ" 
τῶν ἦρχ᾽ "Αδρηστός τε καὶ ΓΑμφιος λινοθώρηξ. 

1 xii, p. 565: τῇ δὲ Ζελείᾳ ὑποπέπτωκε πρὸς 
θαλάττῃ ἐπίταδε τοῦ Αἰσήπου τὸ Tis ᾿Αδρηστείας 
πεδίον. 

2 Strabo, xiii. p. 588: 9 μὲν οὖν πόλις (ἡ 
᾿Αδρήστεια) μεταξὺ Πριάπου καὶ Παρίου. 

8.7] 1} S28: 

4 Tov. 6122 
καὶ βάλεν Αμφιον, Σελάγου υἱόν, bs ῥ᾽ ἐνὶ Παισῷ 
ναῖε. 

a) ralio, xiii. p. 589: ἐν δὲ τῷ μεταξὺ Aap 
ψάκου καὶ Παρίου Παισὸς ἦν adage Kal ποταμός" 
κατέσπασται δ᾽ ἣ πόλις, οἱ δὲ Παισηνοὶ μετῴ- 
κησαν εἰς Λάμψακον, Μιλησίων ὄντες ἄποικοι 
καὶ αὐτοὶ καθάπερ καὶ οἱ Λαμψακηνοί. 

6. Strabo, xiv. p. 635: ᾿Αναξιμένης ον ὃ 
alexis οὕτω φησίν, ὅτι---Μιλήσιοι συνῴκη- 
σαν--Αβυδον, “Apis Bay, Παισόν. 

7 Ji. ii; 829, 


“DARDANIA, THAT OF AENHAS. 183 


§ IL] 


where the Linusian cochleae were fished up, which were considered the 
best of all sorts of cochleae.* But others maintained that Pityeia was 
only the ancient name of Lampsacus.? 

3. The Doninion of Asius.—This dominion extended along the coast 
of the Troad, from Percoté to Abydos. Asius, son of Hyrtacus,’° was the 
ruler of this district; under his command was the contingent of the 
Thracian city of Sestos on the Hellespont.’ 

Of Cities Homer mentions three in this dominion :— 

a. Percoté (ἡ Ἰ]ερκώτη),2 of which its present name, Borgas or Bergas, 
may be a corruption. Its ancient name was also Percopé.* 

b. Abydos (ἡ “ABvéos),* at the narrowest part of the Hellespont, 
which, according to Herodotus,® was there only 7 stadia broad; but in 
reality the breadth of the strait is here 10 stadia. Abydos was situated 
opposite to Sestos, though slightly to the south-east. A little to the 
north of the city Xerxes passed the Hellespont on a bridge of boats, in 
480 p.c. Of Abydos no ruins are extant; only fragments of pottery 
or marble mark its site. It is at a distance of 3 miles from the present 
town of Dardanelles. On the site of Abydos are two nearly conical 
natural hills, both of which may have once been fortified, but the opinion 
of some travellers,® that they are composed of débris, is altogether erro- 
neous; they consist of purely natural soil. 

6. Arisbé (ἡ ᾿Αρίσβη), not far from the Selleis,’ was the residence of 
Asius, and has in the poems the epithets “divine” (δῖα) and “ well- 
built” (év«ryévn).® 

4, The Dominion of Aeneas (Dardania).—Strabo defines Dardania as 
follows :—“ On the further side of Abydos come the districts around Ilium, 
the sea-shore as far as Lectum, the land of the Trojan Plain, and the 
district at the side of Mount Ida subject to Aeneas.”?° Again: “The 
mountain-border (of the Trojan Plain) is narrow; on one side it extends 
in a southerly direction to the district around Scepsis, on the other side to 
the north as far as the Lycians of the district of Zeleia: this plain the 
poet puts under the dominion of Aeneas and the Antenorids, and calls 
it Dardania.”' This dominion was therefore long and narrow; it ex- 





8 Strabo, xiii. p.588: Πιτύα δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐν Πιτυ- 
οὔντι τῆς Παριανῆς ὑπερκείμενον ἔχουσα πιτυῶδες 
ὄρος μεταξὺ δὲ κεῖται Παρίου καὶ Πριάπου καὶ Λίνον 
χωρίον ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ, ὕπου οἱ Λινούσιοι κοχλίαι 
ἄριστοι τῶν πάντων ἁλίσκονται. 

δ Steph. Byz. and Etym. Mag. 5. v. Λάμψακος ; 
Schol. Apoll. Rhod. i. 933; Orph. Arg. 488 ; 
Plin. H. NV. ν. 32: “ Lampsacum antea Pityusa 
dictum.” This is also implied in the story told 
in Herodotus, vi. 37, the point of which is 
missed by the historian, who does not seem to 
have heard that Pityeia or Pityusa was reputed 
to have been the ancient name of Lampsacus. 

10 7], ii. 837, 838: 
τῶν αὖθ᾽ “Ὑρτακίδης ἦρχ᾽ Actos, ὄρχαμος ἀνδρῶν, 
“Actos Ὑρτακίδης. 

* I. ii, 836. 

pei. 885; xi. 229: xv. 548: 

* Steph. Byz. 5. v. Περκώτη : Περκώτη καὶ 
πάλαι Περκώπη πόλις Τρωάδος. 


“Time 880: 

5 vil. 84: ἔστι δὲ ἑπτὰ στάδια ἐξ ᾿Αβύδου 
ἐς τὴν ἀπαντίον. 

§ Richter, Wallfahrten im Morgenlande, p. 435. 

7 Tl. ii. 838, 839: 

᾿Αρίσβηθεν. .. 
ποταμοῦ ἀπὸ Σελλήεντος. 
Comp. xii. 96, 97. 

§ 71. ii. 836; xxi. 43: δῖαν ᾿Αρίσβην. 

9 Ul. vi. 13: édnripévn ev’ ApioBn. 

10 xiii. p. 592: Ἔξω δὲ ᾿Αβύδου τὰ περὶ τὸ 
Ἴλιον ἔστι, τά τε παράλια ἕως Λεκτοῦ καὶ τὰ 
ἐν τῷ Τρωϊκῷ πεδίῳ καὶ τὰ παρώρεια τῆς ᾽Ἴδης 
τὰ ὑπὸ τῷ Αἰνείᾳ. 

1 xiii, p. 596: τούτου δ᾽ ἣ μὲν παρώρειός 
ἐστι στενή, τῇ μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν μεσημβρίαν τεταμένη 
μέχρι τῶν κατὰ Σκῆψιν τόπων, τῇ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὰς 
ἄρκτους μέχρι τῶν κατὰ Ζέλειαν Λυκίων. ταύτην 
δ᾽ 6 ποιητὴς ὑπ᾽ Αἰνείᾳ τάττει καὶ τοῖς ᾿Αντη- 
νορίδαις, καλεῖ δὲ Δαρδανίαν. 


134 DOMINIONS OF THE TROAD. [Cuap. IL. 


tended between Priam’s dominion and that of the Meropids, being bor- 
dered on one side by the Hellespont, on the other by the Leleges and 
Cilicians. Its inhabitants, called Dardanians (Δαρδάνιοι 5 or Δάρδανοι), 
were a race kindred with the Trojans, and are sometimes confounded 
with them: thus, for instance, Euphorbus, son of Panthoiis, a Trojan, is 
called a Dardanian.* 

Of Cittes we can only mention Dardania, built by Dardanus at the 
foot of Ida before sacred Ilium was founded in the plain.® In the time 
of Strabo it had utterly disappeared. It has of course nothing in 
common with the later Dardanus, which—as excavations lately made 
there at my request by the military governor of the Dardanelles have 
shown—has left a layer of débris hardly 24 ft. deep, in which nothing 
but fragments of Greek potsherds are found. It therefore appears certain 
that it was built by the Aeolian Greeks. It lies on the shore of the 
Hellespont, as Strabo’ rightly remarks, at a distance of 70 stadia from 
Abydos, and, according to Pliny,* 70 stadia from Rhoeteum. 

5. The Dominion of Altes..—We find also in Homer that a troop of 
Leleges had settled in the Troad, on the river Satniois near Cape Lectum : 
thus they seem to have dwelt between the dominion of the Cilicians and 
that of the Dardanians.'? Their king was Altes, father of Laothoé, who 
bore Lycaon, and father-in-law to Priam.’ 

Of Cities I can only mention Pedasus (ἡ ἸΤήδασος) on the Satniois, 
with the epithets “lofty” (aimjecoa),? “ high-towered” or “ high- 
walled” (αὐἰπεινή). Τὺ was destroyed by Achilles,* and is supposed, as 
I have before observed, to be mentioned on the Egyptian monuments 
under the name of Pidasa. 

6. The Dominion of the Cilicians.— 

a. The Dominion of Eétion (the Theban Cilicia) ὅ extends between the 
district of Lyrnessus occupied by the Cilicians and the Leleges. The 
description given by Homer of Thebé* has led to the general belief 


2170, 1819: 
Δαρδανίων αὖτ᾽ ἦεχεν ἐὺς παῖς ᾿Αγχίσαο 
Aivelas . . 
= ee. a1; 456, vii. 348: 
κέκλυτέ μευ, Τρῶες, καὶ Δάρδανοι ἠδ᾽ ἐπίκουροι. 
Rel AXVin δ07: 


Troy proper, as this latter will ocevpy a large 
space, 

10 Strabo, xiii, p. 605: yap ἀπὸ τοῦ 
Λεκτοῦ ῥάχις ἀνατείνουσα πρὸς τὴν Ἴδην ὑπέρ- 
κειται τῶν πρώτων; τοῦ κόλπου μερῶν, ἐν οἷς 
πρῶτον τοὺς Λέλεγας ἱδρυμένους ὃ ποιητὴς 
πεποίηκεν. 

1 Jl, xxi, 84-86: 

μινυνθάδιον δέ με μήτηρ 
γείνατο ᾿'Λαοθόη, θυγάτηρ ΓΑλταο γέροντος, 
“AAtew ὃς Λελέγεσσι φιλοπτολέμοισιν ἀνάσσει. 
2 “͵πχσὶ. 874 


. . Δάρδανος ἀνήρ, 
Πανθοΐδης Εὔφορβος, ... - 
© 7). χχ, 210-218: 
Δάρδανον αὖ πρῶτον τέκετο 
Ζεύς, 
κτίσσε δὲ Δαρδανίην, ἐπεὶ οὔπω "Ἴλιος ἱρή 


νεφεληγερέτα 


ἐν πεδίῳ πεπόλιστο; πόλις μερόπων ἀνθρώπων, 
GAN’ ἔθ᾽ ὑπωρείας ᾧκεον πολυπίδακος ᾿Ἰδη5. 

6 xiii. p. 592: viv μὲν γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ἴχνος πόλεως 
σώζεται αὐτόθι. 

7 xiii. p. 595: ἡ πόλις ἡ Δάρδανος, διέχουσα 
τῆς ᾿Αβύδου ο΄ σταδίους“. 

8 H. N. vy. 33: “a Rhoeteo Dardanium oppi- 
dum parvum abest stadia lxx.” 

® Deviating here from the order followed by 
E. Buchholz, Homer. Kosm. und Geogr., 1 shall 
first speak of the dominions of the Leleges and 
the Cilicians, and after wards of the dominion of 


(“AAtns) Πήδασον αἰπήεσσαν ἔχων ἐπὶ Σατνιό- 
εντι. 
3 Tl, vi. 84, 88: 
ναῖε δὲ Σατνιόεντος evppeltao map’ ὄχθας 
Πήδασον αἰπεινήν. 
ol, xx oe 
πέρσε δὲ (Αχιλλεὺς) Λυρνησσὸν καὶ Πήδασον. 
5 Strabo, xiii. p. 586: ἡ τῶν Κιλίκων διττή; 7 
μὲν Θηβαϊκὴ ἡ δὲ Λυρνησσίς. 
6 Tl. vi. 396, 397 : 
’"Hetiwv, ds ἔναιεν ὑπὸ Πλάκῳ ὑληέσσῃ 
Θήβῃ ὑποπλακίῃ, [ζιλίκεσσ᾽ ἄνδρεσσιν ἀνάσσων. 


8 IL] THEBE.—VIEWS OF MR. GLADSTONE. 135 


that there was a mountain called Plakos, at the foot of which the city 
was situated. But Strabo knows no such mountain; he says: “ But in 
the interior, 50 stadia further on, is the now deserted Thebé, which the 
poet puts below the ‘ wooded Plakos,’ but there is here neither a Plakos 
nor a Plax, nor is there a forest above it though it adjoins Ida.” 7 

Cities. (a) Thebé (ἡ Θήβη) was situated 60 stadia to the north-west 
of Adramyttium,* between the latter and Cariné.? It was the capital 
of Hétion; hence its epithet “sacred city of Hétion.” Τὺ is called 
“flourishing” (evvaterawoa) and “ high-gated” (iizvdos), and was 
destroyed by Achilles.‘ It was a fortified place, for Homer speaks of 
its walls." 

Mr. Gladstone? has sought to show that under Thothmes III., whose 
reign is computed to have extended over the first half of the sixteenth 
century B.c. (or 1600-1550), when the power of the great Egyptian 
Empire reached its climax, it embraced most of the populations of Greece, 
where Thothmes put lis own sons as governors in the places he had 
conquered. He calls attention to the fact, that the Thebe of Hétion is 
connected in the Itad with special excellence of horses; that it is the 
sacred city of Hétion; and that lastly it has lofty gates (ὑψίπυλος). Ti 
is surely remarkable, he adds, that we find all these three characteristics 
reproduced in the Cadmean Thebes of Boeotia. It is sacred (ἱερὰ πρὸς 
τείχεα Θήβης). It is most closely associated with the horse; for to the 
Cadmeans alone, besides the Trojans, does Homer give the designation 
κέντορες ἵππων." It is also remarkable for its gates, being the seven- 
gated Thebes. Both cities, too, were rich. The Thébe of Eétion is 
εὐναιετάουσα, or “a flourishing city;” while the Cadmean Thebes is 
ἐὐκτίμενον πτολίεθρον, ‘a well-built fortress,’ and εὐρύχορος, ‘ an exten- 
sive (?) city.”® These three pointed characteristics, as well as the fourth, 
all belonged to the mighty city of Thebes in Egypt. This had a hundred 
gates ; this horsed 20,000 chariots ; and was eminently a sacred city, for 
she was the centre of the worship of Amun.’ 

Recent researches, however, seem to show that the identifications with 
Greek tribes proposed for geographical names occurring in the Egyptian 
inscriptions are untenable. The chief support for Mr. Gladstone’s views 








1 7]. ii. 691: τείχεα Θήβης. 

2 Homeric Synchronism, p. 137. 

3 Ibid. p. 158. 4 Ti. iv. 378. 

5. Livin 301; 

6 Jl. iv. 406; Od. xi. 263. 

t 11. ἃ... 805 5 vi. 415. Sade x15 260: 

9 Homer. Synchr., pp. 158, 159. Regarding: 
the form of the name, we may add, that whilst 
the city of Eétien is always called Thebé in the 


7 Strabo, xiii. p. 614: ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσογαίᾳ ἀπὸ 
πεντήκοντα σταδίων ἐστὶν ἡ Θήβη ἔρημος, Hv 
φησιν 6 ποιητής, ““ ὑπὸ Πλάκῳ ὑληέσσῃ ” οὔτε δὲ 
ΠλάκοςΞ ἢ Πλὰξ ἐκεῖ τι λέγεται, οὔθ᾽ ὕλη ὑπέρκει- 
ται καίτοι πρὸς τῇ Ἰδῃ. 

8 Strabo, xiii. p. 612: διέχουσι δὲ ᾿Αδραμυττίου 
σταδίους 7 μὲν (Θήβη) ἑξήκοντα, 7 δὲ (Λυρνησσὸς) 
ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ὀκτὼ ἐπὶ θάτερα. 

® Herod, vii. 42: ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης (Καρίνη5) διὰ 


Θήβης πεδίου ἐπορεύετο, ᾿Αδραμύττειόν τε πόλιν 
καὶ ΓΑντανδρον τὴν Πελασγίδα παραμειβόμενος. 
al. 1 00: 
ἐς Θήβην ἱερὴν πόλιν ᾿Ηετίωνος. 
M TI, vi. 415, 416: 
ἐκ δὲ πόλιν πέρσεν (Αχιλλεὺ5) Κιλίκων εὐναιε- 
τάωσαν 
Θήβην ὑψίπυλον. 


singular, this was also the proper form for the 
Egyptian city, whose original name (namely, 
the name of its sacred quarter, to the east or the 
Nile) was T-APE. The Greeks assimilated the 
name to that of Thebes (Θῆβαι) in Boeotia; but 
this city, as we see in Homer, is also called Thebé 


(Θήβη). 


136 DOMINIONS OF THE TROAD. [Cuap. IT; 


consequently falls to the ground. Since the Cadmeans of Boeotian Thebes 
were a Phoenician colony, it is probable that the origin of the name of 
the city must be sought in the Semitic languages. On the other hand, 
Egyptian Thebes derived its name from the Egyptian ¢a-apiu, the plural 
of ta-ap, “the little house,” a title originally given to one only of the 
quarters of the city. According to Varro (de Re Rust. iii. 1, 16), “the 
Aeolian Boeotians” and the Sabines called hills tebae or thebae. 

(8) Chrysé (ἡ Χρύση), already desolate in Strabo’s time, was situated 
close to Thebé, and belonged to the possessions of Hétion, as is evident 
from the fact that Chryseis was captured by Achilles when he destroyed 
Thebs.° It had a temple of Apollo Smintheus, of which the father of 
Chryseis was the priest. It was situated on the sea, and had a port in 
which Ulysses landed when he brought Chryseis back to her father with 
a hecatomb for the god. As Strabo remarks, it is to be distinguished 
from the later Chrysa, near Hamaxitus, which had also a temple of the 
Sminthian Apollo, but no port.2 The temple of this god, which Pliny ® 
mentions here, can consequently refer only to the later place. | 

(y) Cillé (Κώλλη), situated also in the Theban plain on the small river 
Cillaeus, at the foot of Mount Cillaeus and in the neighbourhood of 
Antandros, was founded by Pelops, son of Tantalus, and had a celebrated 
temple of the Cillaean Apollo, which still existed in Strabo’s time.‘ 

b. The Dominion of Mynes appears to have been limited to the city 
of Lyrnessus (Λυρνησσός), called also the city of Mynes by Homer,® 
destroyed by Achilles, who here captured Briseis.° Hither Aeneas fled, 
pursued by Achilles.’ It was situated in the Plain of Thebé, 88 stadia 
from Adramyttium, and is described by Strabo as fortified by nature, 
but deserted. Fellowes® believed he had found iis ruins four miles 
from Karavaren. 

6. The Dominion of Eurypylus is difficult to define. He was leader of 
a troop of Keteioi (οἱ Κήτειοι), whose identity with the Hittites of the 
Old Testament, the Kheta of the Egyptian monuments and the Khattai 
of the Assyrian inscriptions, has been most ingeniously maintained by 








TIN, (366/367 
φχόμεθ᾽ ἐς Θήβην, ἱερὴν πόλιν ᾿Ηετίωνος 
\ \ , ΔΨ > / , 
τὴν δὲ διεπράθομεν τε καὶ ἤγομεν ἐνθάδε TayTa. 
1 Jl. i, 37-39 : 
κλῦθί μευ, ἀργυρότοξ᾽, ὃς Χρύσην ἀμφιβέβηκας 


xiii. p. 612: πλησίον οὖν τῆς Θήβης ἔτι νῦν 
Κίλλα τις τόπος λέγεται, ἐν ᾧ Κιλλαίου ᾿Απόλ- 
Awvos ἔστιν ἱερόν: παραῤῥεῖ δ᾽ αὐτῷ ἐξ Ἴδης 
φερόμενος ὃ Κιλλαῖος ποταμός. Ovid, Met. xiii. 
174. Plin. H. Ν., v. 32, says that it no longer 
existed in his time. 


Σμινθεῦ. 5. Hl, xix. ΘΝ: 


2 Strabo, xiii. p. 612: ‘H 8& Xpioa ἐπὶ 
θαλάττῃ πολίχνιον ἦν ἔχον λιμένα, πλησίον δὲ 
ὑπέρκειται ἣ Θήβη ἐνταῦθα δ᾽ ἦν καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν 
τοῦ Suwbéws ᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ ἡ Χρυσηΐς" ἠρήμωται 
δὲ νῦν τὸ χωρίον τελέως" εἰς δὲ τὴν νῦν Χρῦσαν 
τὴν κατὰ ᾿Αμαξιτὸν μεθίδρυται τὸ ἱερὸν, τῶν 
Κιλίκων τῶν μὲν εἰς τὴν Παμφυλίαν ἐκπεσόντων 
τῶν δὲ εἰς ᾿Αμαξιτόν' οἱ δ᾽ ἀπειρότεροι τῶν παλαιῶν 
ἱστοριῶν ἐνταῦθα τὸν Χρύσην καὶ τὴν Χρυσηΐδα 
γεγονέναι φασὶ καὶ τὸν Ὅμηρον τούτου τοῦ 
τόπου μεμνῆσθαι" ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε λιμήν ἐστιν ἐνταῦθα, 
ἐκεῖνος δέ φησιν “ οἱ δ᾽ ὅτε δὴ λιμένος πολυβεν- 
θέος ἐντὸς ἵκοντο. 8. A. Nix. θῶ, 


4 Homer, 1]. i. 38. Herodot. i. 149. Strabo, 


πέρσεν δὲ πόλιν θείοιο Μύνητος. 

6 Jl. ii. 690, 691: 

τὴν (Βρισηΐδα) ἐκ Λυρνησσοῦ ἐξείλετο πολλὰ 
μογήσας, 
Λυρνησσὸν διαπορθήσαΞ. 

7. dl. xx, 19 ape 
ἔνθεν δ᾽ ἐς Λυρνησσὸν ὑπέκφυγες " αὐτὰρ ἔγὼ τὴν 
πέρσα μεθορμηθείς. 

8 xiii. p. 612: ἐνταῦθα yap καὶ ἡ Θήβη καὶ 7 
Λυρνησσός, ἐρυμνὸν χωρίον " ἔρημοι δ᾽ ἀμφότεραι * 
διέχουσι δὲ ᾿Αδραμυττίου σταδίους ἡ (Θήβη) μὲν 
ἑξήκοντα ἣ (Λυρνησσὺ5) δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ὀκτὼ 
ἐπὶ θάτερα. See also Diod. v.49; Plin. H. Ν. 
v. 26 and 82. ® Excursus, in Asia Minor, Ὁ. 39. 


§ IL] THE KETEIOL AND ARIMI. 


Mr. Gladstone.’ His arguments lead to the conclusion that the Keteioi 
“come from outside the circle of the earlier Trojan alliances, and 
therefore from Lycia, and the countries of the Mysoi and Kilikes.”? 
Strabo says:? “Just as the land of the Cilicians is twofold, the Theban 
and the Lyrnessian, to which may also be reckoned the domain of 
Eurypylus, coming next to the territory of Lyrnessus.” And again :* 
“According to Homer, Eurypylus reigned in the country on the 
Caicus, so that perhaps a part of the Cilicians also was subject to him.” 
And further:* “ But it can only be a question of probabilities if any 
one endeavours to determine from the poet the exact frontier to which 
the Cilicians and Pelasgians extended, as well as the Keteioi between 
them who were under Eurypylus. As to the Cilicians and the subjects 
of Eurypylus, we have already stated the probability; and how they 
were bounded, especially by the districts on the Caicus.” 

It is on account of Strabo’s first statement, which makes the 
Keteioi under Eurypylus border upon Lyrnessus, that their territory 
has been noticed here. 

7. The Dominion of the Homerie Arimi (οἱ “Apipot)—The Arimi 
seem to be a mythic people, who have been searched for in various 
regions. ‘They are only once mentioned by Homer: “The earth 
groaned under their feet, as when the god of thunder, Zeus, in wrath 
strikes the land of the Arimi around Typhéeus, where the bed of 
Typhoeus is said to be.”*® According to Strabo, this land of the Arimi 
was identical with the Catakekaumené (or “burnt land”) possessed by 
the Mysians and Lydians.° In another passage he states that by some 
the burnt land is believed to be in Lydia in the environs of Sardis; 
by others in Cilicia or in Syria, by some on the Pithecussae (monkey- 
islands), who said, at the same time, that monkeys were called Arimi by 
the Tyrrhenians.’. I may here mention that the present Island of Ischia, 
in the Gulf of Naples, was once called Pithecusa, Aenaria or Inarimé. 
Strabo also cites the opinion of Posidonius, according to which “the Arimi 
are not the inhabitants of a certain district of Syria, of Cilicia, or of any 
other country, but the inhabitants of all Syria, who are called Aramaei. 
But perhaps they were called Arimaei or Arimi by the Greeks.” ° 


137 





10 Homeric Sjnchronism, pp. 121, 127, 171, 
174, 177, 180, 184. 

1 bid. p. 183. 

2 xiii. p. 586: καθάπερ καὶ ἣ τῶν Κιλίκων 
διττή, 1 μὲν Θηβαϊκὴ ἢ δὲ Λυρνησσίς" ἐν αὐτῇ δ᾽ 
ἂν λεχθείη ἢ ὑπὸ Εὐρυπύλῳ ἐφεξῆς οὖσα τῇ 
Λυρνησσίδι. 

3 ΧΗ, p. 616: ὅτι ἐν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Κάϊκον 
τόποις φαίνεται βεβασιλευτὼς καθ᾽ Ὅμηρον 6 
Εὐρύπυλος, ὥστ᾽ ἴσως καὶ τῶν Κιλίκων τι μέρος 
ἣν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 

1 xiii. p. 620: εἰκοτολογεῖν δ᾽ ἔστι κἂν εἴ τις 
τὸν ἀκριβῆ ζητεῖ κατὰ τὸν ποιητὴν ὕρον μέχρι 
τίνος οἱ Κίλικες διέτεινον καὶ οἱ Πελασγοὶ καὶ 
ἔτι οἱ μεταξὺ τούτων Κήτειοι λεγόμενοι οἱ ὑπὸ 
τῷ Εὐρυπύλῳ. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν Κιλίκων καὶ 
τῶν ὑπ᾽’ Εὐρυπύλῳ τὰ ἐνόντα εἴρηται, καὶ διότι 
[ἐπὶ] τὰ περὶ τὸν Κάϊκον μάλιστα περατοῦνται. 


& γ). 1 781-389: 
“ + Ta 3 ͵ A ἃ , 
γαῖα δ᾽ ὑπεστενάχιζε Ait ὧς τερπικεραύνῳ 
/ ε b tage) \ See a“ c / 
χωομένῳ, τε T ἀμφὶ Τυφωεὶ γαῖαν ἱμασσῃ 
εἰν ᾿Αρίμοις, ὅθι φασὶ Τυφωέος ἔμμεναι εὐνάς. 
δ ΧΙ, p. 579: καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν Τυφῶνα 
/ 5 a / = ? , ὶ 
πάθη ἐνταῦθα μυθεύουσι καὶ τοῦς ᾿Αρίμους κα 
τὴν Κατακεκαυμένην ταύτην εἶναι φασιν. 
7 xiii, p. 626: ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἐν Κιλικίᾳ, τινὲς δ᾽ ἐν 
΄ “ ? 
Συρίᾳ πλάττουσι τὸν μῦθον τοῦτον, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν 
\ 
Πιθηκούσσαις, οἱ Kal τοὺς πιθήκους φασὶ mapa 
τοῖς Τυῤῥηνοῖς ἀρίμους καλεῖσθαι. 
8 xvi. p. 784: λέγει δὲ καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αρίμους ὃ 
: 7ὔ A 
ποιητής, οὕς φησι Ποσειδώνιος δέχεσθαι δεῖν μή 
ss a / 
τόπον τινα τῆς Συρίας ἢ τῆς Κιλικίας ἤ ἄλλης 
΄ 5» \ \ / i \ 3 an A 
τινος γῆς; ἀλλὰ THY Συρίαν αὐτὴν ᾿Αραμαῖοι γὰρ 
οἱ ἐν αὐτῇ" τάχα δ᾽ οἱ “Ἕλληνες ᾿Αριμαίους 


ΟΣ») 


ἐκάλουν ἢ ᾿Αρίμους. 


138 DOMINIONS OF THE TROAD. [Cuap. II, 


8. The Dominion of the Pelasgians (οἱ ἸΠελασγοί).---Ἰ finally men- 
tion here the dominion of the Asiatic Pelasgians, who were under the 
command of Hippothotis and Pylaeus, sons of Lethus,? and occupied 
the district of the Aeolian coast from the river Caicus up to the 
Jonian frontier. Their chief city was Larissa (ἡ Λάρισσα, Λάρισα), 
which Strabo places in the neighbourhood of Cyme, for he says: 
“But the Pelasgians we have reason to place next to them (the 
Cilicians) and the subjects of Eurypylus, as well from the indications 
of Homer as from other information. For the poet says: ‘ Hippothoiis 
led the tribes of the spear-practised Pelasgians, who dwelt on the 
fertile soil of Larissa—these were led by Hippothoiis and Pylaeus, 
the offspring of Ares, both sons of the Pelasgian Lethus, the son of 
Teutamus.’ Hereby he indicates a considerable multitude of Pelasgians, 
because he speaks, not of ‘a tribe,’ but ‘of tribes,’ and puts their seat 
in Larissa. Now there are many Larissas, but we must assume one 
in the neighbourhood; and we should be most right in supposing the 
one near Cyme. For there are three, but the one near Hamaxitus 
lies directly in sight of Ilium, and very near it, about 200 stadia dis- 
tant, so that it could not have been rightly said that Hippothoiis fell 
in the fight over Patroclus ‘far from Larissa;’ but this would rather 
have been rightly said of the Larissa near Cyme, because there are about 
1000 stadia between that Larissa and Ilium.” 

9. The Dominion of Priam, Ilium, and the Country belonging to it.— 
For the extent of this dominion we have Strabo’s statement: “ Below 
it (Aeneas’s dominion of Dardania), and nearly parallel with it, is Ce- 
brenia, consisting for the most part of table-land. But there was once 
a city Cebrené. Demetrius supposes that here was the limit of the 
country about Ilium subject to Hector, which thus extended from the 
naustathmus to Cebrenia.” * 

Of Cities belonging to this dominion, we know from the poems 
only Ilios (ἡ Ἴλιος) and Thymbré (ἡ Θύμβρη). The latter is only once 
mentioned by the poet: “ But towards Thymbré encamped the Lycians 
and the haughty Mysians, and the Phrygians, tamers of horses, and 
the Maeconians with their horsehair crests.”* Strabo erroneously sup- 
posed that Homer spoke here, not of the city of Thymbra, but of the 
plain of Thymbra, for he says: “But near to it (Ilium) is the plain 





9 7], ii. 840-843. 

10 Strabo, xiii. p. 620: τοὺς δὲ Πελασγοὺς 
εὔλογον τούτοις ἐφεξῆς τιθέναι Ex τε τῶν ὑφ᾽ 
Ὁμήρου λεγομένων καὶ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης ἱστορίας. 6 
μὲν γὰρ οὕτω φησίν ““Ἵππόθοος δ᾽ ἄγε φῦλα 
Πελασγῶν ἐγχεσιμώρων, τῶν οἱ Λάρισαν ἐριβώ- 
λακα ναιετάασκον" τῶν ἦρχ᾽ Ἵππόθοός τε Πύλαιός 
τ᾽ ὕζος "Αρηος, υἷε δύω Λήθοιο Πελασγοῦ Τευτα- 
μίδαο.᾽ ἐϊ’ ὧν πλῆθός τε ἐμφαίνει ἀξιόλογον 
τὸ τῶν Πελασγῶν (οὐ γὰρ φῦλον, ἀλλὰ φῦλα 
ἔφη) καὶ τὴν οἴκησιν ἐν Λαρίσῃ φράζει + πολλαὶ 
μὲν οὖν αἱ Λαρίσαι, det δὲ τῶν ἐγγύς τινα 
δέξασθαι, μάλιστα δ᾽ ἂν τὴν περὶ Κύμην ὑπολάβοι 
τις ὀρθῶς - τριῶν γὰρ οὐσῶν ἣ μὲν καθ᾽ ᾿Αμαξ- 
ιτὸν ἐν ὕψει τελέως ἐστὶ τῷ ᾿Ιλίῳ, καὶ ἐγγὺς 


σφόδρα ἐν διακοσίοις που σταδίοις, ὥστ᾽ οὐκ ἂν 
λέγοιτο πιθανῶς ὃ Ἱππόθοος πεσεῖν ἐν τῷ ὑπὲρ 
Πατρόκλου ἀγῶνι “ τῆλ᾽ ἀπὸ Λαρίσης," ταύτης 
γε, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τῆς περὶ Κύμην' χίλιοι γάρ που 
στάδιοι μεταξύ. 

1 Strabo, xiii. p. 596: ὑπὸ δὲ ταύτῃ KeBpnvia, 
πεδιὰς ἣ πλείστη, παράλληλός πως TH Δαρδανίᾳ " 
ἣν δὲ καὶ πόλις ποτὲ Κεβρήνη. ὑπονοεῖ δ᾽ 6 
Δημήτριος μέχρι δεῦρο διατείνειν τὴν περὶ τὸ 
Ἴλιον χώραν τὴν ὑπὸ τῷ “Ἕκτορι, ἀνήκουσαν ἀπὸ 
τοῦ ναυστάθμου μέχρι ΚεβρηνίαΞ. 

2 Jl. x, 430, 431: 
πρὺς Θύμβρης δ᾽ ἔλαχον Λύκιοι Μυσοι τ᾽ ἀγέρω- 

χοι 
καὶ δρύγες ἱππόδαμοι καὶ Μήονες ἱπποκορυσταί. 


DOMINION AND CITY OF PRIAM. 139 


ΠΡ ἘΠῚ 


of Thymbra and the river Thymbrius, which flows through it and falls 
into the Scamander close to the temple of the Thymbrian Apollo, at 
a distance of 50 stadia from Novum Ilium.”* Stephanus Byzantinus * 
and Pliny® understood the poet rightly, for they mention Thymbra as 
a town. 

The other city of Priam’s dominion, whose fame and fate gave birth 
to Homer’s immortal poems, demands a separate notice. 


§ III. Tue Crry or Itios, ἴπαῦὺμ, or Troy. 


In1um, or Troy, the residence of Priam, the city besieged by the 
Greek army under Agamemnon, is called “I\vos and Τροίη by the poet, 
who frequently uses the latter name both for the city and the land 
belonging to it, calling it ἐριβῶλαξ (“fat and fertile”). ἤλιος, on the 
other hand, is only used for the city ; but the oldest form was evidently 
Είλιος, with the Vau or Digamma.® The neuter, Ἴλιον, occurs only once 
in Homer,’ in consequence of which Aristarchus considers the passage 
as a later interpolation.» But the tragic poets® having adopted it, it 
was also used commonly by the prose-writers..° The Latin writers use 
the corresponding forms, Lliwm and Troja, the latter being preferred by 
the poets, for the reason that Idiwm could not fit into an hexameter verse. 
Morritt™ thinks that ’Djiov is derived from "IXn, turma, and that the 
πεδίον ᾿ἴλήϊον was the Campus Martius of Troy, which he believes to 
have been in the open plain about Arablar.’ 

The city has in Homer the following epithets: evpuvaywa,? “ with 
broad streets;” ἐϊκτίμενον (πτολίεθρον), and évduntos,* “well built;” 
εὐναιόμενον (πτολίεθρον)," “ well inhabited” or “ flourishing ;” ἐρατεινή," 
“pleasant” or “elegant;” evmwdos,’ “rich in foals;” μέγα (dotv),° 


66 Serie 9 «6 
great; εὐτείχεος, 


+ 

3 χη], p. 598: πλησίον γάρ ἐστι τὸ πεδίον ἣ 
Θύμβρα καὶ 6 SC αὐτοῦ ῥεων ποταμὸς Θύμβριος, 
ἐμβάλλων εἰς τὸν Σκάμανδρον κατὰ τὸ Θυμβραίου 
᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερόν, τοῦ δὲ νῦν ᾿Ιλίου καὶ πεντή- 
κοντα σταδίους“ διέχει. 

4S. v. Θύμβρη. 

δι LH, Noi 33: 

§ See, for instance, 77, xx. 216: 

κτίσσε δὲ Δαρδανίην, ἐπεὶ οὔπω Ἴλιος iph .. . 

7. 7). Χο "1715: 

. εἰσ ὀκ᾽ ᾿Αχαιοί 
Ἴλιον αἰπὺ ἕλοιεν ᾿Αθηναίης διὰ βουλάς. 

δ. See also Steph. Byz. 5. v. Ἴλιον. 

® Soph. Phil. 454, 1200; Eurip. Andr. 400; 
Troad. 25, 145, 511; Or. 1381. 

10 Herod. ii. 117, 118; Scylax, 35; Plato, Legg. 
ili. 682, and others. 

1 Apud Robert Walpole, Memoirs relating to 
European and Asiatic Turkey, edited from manu- 
script journals ; London, 1817, p. 578. 

1 R. Virchow, Beitriige zur Landeskunde der 
Troas, p. 40. 


enclosed by good walls;” ὀφρυόεσσα,᾽" “ beetling ;” 


2.77. 1. 14.115 
οὐ γὰρ ἔτι Τροίην αἱρήσομεν εὐρυάγυιαν ; 
Helge 
viv yap κεν ἕλοι πόλιν εὐρυάγυιαν. 
δ 7) xxi. 433 ; 
Ἰλίου ἐκπέρσαντες evKTimevov πτολίεθρον. 
Il. iv. 333 
Ἰλίου ἐξαλαπάξαι ἐϊὐκτίμενον πτολίεθρον. 
ΤΠ xxi g516s 
μέμβλετο γὰρ οἱ τεῖχος ἐϊδμήτοιο πόληος. 
5.77. xiii. 380: 
Ἰλίου ἐκπέρσῃς εὐναιόμενον πτολίεθρον. 
© 1.92103 
ὅτε Ἵλιον εἰς ἐρατεινήν. 
πη y¥s,001 570d. u. 18. xiv. 11: 
Ἴλιον εἰς εὔπωλον. 
8 Jl, ii. 882, 803: 
ἄστυ μέγα Πριάμοιο. 
Aa ea aa 119. 
Ἴλιον ἐκπέρσαντ᾽ εὐτείχεον ἀπονέεσθαι. 
10 7], xxii. 410, 411: 
«ον ὡς εἰ ἅπασα 
Ἴλιος ὀφρυόεσσα πυρὶ σμύχοιτο κατ᾽ ἄκρης. 


140 TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY. [Cuap. IT. 


αἰπύ; and αἰπεινή," “steep” or “lofty;” ἠνεμόεσσα,Σ “exposed to the 
wind ;” ἱρή," “sacred.” It had an Acropolis called the Pergamos (ἡ Πέρ- 
γάμος), Which was in a more elevated position than the town, and had the 
epithets ἱερή," “sacred,” and ἄκρη," “highest point.” Here was Priam’s 
beautiful habitation, built of polished stone, with fifty chambers in which 
his sons slept with their wedded wives; while opposite, within the court, 
on an upper floor, were twelve chambers, likewise of polished stone, 
and close to each other, in which Priam’s sons-in-law slept with their 
chaste wives.’ Before the doors of this palace was the Agora.* Here was 
also the well-built dwelling of Hector,°® as well as the beautiful dwelling of 
Paris, which he had himself built, aided by the best builders of the fertile 
realm of Troy :—‘ They made him a chamber, a hall, and a court, close to 
the residences of Priam and Hector in the Acropolis.” *® Here, moreover, 
was the Temple of Pallas Athené, the tutelar deity of Troy,’ with a statue 
of the goddess, probably of wood, in a sitting posture ; for unless it had 
been sitting, the priestess Theano could not have deposited Hecuba’s 
peplos on its knees.?, Here was also a temple of Apollo,’ from which the 
god is represented as looking down.* It further appears that Zeus had a 
temple or at least an altar here, on which Hector sacrificed the thighs of 
oxen.” In the poet’s imagination the hill of the Pergamos appears to 





πεντήκοντ᾽ ἔνεσαν θάλαμοι ἕξεστοῖο Albano, 
πλησίοι ἀλλήλων δεδμημένοι: ἔνθα δὲ παῖδες 
κοιμῶντο Πριάμοιο παρὰ μνηστῇς ἀλόχοισιν. 
κουράων δ᾽ ἑτέρωθεν ἐναντίοι ἔνδοθεν αὐλῆς 
δώδεκ᾽ ἔσαν τέγεοι θάλαμοι ξεστοῖο λίθοιο, 
πλησίοι ἀλλήλων δεδμημένοι: ἔνθα δὲ γαμ- 
βροί 

κοιμῶντο Πριάμοιο παρ᾽ αἰδοίῃς ἀλόχοισιν. 

8 fl, vii. 345, 848: 
Τρώων αὖτ᾽ ἀγορὴ γένετ᾽ IAlov ἐν πόλει ἄκρῃ 
δεινή, τετρηχυῖα, παρὰ Πριάμοιο θύρῃσιν. 

9. vi BIE 


' Il. xv. 71: Ἴλιον αἰπύ (this verse has been 
already quoted). 
ΣΧ ΣΝ. 7, GS 
νῦν ὥλετο πᾶσα κατ᾽ ἄκρης 
ee ee regis PN pete aN 
HW? Ἐν. 21: 
Ἰλίου αἰπεινῆς πεφιδήσεται, οὐδ᾽ ἐθελήσει 
ἐκπέρσαι 
TINA Bed, O26 
Αἰνεία, πῶς ἂν Kal ὑπὲρ θεὸν εἰρύσσαισθε 
Ἴλιον αἰπεινῆν. 
$l: νὰ. 499. χὶϊ 115: 
ἂψ ἀπονοστήσειν προτὶ Ἴλιον ἠνεμόεσσαν. 
Ij. xiii. 724: 
Τρῶες ἐχώρησαν προτὶ Ἴλιον ἠνεμόεσσαν. 
il. xviii. 174: 
οἱ δ᾽ ἐρύσσασθαι ποτὶ Ἴλιον ἠνεμόεσσαν. 


. Ἕκτωρ 
αἶψα δ᾽ ἔπειθ᾽ ἵκανε Slade εὐναιετάονταξ. 
10.71. αὶ} 9 1555 he 
Ἕκτωρ δὲ πρὸς δώματ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδροιο βεβήκει 
καλά, τά ῥ᾽ αὐτὸς ἔτευξε σὺν ἀνδράσιν, οἵ τότ᾽ 


Il. xxiii. 64: ἄριστοι 
“Extop ἐπαΐσσων προτὶ Ἴλιον ἠνεμόεσσαν. ἦσαν ἐνὶ Τροίῃ ἐριβώλακι τέκτονες ἄνδρες" 
dj. xxiii.:297% of of ἐποίησαν θάλαμον καὶ δῶμα Kal αὐλήν 
ἵνα μή οἱ ἕποιθ᾽ ὑπὸ Ἴλιον ἠνεμόεσσαν. ἐγγύθι τε Πριάμοιο καὶ Ἕκτορος ἐν πόλει ἄκρῃ. 
4 Tl. vi. 448: 1 71. vi. 88: 


3 pee) 


ἔσσεται ἦμαρ, ὅτ᾽ ἄν ποτ᾽ ὀλώλῃ Ἴλιος ἱρή. 
Mh. κα ΘΠ 5 
ἀλλ᾽ ἔχον, ὥς σφιν πρῶτον ἀπήχθετο Ἴλιος ἱρή. 
Ou. xvii. 293: 
ΑἿΣ πάρος δ᾽ εἰς Ἴλιον ἱρὴν 

@XETO . 

1]. xxi, 128% 
φθείρεσθ᾽ εἰσόκεν ἄστυ κιχείομεν IAlov ἱρῆς . . « 

5 Jl. v. 440: 

Περγάμῳ εἰν ἱερῇ, ὅθι of νηός γ᾽ ἐτέτυκτο. 

6. 7} 4608 
&s εἰπών, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐφέζετο Περγάμῳ ἄκρῃ. 

ΤΠ, vi. 242-250: 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ Πριάμοιο δόμον mepixarr€ ἵκανεν, 
ξεστῇς αἰθούσῃσι τετυγμένον---αὐτὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ 


νηὸν ᾿Αθηναίης γλαυκώπιδος ἐν πόλει ἄκρῃ. 
2 11, vi. 802, 303: 
ἡ δ᾽ ἄρα πέπλον ἑλοῦσα Θεανὼ καλλιπάρῃος, 
θῆκεν ᾿Αθηναίης ἐπὶ γούνασιν ἠὐκόμοιο. 
3 Tl. v. 445, 446: 
Αἰνείαν δ᾽ ἀπάτερθεν ὁμίλου θῆκεν ᾿Απόλλων 
Περγάμῳ εἰν ἱερῇ, ὅθι οἱ νηός γ᾽ ἐτέτυκτο. 
‘Tl. vii, 20, 21: 
. τῇ δ᾽ ἀντίος ὥρνυτ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων, 
Περγάμου ἔκ κατιδών, Τρώεσσι δὲ βούλετο νίκην. 
5.7], xxii, 1692072 
. ἐμὸν δ᾽ ὀλοφύρεται ἦτορ 
Ἕκτορος, ὅς μοι πολλὰ βοῶν ἐπὶ μηρί᾽ ἔκηεν 
Ἴδης ἐν κορυφῇσι πολυπτύχου, ἄλλοτε δ᾽ αὖτε 
ἐν πόλει ἀκροτάτῃ . « « + 


ITS WALLS AND TOWERS. 141 


ΘΠ 


have formed a slope; for Cassandra—probably on leaving Priam’s house, 
which was itself in the Acropolis—still ascends the Pergamos.° 

Ilium was surrounded by a strong wall (as is shown by its epithet 
evtetyeos), Which was built by Poseidon and Apollo; for the former says, 
“They will forget the wall which I and Phoebus Apollo built with much 
pain for the hero Laomedon.”‘ But according to another passage it was 
built by Poseidon alone, for he says to Apollo: “ Do you not remember all 
the wrong we two suffered for Ilium, alone of all the gods, when for a 
year we served proud Laomedon by Jove’s command, for a fixed hire, and 
he assigned our labours? JI indeed built for the Trojans round about the 
city a wall broad and very fair, that the town might be impregnable, 
whilst thou, Phoebus, didst tend the oxen with twisted horns and crooked 
gait in the glens of woody Ida, with its many dales.” ® 

These walls were provided with parapets? and towers, for a watch- 
tower (cxo7in)'® is mertioned; also another tower different from that of 
the Scaean Gate.* On one side of the city, close to the wall, was the 
Erineos, or wild fig-tree; but the word was understood by Strabo to 
mean a rugged stony place (probably a small hill) covered with wild fig- 
trees ;? so that he thinks Andromache was right in saying to Hector, 
“Array the troops by the erineos, for there the city can most easily 
be scaled, and the assault on the wall is the most practicable.” ° 
Andromache adds: “For three times have the most valiant chiefs come 
and assailed this point, those with the two Ajaxes and famous Idomeneus, 
as well as those with the Atreidae and the mighty son of Tydeus.”* But 
this being the only passage where Homer mentions the wall as of easiest 
access on this side, or that a fight had occurred here, some commentators 
have assigned the event to a time before the Trojan war. The Cypria 
of Stasinus describes it as having taken place when the embassy of the 
Greeks had been unsuccessful. But it appears very likely that the poet 
had this very same weak place in view, when he makes Patroclus thrice 
endeavour to scale a corner or buttress of the wall, whence he is as 
many times repulsed by Apollo, who stood on a tower.’ The Erineos 
is further mentioned when Achilles and Hector. pass it in their course 
round the city;® and here also it appears to be close to the walls. 





θ᾽ 7. xxiv. 699: 157A xxi. 45: 

of δὲ παρὰ σκοπιὴν Kal ἐρινεὸν ἢνεμόεντα. 
Woz. TOS 

εἰ μὴ ᾿Απόλλων Φοῖβος evSunrov ἐπὶ πύργου. 


2 χη]. p. 598: τραχύς τις τόπος καὶ ἐρινεώδης, 


οὐκ κὸν. Πέργαμον εἰσαναβάσα. 

7 Tl, vii. 452, 453: 

τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιλήσονται, τὸ ἐγὼ καὶ Φοῖβος ᾿Απόλλων 
ἥρῳ Λαομέδοντι πολίσσαμεν ἀθλήσαντες. 


8 7]. xxi. 441-449: 

- 6 2 « « οὐδέ νυ τῶνπερ 
μέμνηαι, ὅσα δὴ πάθομεν κακὰ Ἴλιον ἀμφίς 
μοῦνοι νῶϊ θεῶν, ὅτ᾽ ἀγήνορι Λαομέδοντι 
πὰρ Διὸς ἐλθόντες θητεύσαμεν εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν 
μισθῷ ἔπι ῥητῷ - ὃ δὲ σημαίνων ἐπέτελλεν. 

ἢ τοι ἐγὼ Τρώεσσι πόλιν πέρι τεῖχος ἔδειμα, 
εὐρύ τε καὶ μάλα καλόν, ἵν’ ἄῤῥηκτος πόλις εἴη ἡ 
Φοῖβε, σὺ δ᾽ εἰλίποδας ἕλικας βοῦς βουκολέεσκες 
Ἴϊδης ἐν κνημοῖσι πολυπτύχου ὑληέσσης. 

WL ‘xxii. 3's 


κεκλιμένοι καλῇσιν ἐπάλξεσιν . . .. 


τῷ μὲν ἀρχαίῳ κτίσματι ὑποπέπτωκεν. 
8.1], vi. 433, 434: 
λαὸν δὲ στῆσον παρ᾽ ἐρινεόν, ἔνθα μάλιστα 
ἄμβατός ἐστι πόλις, καὶ ἐπίδρομον ἔπλετο TELXOS. 
4 Tl. vi. 435-437 : 
τρὶς yap TH γ᾽ ἐλθόντες ἐπειρήσανθ᾽ οἱ ἄριστοι 
ἀμφ᾽ Αἴαντε δύω καὶ ἀγακλυτὸν ᾿Ιδομενῆα 
ἠδ᾽ ἀμφ᾽ ᾿Ατρείδας καὶ Τυδέος ἄλκιμον υἱόν. 
5.5 xvi. 702, 703: 
τρὶς μὲν ἐπ᾿ ἀγκῶνος βῆ τείχεος ὑψηλοῖο 
Πάτροκλος, τρὶς δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀπεστυφέλιξεν ᾿Απόλ- 
λων. 
6 Jj, xxii. 145, just cited. 


142 TOPOGRAPHY’ OF “TROY, [Cuap. II. 


But in a third passage we see the Trojans rushing near the tomb of 
Ilus, through the middle plain, past the Erineos, longing to reach the 
town. Here therefore this hill is described as lying on the usual line 
of march of both armies.’ 

There was no impediment to running all round the city wall, for 
Achilles pursued Hector three times with flying speed about the city.* 
It has often been contended that the preposition περί (around) has in 
this passage the signification of παρά (near); and that, consequently, the 
course of the two heroes was along the wall of Troy, between the two 
springs and the Scamander. But this interpretation is inadmissible, for 
Homer represents the course of the two heroes as beyond the two springs.® 
That this meaning and no other must be attributed to the poet, is clearly 
proved by the passage in which he describes Achilles as dragging the 
body of Hector three times περί (around) the sepulchre of Patroclus.’° 
Besides, throughout antiquity the passage was understood to mean that 
the race had been all round the city, as Virgil proves by saying: 


“ Ter circum Iliacos raptaverat Hectora muros.’! 


Strabo, again, in speaking of Novum Ilium, says that the flight of Hector 
round the city is improbable, for no one could run round that town on 
account of the adjoining ridge, but one could have run freely round 
the ancient city.” I may further mention that my friend Dr. G. von 
Eckenbrecher calls attention to Aristotle? “who cites the pursuit of 
Hector as an example of how the poet had judiciously taken advan- 
tage of the impossible, to excite greater astonishment. He must 
therefore have understood the poet as intending to describe that the 
heroes ran three times round the city, for otherwise there would not 
have been a trace of impossibility in the pursuit of Hector. It has 
been maintained very improperly that Virgil, in the 12th Aeneid, very 
accurately imitates Hector’s fiight; that he consequently must have 
understood Homer to describe a course before and not rownd Troy, 
because he makes Aeneas and Turnus run, not rownd Laurentum, but in 
five circles before the city. It is evident that Virgil here imitates Homer, 
but it is just as evident that he endeavours to distinguish himself from 
him, in order not to serve up to the readers of Homer what they were 
acquainted with ; nay, he intended to furnish something new, and he has 
done this with extraordinary art. Thus, although he might understand 
Homer just as all other ancients did, he could very well change the race 
round the town into a race before it. But it ought to be well understood 





7 Tl. xi. 166-168: 2 xiii. p. 599: οὐδ᾽ ἡ τοῦ Ἕκτορος δὲ περιδρομὴ 
οἱ δὲ map Ἴλου σῆμα παλαιοῦ Δαρδανίδαο, ἡ περὶ τήν πόλιν ἔχει τι εὔλογον" οὐ γάρ ἐστι 
μέσσον Kam πεδίον παρ᾽ ἐρινεὸν ἐσσεύοντο περίδρομος ἣ νῦν διὰ τὴν συνεχῆ ῥάχιν" ἡ δὲ 
ἱέμενοι πόλιος. παλαιὰ ἔχει περιδρομήν. 
8 χα 00 Ὲ 3 Poetica, xxv.: παράδειγμα ἣ τοῦ Ἕκτορος 
&s τὼ τρὶς Πριάμοιο πόλιν περιδινηθήτην. δίωξις. The passage, Poctica, χχὶν.---τὰ περὶ τὴν 
© Ti xxii home Ἕκτορος diwkiv—does not concern this question, 
τῇ ῥα παραδραμέτην, φεύγων, ὃ δ᾽ ὄπισθε διώκων. ἴον it treats of the difference between what can 
20. 77. εἰ χῖνο6,, ΤΠ: be represented on the stage and in the Epos. 
τρὶς δ᾽ ἐρύσας περὶ σῆμα Μενοιτιάδαο θανόντος 4 The plain fact that Virgil understood Homer 
αὖτις ἐνὶ κλισίῃ παυέσκετο. just as we do, and as all the ancients did, is 


1 Aeneid. i. 483, shown by the above-cited passage. 


8 1117 THE SCAEAN GATE. 143 


that, with him, Aeneas was embarrassed in his running by a wound he had 
received shortly before; whilst, in Homer, Achilles is the pursuer in his 
full strength, which makes him superior in swiftness to all other heroes. 
Thus, with Virgil, a repeated circular run on a level ground without 
impediment is possible, but this would have been impossible in the case of 
Achilles and Hector.” ° 

I may add here that the run round Hissarlik is very easy, and may be 
accomplished without any diminution of speed. The only steep place is 
near the theatre, but here—as is seen in the Frontispiece and the view 
No. 16—the footpath ascends obliquely with a gentle slope. In this respect 
therefore, as in all others, the Homeric text is well adapted to Hissarlik. 

Of Gates the poet only mentions that one which faces the plain, and 
which he alternately calls the Dardanian and Scaean Gate (Σκαιαὶ [vnax). 
It has always been believed that the latter name is due to the position of 
the gate to the left hand of the augur, who turned his face towards 
midnight, that is the north, and consequently had the evening or west 
side to his left. But the celebrated Orientalist, the late Professor Martin 
Haug of Munich, who read in the Trojan inscriptions the name of a god 
or hero Sigo or Siko, maintained ® that the name of the Trojan Gate 
is by no means the adjective σκαιός, but contains the name of the same 
god or hero, which he also finds in the name Scamander, as well as 
in the Trojan promontory, Sigeum; in Sigia, the original name of the 
site of Alexandria-Troas; in Sichaeus, the husband of Dido, who was 
visited by the Trojan Aeneas; and in Sigon, a city of Phoenicia men- 
tioned by Arrian.’ 

Dr, Franz Eyssenhardt sends me an interesting dissertation on the 
subject of the Trojan Gate,® of which I here give the translation: 

“The ancient critics (Schol. A V on Itad. viii. 58) have rightly 
observed that, in mentioning the Gates (Ilva) of the city, Homer 
employs the word differently from the later classical writers; for he 
means by the plural the two wings of the gate, and, consequently, but 
one gate. When Priam looks on the battle from the wall, he orders 
the watchmen to keep ‘the gates’ open, in order that the fugitives 
might escape into the city. Antenor alone, leaning against the beech- 
tree, awaits Achilles ;° and Hector also waits close to it at the Scaean 
Gate." Hence it is evident that ‘the gates’ can be no other than the 
᾿ Scaean Gate. But this gate again, as has already been observed by 
the ancients (Schol. ad Iliad. v. 789; ix. 354), is identical with the 
Dardanian Gate; for where this latter ig mentioned, it is also close to 
the frequently-mentioned beech-tree, which is close to the city wall. 
If, therefore, having regard to these passages, it cannot be doubted 


° Die Lage des Homerischen Troia, pp. 24, 25. OV LAE, 551.) 592 : 
δ΄ See his letter on “Trojan Inscriptions” in πεπταμένας ἐν χερσὶ πύλας ἔχετ᾽ εἰσόκε λαοί 
the Beilage zur Augsburg. Allgemeinen Zeitung, ἔλθωσι προτὶ ἄστυ πεφυζότες-. 


Feb. 1, 1874. 10 7], xxi. ὅ49 : φηγῷ κεκλιμένος. 

1 Arab. U 10. 8. TE Ly XXi Oye Ons 

ὁ Sammlung Wissenschaftlicher Vortraége, von Ἕκτορα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ μεῖναι ὀλοὴ Μοῖρ᾽ ἐπέδησεν, 
Rud. Virchow und Fr, yon Holtzendorff; 1875, Ἰλίου προπάροιθε πυλάων τε Σκαιάων. 


Ser. x., Heft 229, 


144 TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY. [Cuar. IL. 


that Homer gives only one gate to the sacred Ilios, there is a still 
more evident proof of this in the account of the last combat of Hector 
with Achilles. Hector is pursued by Achilles round the city; but 
whenever he approaches the Dardanian Gate, he is Lo seit by Achilles 
from escaping beneath the wall or into the city. It is self-evident 
that this could only be said if Troy had but one gate.” 

This Scaean Gate had over it a tower, often mentioned in the Πίαᾷ, 
where it is called the great tower of Iiwm? and the divine tower ;* but this 
latter epithet may perhaps refer to its divine origin, as having been built 
by Poseidon, or by Apollo and Poseidon. It deserves to. be mentioned 
that, when Homer does not use the plural of πύργος figuratively, he 
generally means by it the walls of defence. 

There is also mentioned, close to the city wall, a chariot-road 
(ἀμαξιυτός," sc. ὁδός), which appears to have led from the Scaean Gate to 
the two sources of the Scamander. These sources were at a short distance 
from the Scaean Gate and the Erineos, probably on the other side of the 
road: one of them had lukewarm water, from which smoke rose as if from 
burning fire; the water of the other was in summer as “cold as hail 
or as winter-snow, or as water frozen to ice.” Close to the two sources 
were beautiful stone washing-troughs, in which the Trojan women for- 
merly, in the time of peace, before the arrival of the Greek army, had 
used to wash their clothes.® Close to the city wall, and probably close to 
the two springs, was a swamp overgrown with thick shrubs, bushes, and 
reeds.° I may remark here that swamps appear to be further indicated 
in the lower plain, near the Greek camp, by the reeds which Ulysses 
broke, and with which he made a mark on a tamarisk,’ as well as by 
the heron (a bird which lives in swamps), whose cries Ulysses and 
Diomedes hear on leaving the camp.® 

I have further to mention the tree (dnyos), which stood before the 
Scaean Gate, and which is mentioned seven times in the Ilad. It was a 
high tree and sacred to Zeus;° it is also called the very beautiful dnyos of 
the aegis-bearing Zeus.° On this φηγός sat Athené and Apollo, in the 


πλύνεσκον Τρώων ἄλοχοι, καλαί Te θύγατρες 
τὸ πρὶν ἐπ᾽ εἰρήνης, πρὶν ἐλθεῖν υἷας ᾿Αχαιῶν. 
6 Od. xiv. 472-475: 
GAN ὅτε δή ῥ᾽ ἱκόμεσθα ποτὶ πτόλιν αἰπύ τε 


1 Tl. xxii. 194-196: 
ὁσσάκι δ᾽ ὁρμήσειε πυλάων Aapdaviawy 
5 / A Dee / [4 A 
ἀντίον ἀΐξασθαι, evduntous ὑπὸ wipyous, 
εἴ πως οἱ καθύπερθεν ἀλάλκοιεν βελέεσσιν. 


2 86: τεῖχος, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ πύργον ἔβη μέγαν Ἰλίου. ἡμεῖς μὲν περὶ ἄστυ κατὰ ῥωπήϊα πυκνά 
5 71. Ex). 026. ἂν δόνακας καὶ ἕλος, ὑπὸ τεύχεσι πεπτηῶτες 
ἝἙστήκει δ᾽ 6 γέρων Πρίαμος θείου ἐπὶ πύργου. κείμεθα. 
ATT, xxii. 46's 7 Il. x. 466, 467: 
OU OE ΝΣ eS 8, Fold ue ea . . . δέελον δ᾽ ἐπὶ σῆμά τ᾽ ἔθηκεν, 


τείχεος αἰὲν ὑπὲκ κατ᾽ ἀμαξιτὸν ἐσσεύοντο. 
5.7], xxii. 147-156: 

κρουνὼ δ᾽ ἵκανον καλλιῤῥόω, ἔνθα τε πηγαί 

δοιαὶ ἀναΐσσουσι Σκαμάνδρου δινήεντοο. 

ἢ μὲν γάρ θ᾽ ὕδατι λιαρῷ ῥέει, ἀμφὶ δὲ καπνός 

γίγνεται ἐξ αὐτῆς, ὡς εἰ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο " 

ἢ δ᾽ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα χαλά(ῃ, 

ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ, ἢ ἐξ ὕδατος κρυστάλλῳ᾽ 

ἔνθα δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτάων πλυνοὶ εὐρέες ἐγγὺς ἔασιν 

καλοὶ λαΐνεοι, ὅθι εἵματα σιγαλόεντα 


Pure atlas Siam μυρίκης τ᾽ ἐριθηλέας ὄζους. 
8. Tl. x. 274-277: 
τοῖσι δὲ δεξιὸν ἧκεν ἐρωδιὸν ἐγγὺς ὁδοῖο 
Παλλὰς ᾿Αθηναίη - τοὶ δ᾽ οὐκ ἴδον ὀφθαλμοῖσιν 
νύκτα δι᾽ ὀρφναίην, ἀλλὰ κλάγξαντος ἄκουσαν" 
χαῖρε δὲ τῷ ὄρνιθ᾽ ᾿Οδυσεύς, ἠρᾶτο δ᾽ ᾿Αθήνῃ. 
> Τί, vii. 60g 
φηγῷ ἐφ᾽ ὑψηλῇ πατρὸς Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο. 
10 7} ἀν 698% 
εἶσαν ὑπ᾽ αἰγιόχοιο Διὸς περικαλλέϊ φηγῷ. 


§ IIL] THE ΦΗΓῸΣ (BEECH?) OF HOMER. 145 


shape of vultures (Vultur barbatus), to enjoy the sight of the battle.’ 
Under this φηγός the wounded Sarpedon is deposited by his companions.’ 
Here also Hector and Agamemnon awaited each other.* Leaning on this 
φηγός, Apollo, enveloped in fog, encourages Agenor to fight against 
Achilles. Buchholz*® mentions that, according to Miquel,°® φηγός is not 
a beech, as has been generally understood, but an oak (Quercus esculus), 
whilst Euchholz recognizes in it a chestnut-tree (agus castanea),’ and 
Braun ὃ. a valonea-oak. 

Professor Virchow,® in a learned dissertation on the Trojan φηγός, 
seems rather to incline to the opinion that the tree meant is the 
Carpinus Betulus, L., which in Germany is vulgarly called Buche (beech). 
“T found it,” he says, “everywhere in the Troad; in the plain as well 
as in the mountains. In opposition to the real or red beech, it is called 
white beech or small beech (Wetss-Hage-, or Hain-buche), which even in 
Germany reaches a height of 70ft. In ancient times the opinion seems 
to have been prevalent that the φηγός of the Iliad was an oak-tree. In 
favour of this are the accounts of the existence of very ancient φηγοί 
before lium. Theophrastus’® mentions ‘the φηγοί at Ilium on the 
tomb of Ilus,’ among the trees which were known for their great age, 
being already spoken of by the ‘mythologists.’ In manifest connection 
with this remark of Theophrastus, Pliny’ expresses himself in the 
following manner in a passage in which he treats of very ancient 
trees: ‘Juxta urbem (Ilium) quercus, in Ili tumulo tune satae dicuntur, 
cum coepit Ilium vocari.’ Here apparently φηγούς has been rendered by 
quercus. But, whatever value may be attributed to the statement or to 
the translation, at all events the question is here of a number of trees, 
and we cannot derive from it a decision as to the one gnyos before 
Ilium.” 

Behind Ilium extended a plateau called the Ilian or Ileian Plain (Πεδώον 
Ἰλήϊον),2 whence the heights of Ida, overgrown with shrubs, could easily 
be reached.* From these heights flowed a river, probably the Scamander, 
in which Agenor thought to bathe if he could escape from Achilles.* 

Below the wall in the plain was a wheat-field, of which I have spoken 
before. At a distance from Troy, near the Simois, was the hill called 


Callicolone. 


1 Ti. vii. 58-60: 
κὰδ δ᾽ ap ᾿Αθηναίη τε καὶ ἀργυρότοξος ᾿Απόλλων 
ἑζέσθην, ὄρνισιν ἐοικότες αἰγυπιοῖσιν 
φηγῷ ἐφ᾽ ὑψηλῇ πατρὸς Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο. 

2 Il..v. 692, 693°: 
οἱ μὲν ἄρ᾽ ἀντίθεον Σαρπηδόνα δῖοι ἑταῖροι 
εἷσαν ὑπ᾽ αἰγιόχοιο Διὸς περικαλλέϊ φηγῷ. 

8 [i xii 170, 171: 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ Σκαιάς Te πύλας Kal φηγὸν ἵκοντο, 
ἔνθ᾽ ἄρα δὴ ἵσταντο, καὶ ἀλλήλους ἀἄνέμιμνον. 

4 Jl, xxi. 547-549: 
ἐν μέν of κραδίῃ θάρσος βάλε, πὰρ δέ of αὐτός 
ἔστη, ὅπως θανάτοιο βαρείας Κῆρας ἀλάλκοι, 
φηγῷ κεκλιμένος" κεκάλυπτο δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἠέρι πολλῇ. 


5 E. Buchholz, Homer. Kosm. und Geogr. pp. 


322, 323. 


Ares, like a black storm, commands the Trojans, shouting 


® Homer. Flora. 

7 Flora Homer., Progr. p. 14. 

8 Jul. Braun, Homer und sein Zeitalter, S. 9. 

9. Beitrage zur Landeskunde der Troas, pp. 
72-78. 

10 Theophrasti Eresii de Hist. Plant., iv. 14: 
φηγοὺς δὲ τὰς ἐν Ἰλίῳ τὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἴλου μνή- 


+ ματος. : 


1 “Cajus Plinius Secundus, Histor. Natur. (ed. 
Bipont. 1783), xvi. 88.” 

Tle χχῖ 008): 

φεύγω πρὸς πεδίον ᾿Ἰλήϊον, ὄφρ᾽ ἂν ἵκωμαι. 

S71, xxi. 59: 

Ἴδης τε κνημούς, κατά τε ῥωπήϊα δύω. 
477: xxii 560": 
ἑσπέριος δ᾽ ἂν ἔπειτα λοεσσάμενος ποταμοῖο. 


L 


146 TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY. [Cuap. II, 


now from the Acropolis of Troy, now from Callicolone.’ The Trojans, 
thus excited to battle by Ares, stood on the θρωσμὸς πεδίοιο, which is 
generally translated.by “ hill in the plain.” But this translation is, in 
my opinion, altogether wrong: first, because there is no separate ele- 
vation in the Plain of Troy; secondly, because philologically the words 
can only mean “rising of the plain;” and, thirdly, because the sense of 
the three Homeric passages in which these words occur does not admit 
of such a translation. We read in the Iliad:* “ Awake, O son of Tydeus; 
why dost thou indulge in sleep all night? Hearest thou not how the 
Trojans are encamped ἐπὶ θρωσμῷ πεδίοιο, near the ships, and that now 
but a small space keeps them off?” In another passage’ we read: 
“The Trojans drew up ἐπὶ θρωσμῷ πεδίοιο, around great Hector and 
blameless Polydamas.” In both these passages the θρωσμὸς πεδίοιο 1s 
the site of the Trojan camp, on the right bank of the Scamander, already 
referred to in the Eighth Book (vv. 489-492), where we read as follows : 
“ Tllustrious Hector then called an assembly of the Trojans, having con- 
ducted them apart from the ships on (the bank of) the eddying river, in 
a clear space where the ground was free from corpses; and, alighting 
from their horses, they listened to his speech.”* In these verses no 
suggestion is made that the site of the Trojan camp, on the bank of the 
Scamander, was higher than the piain. We find the words θρωσμὸς 
πεδίοιο a third time in the Iliad: “Thus, O son of Peleus, around thee, 
insatiable of battle, stood the Achaeans armed, beside their curved ships, 
and the Trojans, on the other hand, ἐπὶ θρωσμῷ πεδίοιο. ® Here also 
the words indicate the site of the Trojan camp, which has been previously 
described in 17. xviii. 256: “In the plain near the ships, for we are far 
away from the wall ”—showing that the site of the camp was in the level 
plain near the ships. I call particular attention to the fact that, in these 
three cases, the poet mentions the site of the Trojan camp in opposition 
to the site of the Greek camp, which latter was situated on the shore 
of the Hellespont. Consequently the only possible translation of the 
θρωσμὸς πεδίοιο would be “the Upper Plain,” which rises a little, but 
has no elevations in the shape of hills. 

Before the city, but a little sideways from the Plain of Troy, there 
stood in a free space a high tumulus, called by men Batieia, whilst the 
gods called it the sepulchre of the swift Myriné; here the Trojans and 
their auxiliaries arrayed their troops."° Myriné, according to Strabo, was 





& 7]. xx, 51-53: νόσφι νεῶν ἀγαγών, ποταμῷ ἔπι δινήεντι, 
ave δ᾽ “Apns ἑτέρωθεν, ἐρεμνῇ λαίλαπι ἶσος, ἐν καθαρῷ, ὅθι δὴ νεκύων διεφαίνετο χῶρος. 
ὀξὺ Kat’ ἀκροτάτης πόλιος Τρώεσσι κελεύων, ἐξ ἵππων δ᾽ ἀποβάντες ἐπὶ χθόνα μῦθον ἄκουον. 
ἄλλοτε πὰρ Σιμόεντι θέων ἐπὶ Καλλικολώνῃ. ® Il: πχὶ ἅΠ : 8} 

6 x. 159-161: ὡς of μὲν παρὰ νηυσὶ κορωνίσι θωρήσσοντο 
Ἔγρεο, Τυδέος υἱέ' τί πάννυχον ὕπνον ἀωτεῖς ; ἀμφὶ σέ, Πηλέος υἱέ, μάχης ἀκόρητον ᾿Αχαιοΐ, 
αὐκ ἀΐεις, ὧς Τρῶες ἐπὶ θρωσμῷ πεδίοιο Τρῶες δ᾽ αὖθ᾽ ἑτέρωθεν ἐπὶ θρωσμῷ πεδίοιο. 
εἵαται ἄγχι νεῶν, ὀλίγος δ᾽ ἔτι χῶρος ἐρύκει ; 10 71..11..811Ξ58155 ; 

1 Il xi. DG ἔστι δέ τις προπάροιθε πόλεος αἰπεῖα κολώνη, 
Τρῶες δ᾽ αὖθ᾽ ἑτέρωθεν ἐπὶ θρωσμῷ πεδίοιο, ἐν πεδίῳ ἀπάνευθε, περίδρομος ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα, 
"Extopa 7 ἀμφὶ μέγαν καὶ ἀμύμονα Πουλυδά- τὴν ἢ τοι ἄνδρες Βατίειαν κικλήσκουσιν, 

μαντα. ἀθάνατοι δέ τε σῆμα πολυσκάρθμοιο Μυρίνης 
8. Jl. viii. 439-492 : ἔνθα τότε Τρῶές τε διέκριθεν ἠδ᾽ ἐπίκουροι. 


Τρώων αὖτ᾽ ἀγορὴν ποιήσατο φαίδιμος Ἕκτωρ, 


8 Ill] TUMULI OF AESYETES AND ILUS. 147 


held, from her epithet πολύσκαρθμος (“racer”), to be one of the Amazons ; 
this epithet being given to horses from their swiftness, and Myriné was 
so called from her swiftness in driving the chariot. But Professor 
Sayce tells me that he fancies Myriné to be identical with the Amazon 
Smyrna, that is, a name of Artemis-Cybele, the Amazons having been in 
the first instance the priestesses of this Asiatic goddess. Myriné was the 
name of a town in Lemnos, as well as of another on the coast of Mysia, 
40 stadia to the south of Grynion, and Smyrna or Samorna was an old 
appellation of Ephesus, whose foundation was ascribed to the Amazons, 
Myrrha, a name of the Oriental Aphrodité, is but a form of Smyrna, ἡ 
being assimilated to the preceding r. 

Homer further mentions the tumulus of Aesyetes, from the top of 
which Polites, son of Priam, trusting to the rapidity of his feet, sat 
waiting until the Achaeans should rush forward from the ships.? This 
tumulus must therefore necessarily be sought between Ilium and the 
Greek camp. The son of Aesyetes, Alcathotis, was married to the daughter 
of Anchises, Hippodameia.° 

At a certain distance before Ilium was, as already stated, the con- 
fluence of the Scamander and the Simois, as well as the ford of the 
Scamander; and near them was the tumulus of Ilus, crowned with a 
pillar, against which Paris leant when he shot an arrow at Diomedes 
and wounded him.* This position of the monument is also proved by 
the agora which Hector held far from the ships, on the bank of the 
Scamander,® and close by the tumulus of Ilus.° It was between the 
Greek camp and the Scamander, for the thousand watch-fires of the 
Trojan camp were seen between the ships and the river.’ But it must 
be distinctly understood that, as the tumulus of Ilus was situated 
between the Greek camp and the Scamander, it was of necessity on or 
near its lefé bank, which is an important circumstance in determining 
the topography of the Plain of Troy. There is, however, another passage 
which appears to contradict this again; for Priam, on his way to visit 
Achilles, first passes the tumulus of Ilus, and then reaches the ford of 
the Scamander, where he waters his mules and horses. It appears 
further to be contradicted by the passage where it is stated that Hector, 


1 Strabo, xii. p. 573: ἐν δὲ τῷ ᾿Ιλιακῷ πεδίῳ 


στήλῃ κεκλιμένος ἀνδροκμήτῳ ἐπὶ τύμβῳ 
κολώνη τις ἔστιν ἣν ἱστοροῦσι μίαν εἶναι τῶν 


Ἴλου Δαρδανίδαο, παλαιοῦ δημογέροντο“. 


᾿Αμαζόνων ἐκ τοῦ ἐπιθέτου τεκμαιρόμενοι: εὐσκάρθ- 
μους γὰρ ἵππους λέγεσθαι διὰ τὸ τάχος κἀκεί- 
νὴν οὖν πολύσκαρθμον διὰ τὸ ἀπὸ τῆς ἠνιοχείας 
τάχος. 

2 πο 791-794 : 
εἴσατο δὲ φθογγὴν vit Πριάμοιο MoAirn, | 
ὃς Τρώων σκοπὸς ie, ποδωκείῃσι πεποιθώς, 
τύμβῳ ἐπ᾽ ἀκροτάτῳ Αἰσνήταο γέρονπος; 
δέγμενος ὁππότε ναῦφιν ἀφορμηθεῖεν ᾿Αχαιοί. 

3 7], xiii. 427-429 : 
ἔνθ᾽ Αἰσυήταο διοτρεφέος φίλον υἱόν, 
ἥρω’ ᾿Αλκάθοον---γαμβρὸς δ᾽ ἦν ᾿Αγχίσαο, 
πρεσβυτάτην δ᾽ ὥπυιε θυγατρῶν Ἱπποδάμειαν. 

4 Tl. xi. 369-372: 
αὐτὰρ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, Ἑλένης πόσις ἠὐκόμοιο, 
Τυδεΐδῃ ἔπι τόξα τιταίνετο, ποιμένι λαῶν, 


5 I]. viii. 489, 490: 
Τρώων αὖτ᾽ ἀγορὴν ποιήσατο φαίδιμος Ἕκτωρ, 
νόσφι νεῶν ἀγαγών, ποταμῷ ἔπι δινήεντι. 

6 Tl. x, 414, 415: 
Ἕκτωρ μὲν μετὰ τοῖσιν, ὅσοι βουληφόροι εἰσίν, 
βουλὰς βουλεύει θείου παρὰ σήματι Ἴλου. 

7 7|. viii. 560-563 : 
τόσσα μεσηγὺ νεῶν ἠδὲ Ξάνθοιο ῥοάων 
Τρώων καιόντων πυρὰ φαίνετο Ἰλιόθι πρό. 
χίλι᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐν πεδίῳ πυρὰ καίετο, πὰρ δὲ ἑκάστῳ 
εἵατο πεντήκοντα σέλαι πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο. 

8 7|. xxiv. 349-351 : 
οἱ δ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὖν μέγα σῆμα παρὲξ ᾿Ἰλίοιο ἔλασσαν, 
στῆσαν ἄρ᾽ ἡμιόνους τε καὶ ἵππους, dppa πίοιεν, 
ἐν ποταμῷ. 


148 TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY. [Cuap. II. 


who was fighting on the left of the battle on the bank of the Sca- 
mander, knew nothing of the slaughter® which was going on near the 
tumulus of Ilus, where, according to Jl. xi. 369-379, Diomedes had been 
wounded by Paris. 

From all the indications of the Iliad we see that the station of the 
ships (Naustathmos) and the camp of the Greek army extended along the 
low shore of the Hellespont, between Cape Sigeum and Cape Rhoeteum. 
The distance between these two heights is erroneously stated by Strabo 19 
to be 60 stadia, whilst Pliny’ gives it rightly as 90 stadia. As before 
explained, the Scamander must have fallen into the Hellespont through 
the bed of the present In Tepeh Asmak, close to Cape Rhoeteum. 
The 1186 Greek ships were drawn up on the beach, but the available 
space being too narrow, they were placed in several lines, one behind the 
other, and used partly as the camp and fortifications, the sterns being 
turned towards the land. To prevent the ships’ keels becoming rotten, 
they were put on stone supports (ἔχματα) ;* but nevertheless, after nine 
years, the wood and the ropes of the ships began to τοί. The troops 
of each tribe lay with their commander behind their ships, which served 
them as a protection. The ships which had first come to land were 
drawn furthest up the shore and formed the first line; the later comers 
were arranged in the second or third line.* At the two extremities of 
the first rank were the ships and camps of Achilles and Ajax; the former 
to the right, at the foot of Cape Sigeum, the latter on the opposite side.® 
To the right of Ajax would have been the Athenians, if the verse in 
Zi. 11. 558 had been genuine, where it is stated that Ajax placed his 
_ ships where the Athenian phalanxes stood.° But this verse was already 
in ancient times considered to have been interpolated by Solon or 
Pisistratus on political grounds. ‘The Athenian fleet under Menestheus 
appears to have been further on in this line towards the centre, for 
they defended that part of the rampart which was attacked by Hector 
and Sarpedon; that is to say, at the middle gate.’ Further on in the 
same line appear to have also been the ships of the Boeotians,® to the 


® Tl. xi. 497-499 : θῖν’ Ep’ GAdS TOALTS* τὰς γὰρ πρώτας πεδίονδε 


“ » a 
. οὐδέ πω Ἕκτωρ εἴρυσαν, αὐτὰρ τεῖχος ἐπὶ πρύμνῃσιν ἔδειμαν. 


πεύθετ᾽. ἐπεί pa μάχης ἐπ᾽’ ἀριστερὰ μάρνατο 
πάσης; 
ὄχθας πὰρ ποταμοῖο Σκαμάνδρου. 

10 xiii, p. 595: ἔστι δὲ τὸ μῆκος τῆς παραλίας 
ταύτης ἀπὸ Tov Ῥοιτείου μέχρι Σιγείου καὶ τοῦ 
᾿Αχιλλέως μνήματος εὐθυπλοούντων ἑξήκοντα 
σταδίων. 

2 H. N. ν. 33: “fuit et Aeantium, ἃ Rhodiis 
conditum, in altero cornu, Ajace ibi sepulto, 
xxx. stad. intervallo a Sigeo, et ipso statione 
classis suae.” 

2 71. xiv. 410% 

«νων τάῥῤα πολλά, Jodwy ἔχματα νηῶν. 

3 Jl. ἢ 134, 135: 
ἐννέα δὴ βεβάασι Διὸς μεγάλου ἐνιαυτοί, 
καὶ δὴ δοῦρα σέσηπε νεῶν καὶ σπάρτα λέλυνται. 

4 fl, xiv. 30-34: 
πολλὸν ‘yap ῥ᾽ ἀπάνευθε μάχης εἰρύατο vies 


οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδ᾽ εὐρύς περ ἐὼν ἐδυνήσατο πάσας 
αἰγιαλὸς νῆας χαδέειν, στείνοντο δὲ λαοί. 
5. 7}. πὶ. 0595 
hp ἐν μεσσάτῳ ἔσκε γεγωνέμεν ἀμφοτέρωσε, 
ἠμὲν ἐπ᾽ Αἴαντος κλισίας Τελαμωνιάδαο, 
nd’ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλῆος, τοί ῥ᾽ ἔσχατα νῆας ἔΐσας 
εἴρυσαν, ἠνορέῃ πίσυνοι καὶ κάρτεϊ χειρῶν. 
6 Jl. ii. 558: 
στῆσε δ᾽ ἄγων ἵν᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ἵσταντο paddayyes. 
7. Il. xii, 591. 59 
τοὺς δὲ ἰδὼν ῥίγησ᾽ υἱὸς Πετεῶο Μενεσθεύς" 
τοῦ γὰρ δὴ πρὸς πύργον ἴσαν κακότητα φέροντες. 
5. Jl. xiii. 685-689 : 
ἔνθα δὲ Βοιωτοὶ καὶ ᾿Ιάονες ἑλκεχίτωνες, 
Λοκροὶ καὶ Φθῖοι καὶ φαιδιμόεντες ᾿Επειοί 
σπουδῇ ἐπαΐσσοντα νεῶν ἔχον, οὐδ᾽ ἐδύναντο 
ὦσαι ἀπὸ σφείων φλογὶ εἴκελον Ἕκτορα δῖον" 
οἱ μὲν ᾿Αθηναίων προλελεγμένοι. 


CAMP OF THE GREEKS. 149 


§ IIL] 


left of whom stood the Phoceans.? Thus the Athenians were succeeded 
by the Phoceans, and further on to the right followed the Boeotians ; 
the last in this line to the right being the Myrmidons under Achilles. 

It is difficult to determine the order of the ships in the second 
rank, the indications contained in the Iliad being too slight. Lenz 
supposed that in this line were the Locrians under Ajax, the son of 
Oileus, the Dulichians, Epeians, and so forth; for, according to the 
passage already quoted,’ they were near the foremost row, whilst, accord- 
ing to another passage,’ they were near the rear line. Agamemnon, 
Ulysses, and Diomedes are stated to have drawn their ships on shore far 
from the battle :Ὁ they must therefore have been in the last line, which, 
as Lenz supposes, they filled up by themselves. In the middle of this line 
was the little fleet of Ulysses.* Before this last was the Agora, which 
served as the place for the public assemblies, the council, the military 
tribunal, and the sacrifices :° here were the altars of the gods,° especially 
that of Zeus Panomphaeos, on which, when in great distress, Aga- 
memnon sacrifices a fawn.’ This Agora must have extended into the 
second line of ships, for the whole Greek army is frequently called 
hither to an assembly., As the people sat in the Agora, there must have 
been seats of stones or turf.8 Nestor’s ships and tents must have been 
in the hindmost line, as it is expressly stated that his tent was on the 
shore.’ It appears very probable that Menelaus was encamped close to his 
brother, Agamemnon. According to the-Boeotia (or Catalogue of Ships), 
Menelaus came with the sixty ships of the Lacedaemonians, who arrayed 
themselves separately (ἀπάτερθε) ; that is to say, they were not mixed up 
with Agamemnon’s troops, but formed a band by themselves. Between 
the ships were many lanes and roads,’® of which, as Lenz suggests, the 
chief ones may probably have extended between the three lines of ships, 
while a great number of lanes run crosswise between the ships. 

There were, writes Lenz,' no tents such as are now in use; but all 
the troops had huts,? which were probably of wood and earth with a thatch 








© 71. ii, 525, 526: 
ot μὲν Φωκήων στίχας ἵστατον ἀμφιέποντες, 
Βοιωτῶν δ᾽ ἔμπλην ἐπ᾽ ἀριστερὰ θωρήσσοντο. 

10 C.G. Lenz, Die Ebene von Troia; Neu Strelitz, 
1798, p. 193. 1 71. xiii. 685-689. 

che eas 115: 


οἰσέτω ἐς μέσσην ἀγορήν, iva πάντες ᾿Αχαιοί 
ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἴδωσι, σὺ δὲ φρεσὶ σῇσιν ἰανθῇς. 
lh xi. 908: 
. τῇ δὴ καί σφι θεῶν ἐτετεύχατο βωμοί. 
7 Tl, viii. 249, 250: 
πὰρ δὲ Διὸς βωμῷ περικαλλέϊ κάββαλε νεβρόν, 


ἠδ᾽ (ἐγείρομεν) Αἴαντα ταχὺν καὶ Φυλέος ἄλκιμον 
υἱόν. 
ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τις καὶ τούςδε μετοιχόμενος καλέσειεν, 
ἀντίθεόν τ᾽ Αἴαντα καὶ Ἰδομενῆα ἄνακτα" 
τῶν γὰρ νῆες ἔασιν ἑκαστάτω, οὐδὲ μάλ᾽ ἐγγύς. 
Bil. xiv. 29-31 = 
Τυδεΐδης ᾿Οδυσεύς τε καὶ ᾿Ατρείδης ᾿Αγαμέμνων. 
πολλὸν γάρ ῥ᾽ ἀπάνευθε μάχης εἰρύατο νῆες 
Oty’ ἔφ᾽ ἁλὸς πολιῆς. 
το 222-226 < 
στῆ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Οδυσσῆος μεγακήτεϊ νηΐ μελαίνῃ, 
HP ἐν μεσσάτῳ ἔσκε, γεγωνέμεν ἀμφοτέρωσε" 
ἠμὲν ἐπ᾽ Αἴαντος κλισίας Τελαμωνιάδαο, 
nd ἐπ’ ᾿Αχιλλῆος - τοί ῥ᾽ ἔσχατα νῆας ἐΐσας 
εἴρυσαν, ἠνορέῃ πίσυνοι καὶ κάρτεϊ χειρῶν. 
SLE xix, 172 174: 
. « - τὰ δὲ δῶρα ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν ᾿Αγαμέμνων 


ἔνθα πανομφαίῳ Ζηνὶ ῥέζεσκον ᾿Αχαιοί. 
8. J]. ii. 86--99. 
9. Il. xi. 618-622: 
ot δ᾽ ὅτε δὴ κλισίην Νηληϊάδεω ἀφίκοντο, 
νον ον τοὶ δ᾽ (Νέστωρ καὶ Μαχάων) ἱδρῶ ἀπεψύ- 
XOVTO χιτώνων, 
στάντε ποτὶ πνοιὴν παρὰ Biv’ ἁλός. 
ΣΟΥ x? 663: 
πολλαὶ yap ἀνὰ στρατόν εἰσι κέλευθοι. 
1C. 6. Lenz, Die Ebene von Troia, pp. 200-- 
203. 
= 277, xvi. 199, 160: 
Μυρμιδόνας δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐποιχόμενος θώρηξεν ᾿Αχιλλεύς, 


/ 
‘mdytas ava κλισίας σὺν τεύχεσιν" 


and 17. xxiii. 111, 112: 
οὐρῆάς τ᾽ ὥτρυνε καὶ ἀνέρας ἀξέμεν ὕλην 
πάντοθεν ἐκ κλισιῶν. 


150 TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY. .[Cuap, II. 


of rushes. The chief had probably his tent in the foremost line of his 
troops: this is certain as regards the tent of Ulysses, in front of which a 
lane passed, and the Agora commenced. All the tents or huts of the 
chiefs must have been more or less like that of Achilles, which is described 
in the 24th book of the /éad. It was surrounded by an enclosure of 
posts, and had a gate which shut with a bar. Inside, around the hut, 
was a court, in the midst of which stood an altar, for here Achilles 
prayed to Zeus and poured out libations of wine.* The hut proper, called 
οἶκος," and μέλαθρον," but usually κλισίη, was surrounded by an open 
vestibule, which rested on posts, and was called wpodouos’? and αἴθουσα, 
from ik the hall® was entered by an opening called πρόθυρον δ or θύρα. 
The hall was probably decorated with trinkets won as booty.? In this 
sense we may probably explain the glittering walls in the tent of Idomeneus.’ 
Behind the hall were chambers, which served partly for storing the 
treasures, partly as a habitation for the female slaves and concubines ; 
here also Achilles and Patroclus had their separate chambers.* The 
huts had a thatch of woolly rushes.° There must, besides, have been 
in the court sheds for chariots and stables for the horses, of which 
Achilles possessed a whole stud;° also stables for oxen, sheep, goats, 
and swine, as for meat-eaters like the Greeks a considerable stock of 
cattle was indispensable. 

Near the ships of Ulysses, and along the shore as far as those of 
Agamemnon, there must have been a considerable space; for the races 
with horses and chariots, as well as the other funeral games to the 


memory of Patroclus, were held there. 


Here also was an elevated seat 





5.71. xxiv. 452-456 : 
ἀμφὶ δέ of μεγάλην αὐλὴν ποίησαν ἄνακτι 
σταυροῖσιν πυκινοῖσι" θύρην δ᾽ ἔχε μοῦνος ἐπιβλής 
εἰλάτινος, τὸν τρεῖς μὲν ἐπιῤῥήσσεσκον ᾿Αχαιοί, 
τρεῖς δ᾽ ἀναοίγεσκον μεγάλην κληῖδα θυράων, 
τῶν ἄλλων. ᾿Αχιλεὺς δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐπιῤῥήσσεσκε καὶ οἷος. 
4 Tl. xvi. 231, 232: 
εὔχετ᾽ ἔπειτα στὰς μέσῳ ἕρκεϊ, λεῖβε δὲ οἶνον 
οὐρανὸν εἰσανιδών - Δία δ᾽ οὐ λάθε τερπικέραυνον. 
5.7], xxiv. 411, 472: 
γέρων δ᾽ ἰθὺς κίεν οἴκου, 
τῇ ᾿ ᾿Αχιλεὺς ἵζεσκε διΐφιλος. 
6 T]. ix. 639, 640: 
σὺ δ᾽ ἵλαον ἔνθεο θυμόν, 
οὐδέ συ δὲ μέλαθρον. 
7 Il. xxiv. 673, 674: 
οἱ μὲν ἄρ᾽ ἐν προδόμῳ δόμου αὐτόθι κοιμήσαντο, 
κῆρυξ καὶ Πρίαμος, πυκινὰ φρεσὶ μήδε᾽ ἔχοντες. 
5.7], xxiv. 643, 644: 
hp’, ᾿Αχιλεὺς δ᾽ ἑτάροισιν ἰδὲ δμωῇσι κέλευσεν 
δέμνι᾽ ὑπ᾽ αἰθούσῃ θέμεναι καὶ ῥήγεα καλά. 
® Tl. xxiv. ΕΝ: 
ἴσαν ἐκ μεγάροιο δάος μετὰ χερσὶν 
ἔχουσαι, . .. 
10 7], xix, 211, 212: 
ὅς μοι ἐνὶ κλισίῃ δεδαϊγμένος ὀξέϊ χαλκῷ 
κεῖται, ἀνὰ πρόθυρον πετραμμένο. 
i exit, DIAC wea 
ὥς ἔφατ᾽, ἔδεισεν δ᾽ ὁ γέρων καὶ ἐπείθετο μύθῳ" 
Πηγεΐδης δ᾽ οἴκοιο λέων ὡς ἄλτο θύραζε. 


αἱ δ᾽ 


2 γ7. xxiii. 558-561 : 
᾿Αντίλοχ᾽, εἰ μὲν δή με κελεύεις οἴκοθεν ἄλλο 
Εὐμήλῳ ἐπιδοῦναι, ἐγὼ δέ κε καὶ τὸ τελέσσω. 
δώσω οἱ θώρηκα τὸν ᾿Αστεροπαῖον ἀπηύρων, 
χάλκεον, ᾧ πέρι χεῦμα φαεινοῦ κασσιτέροιο. 

2 77. xin. 26h 
3 . ἐν κλισίῃ πρὸς ἐνώπια παμφανόωντα. 

4 Tl. ix. 663-669 : 
αὐτὰρ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς εὗδε μυχῷ κλισίης εὐπήκτου" 
τῷ δ᾽ ἄρα παρκατέλεκτο γυνή, τὴν Λεσβόθεν 

ἦγεν, 

Φόρβαντος θυγάτηρ Διομήδη καλλιπάρῃος. 
Πάτροκλος δ᾽ ἑτέρωθεν ἐλέξατο " πὰρ δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ τῷ 


*Iqis ἐύζωνος, τήν οἱ πόρε δῖος ᾿Αχιλλεύς 


Σκῦρον ἑλῶν αἰπεῖαν, ᾽Ενυῆος πτολίεθρον. 
οἱ δ᾽ ὅτε δὴ κλισίῃσιν ἐν ᾿Ατρεΐδαο γένοντο, . .. 
Il, xxiv. 675, 079: 
αὐτὰρ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς €b5e μυχῷ κλισίης εὐπήκτου " 
τῷ δὲ Βρισηΐς παρελέξατο καλλιπάρῃος. 
5 Il. xxiv. 450, 451: 
. ἀτὰρ καθύπερθεν ἔρεψαν 
ἜΣ Δ ὄροφον λειμωνόθεν ἀμήσαντες. 
δ. Ll xix, 28 
ἵππους δ᾽ εἰς ἀγέλην ἔλασαν θεράποντες ayavol. 
Ll. ii. 775-778 : 
. ἵπποι δὲ παρ᾽ ἅρμασιν οἷσιν ἕκαστος, 
λωτὸν ἐρεπτόμενοι ἐλεόθρεπτόν. τε σέλινον, 
ἕστασαν, ἅρματα δ᾽ εὖ πεπυκασμένα κεῖτο ἀνάκτων 


ἐν κλισίῃς, 


§ IL] FORTIFICATIONS OF THE GREEKS. 151 


(περιωπή), as in Nestor’s tent, from the top of which Idomeneus looked 
on at the games. Here on the projecting shore were raised the tumulus 
of Patroclus and ata later period that of Achilles.? There was also an 
ancient sepulchral monument, or goal of a hippodrome, consisting of the 
trunk of a tree with two white stones on either side,? and near it a road 
hollowed out by the winter rain." 

For nine years the ships of the Greeks appear to have been their 
sole fortification, but then, after the first battle of the Iliad, by the 
advice of Nestor, a common tumulus was erected in front of the ships 
over the ashes of all the dead, to which was joined a high wall with 
towers, and before it was He a deep moat.’ The wall was built of 
earth, fai which were jana trunks of trees and stones to give it 
greater solidity.? It had wooden towers,® and in or close to them were 
gates.* On the wall and the towers were breastworks (ἐπάλξεις), which 
projected from the wall like steps (κρόσσαι); also buttresses (στῆλαι, 
προβλῆτες), serving to protect and consolidate the wall.° There seem 
to have been only three gates. Between the wall and the moat was 
a path,° in front of which a stockade or thick row of palisades was stuck 
into the edge of the moat, in order to render the approach still more 
difficult to the enemy.’ 

I have further to mention the wall of Herakles (τεῖχος ἀμφίχυτὸν 
Ἡρακλῆος), called also σκοπιή,) a sort of rampart which the Trojans 
and Pallas Athené had erected for the protection of Herakles, lest the 
sea-monster which threatened Hesioné with destruction should pursue 


him from the beach to the plain, 
the shore. 


It therefore appears to have been. near 





7 Tl. xxiii. 451: 
ἧστο γὰρ ἐκτὸς ἀγῶνος ὑπέρτατος ἐν περιωπῇ. 

8 7], xxiii. 125, 126: 
κὰδ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐπ’ ἀκτῆς βάλλον ἐπισχερώ, ἔνθ᾽ ἄρ᾽ 

᾿Αχιλλεύς 

φράσσατο Πατρόκλῳ μέγα ἠρίον ἠδὲ of αὐτῷ. 

Od. xxiv. 80-82: 
dup’ αὐτοῖσι δ᾽ ἔπειτα μέγαν καὶ ἀμύμονα τύμβον 
χεύαμεν ᾿Αργείων ἱερὸς στρατὸς αἰχμητάων, 
ἀκτῇ ἔπι προὐχούσῃ; ἐπὶ πλατεῖ. Ἑλλησπόντῳ. 

9. 71. xxiii. 327-333 : 
ἕστηκε ξύλον αὖον, ὕσον τ᾽ ὕργυι᾽, ὑπὲρ αἴης, 
ἢ δρυὸς ἢ πεύκης." τὸ μὲν οὐ καταπύθεται ὄμβρῳ, 
λᾶε δὲ τοῦ ἑκάτερθεν ἐρηρέδαται δύο λευκώ 
ἐν ξυνοχῇσιν ὁδοῦ, λεῖος δ᾽ ἱππόδρομος ἀμφίς" 
ἤ τευ σῆμα βροτοῖο πάλαι κατατεθνηῶτος, 
ἢ τό γε νύσσα τέτυκτο ἐπὶ προτέρων ἀνθρώπων, 
καὶ νῦν τέρματ᾽ ἔθηκε ποδάρκης δῖος ᾿Αχιλλεύς. 

10 Ti, xxiii, 418-420. 

αἶψα δ᾽ ἔπειτα 

στεῖνος ὁδοῦ κοίλης ἴδεν ᾿Αντίλοχος μενεχάρμης. 
ῥωχμὸς ἔην γαίης, ἣ χειμέριον ἀλὲν ὕδωρ 
ἐξέῤῥηξεν ὁδοῖο, βάθυνε δὲ χῶρον ἅπαντα. 

1 7]. vii, 327-347, 435-441, 

7 Il, xii, 28, 29 
22. ἐκ δ᾽ ἄρα πάντα θεμείλια κύμασι πέμπεν 
φιτρῶν καὶ λάων, τὰ θέσαν μογέοντες ᾿Αχαιοί, 


δ ΤΊΣ xi. Bo, 36% 
τότε δ᾽ ἀμφὶ μάχη ἐνοπή Te δεδήει 

τεῖχος ἐΐδμητον, κανάχιζε δὲ δούρατα πύργων. 

4 7]. vii. 998, 339: 
πύργους ὑψηλούς, elAap νηῶν τε καὶ αὐτῶν. 
ἐν δ᾽ αὐτοῖσι πύλας ποιήσομεν εὖ ἀραρυίας" 
and 436-438 ; 
ἄκριτον ἐκ πεδίου, ποτὶ δ᾽ αὐτὸν τεῖχός ἔδειμαν 
πύργους θ᾽ ὑψηλούς, εἶλαρ νηῶν τε καὶ αὐτῶν. 
ἐν δ᾽ αὐτοῖσι πύλας ἐνεποίεον εὖ ἀραρυίας. 

5 Il. xii. 258-260: 
κρόσσας μὲν πύργων Epvoy, καὶ ἔρειπον ἐπάλξεις, 
στῆλας τε προβλῆτας ἐμόχλεον, ἃς ἄρ᾽ ᾿Αχαιοί 
πρώτας ἐν γαίῃ θέσαν ἔμμεναι ἔχματα πύργων. 

6 7). ix. 67, 87; xii. 64-66, 145; xviii. 215, 
228; xx. 49. 

7 Tl. xii. 63-66: see also 54-57 ; 
350. 

8 Tl. xx..145-148: 
τεῖχος ἐς ἀμφίχυτον Ἡρακλῆος θείοιο, 
ὑψηλόν, τό ῥά οἱ Τρῶες καὶ Παλλὰς ᾿Αθήνη 
ποίεον, ὄφρα τὸ κῆτος omekrpopuyay ἀλέαιτο; 
ὅππότε μιν σεύαιτο an’ ἠϊόνος πεδίονδε. 

9 χα 190. Los 
ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς μὲν ἔπειτα καθεζώμεσθα pa: 
ex πάτου ἐς σκοπιήν. 


vii. 941 1: 


CHAPTER III. 
THE HISTORY OF TROY. 


As Mr. Gladstone’ rightly remarks, the Dardanian name in the Ikad 
is the oldest of all those namés, found in the Poems, which are linked by 
a distinct genealogy with the epoch of the Trojan war. As already stated, 
Dardanus was called the son of Zeus by Electra, daughter of Atlas, and 
was further said to have come from Samothrace, or from Arcadia, or 
from Italy ;* but Homer mentions nothing of this. Dardanus founded 
Dardania in a lofty position on the slope of Mount Ida; for he was 
not yet powerful enough to form a settlement in the plain. He 
married Bateia; an Idaean nymph,* daughter of Teucer, son of the river 
Scamander, and begat Ilus and Erichthonius, who became the richest 
of all mortal men. He had in his pastures three thousand mares, the 
offspring of some of whom,.by Boreas, produced twelve colts of super- 
natural swiftness. Having married Astyoche, daughter of the river 
Simois, he had by her a son called Tros.° This latter, who became 
the .eponym of the Trojans, had by- his wife Calirrhoé, daughter of 
the Scamander, three sons, called Ilus, Assaracus, and Ganymedes, and 
a daughter, called Cleopatra.© Ganymedes having become the most 
beautiful of mankind was carried away by the gods, and made the cup- 








1 Homeric Synchronism, p. 122. 

2 Hellanicus, Fragm. 129, ed. Didot; Dionys. 
Hal. i. 50-61; Apollodor. iii. 12. 1; Schol. 
Miad., xviii. 486; Varro, ap. Servium ad Virgil. 
Aeneid. iii. 167 ; Cephalon. Gergithius ap. Steph. 
Byz. s. v. ᾿Αρίσβη. 

3 Ji, xx. 215-218: 

Δάρδανον αὖ πρῶτον τέκετο νεφεληγερέτα Ζεύς 
κτίσσε δὲ Δαρδανίην" ἐπεὶ οὔπω Ἴλιος ἱρή 
ἐν πεδίῳ πεπόλιστο, πόλις μερόπων ἀνθρώπων, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἔθ᾽ ὑπωρείας ᾧκεον πολυπίδακος Ἴδης. 

Apollodorus, iii. 12. 1: Δάρδανος δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ 
θανάτῳ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ λυπούμενος, Σαμοθράκην 
ἀπολιπών, εἰς τὴν ἀντίπερα ἤπειρον ἦλθε. Ταύ- 
τὴς δὲ ἐβασίλευε Τεῦκρος ποταμοῦ Σκαμάνδρου 
καὶ Νύμφης ᾿Ἰδαίας, ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ of τὴν χώραν 
νεμόμενοι Τεῦκροι προσηγορεύοντο. Ὑποδεχθεὶς 
δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ λαβὼν μέρος τῆς γῆς 
καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου θυγατέρα Βάτειαν, Δάρδανον 
ἔκτισε πόλιν. τελευτήσαντος δὲ Τεύκρου, τὴν 
χώραν ἅπασαν Δαρδανίαν ἐκάλεσε. 

4 Tl. xx. 219-229: 

Δάρδανος αὖ τέκεθ᾽ υἱὸν ᾿᾽Εριχθόνιον βασιλῆα, 
ὃς δὴ ἀφνειότατος γένετο θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων " 


τοῦ τρισχίλιαι ἵπποι ἕλος κάτα βουκολέοντο 
θήλειαι, πώλοισιν ἀγαλλόμεναι ἀταλῇσιν. 

τάων καὶ Βορέης ἠράσσατο βοσκομενάων " 

ἵππῳ δ᾽ εἰσάμενος παρελέξατο κυανοχαίτῃ, 

αἱ δ᾽ ὑποκυσσάμεναι ἔτεκον δυοκαίδεκα πώλους. 
at δ᾽ ὅτε μὲν σκιρτῷεν ἐπὶ ζείδωρον ἄρουραν " 
ἄκρον ἐπ᾽ ἀνθερίκων καρπὸν θέον, οὐδὲ κατέκλων, 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ σκιρτῷεν ἐπ᾽ εὐρέα νῶτα θαλάσσης," 
ἄκρον ἐπὶ ῥηγμῖνα ἁλὸς πολιοῖο θέεσκον. 

5 Apollodorus, iii. 12. 2: Γενομένων δὲ αὐτῷ 
(Δαρδάνῳ) παίδων Ἴλου καὶ ᾿Εριχθονίου: Ἴλος 
μὲν οὖν ἄπαις ἀπέθανεν " ᾿Εριχθόνιος δὲ διαδεξά- 
μενος τὴν βασιλείαν, γήμας ᾿Αστυόχην τὴν 
Σιμόεντος, τεκνοῖ Τρῶα. 

Il, xx. 230: 

Τρῶα δ᾽ ᾿Εριχθόνιος τέκετο Tpwecow ἄνακτα. 

5. Apollodorus, iii. 12. 2: οὗτος (ΤρώΞ) παρα- 
λαβὼν τὴν βασιλείαν, τὴν μὲν χώραν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ 
Τροίαν ἐκάλεσε. Καὶ γήμας Καλιῤῥόην τὴν 
Σκαμάνδρου, γεννᾷ θυγατέρα μὲν Κλεοπάτραν, 
παῖδας δὲ Ἴλον καὶ ᾿Ασσάρακον καὶ Γανυμήδην. 

Il. xx. 231, 232: 

Τρωὺς δ᾽ αὖ τρεῖς παῖδες ἀμύμονες ἐξεγένοντο, 
Ἶλός τ’ ᾿Ασσάρακός τε καὶ ἀντίθεος Γανυμήδηϑ 


Cuap III] ILUS FOUNDS ILIUM, 153 


bearer of Zeus,’ who gave to Tros, as the price of the youth, a team of 
immortal horses.* From [lus and Assaracus the Trojan and Dardanian 
lines diverge: the former proceeding from Ilus to Laomedon, Priam and 
Hector; the latter from Assaracus to Capys, Anchises and Aeneas.? 

Ilus went to Phrygia, where he arrived during the games instituted 
by the king, in which he took part, and, having conquered in wrestling, 
received from the king, as his prize of victory, fifty youths and fifty 
maidens. The king also gave him, in accordance with an oracle, a cow 
of many colours, directing him to build a city in the place where the 
animal should lie down. 1108 therefore followed the cow, which lay 
down on the hill of the Phrygian Até, where he built Ilium. Having 
prayed to Zeus to give him a favourable sign, on the following day 
he saw lying before his tent the Palladium, which had fallen from 
heaven (dvizrerés). It was three cubits (41 ft.) long, its feet were 
joined; in its right hand it held an uplifted lance, in its left a distaff 
and spindle.*® 

In Homer Até is represented as the personified power of infatuation 
and delusion, and is the pernicious eldest daughter of Zeus.‘ She is 
strong and swift;' Hesiod mentions her among the children of Eris ;? 
she walks with her light soft feet over the heads of men.2 At the 
birth of Herakles she caused even her own father, Zeus, to swear an 
over-hasty oath, in consequence of which he seized her by the hair in 
his wrath and cast her out of Olympus, swearing a mighty oath that 


7 Tl. xx, 233-235 : 

ds (Γανυμήδης) δὴ κάλλιστος γένετο θνητῶν 
ἀνθρώπων " : 

τὸν καὶ ἀνηρείψαντο θεοὶ Διὶ οἰνοχοεύειν, 

κάλλεος εἵνεκα οἷο, ἵν᾽ ἀθανάτοισι μετείη. 

Apollodorus, iii. 12. 2: τοῦτον μὲν οὖν διὰ 
κάλλος ἀναρπάσας Ζεὺς δι᾽ ἀετοῦ, θεῶν οἰνοχόον 
ἐν οὐρανῷ κατέστησεν. 

At first Ganymedes is mentioned as cup-bearer 
of the gods, and particularly of Zeus, in the place 
of Hebe (see Virgil, Aeneid. i. 28); afterwards, 
especially since Pindar, he is said to have been 
beloved by Zeus, κάλλευς εἵνεκα. In the same 
way, in Odys. v. 121, Orion, in Odys. xv. 251, 
Kleitos, and in Apollod. iii. 2,4 (see J/. xi. 1) 
Tithonus, is carried off by Eos on account of 
his beauty. 

8 Hellanicus, Fragm. 146.  Apollodorus, 
il. 5, 9: Ταύτην (Ἡσιόνην) ἰδὼν ἐκκειμένην 
Ἡρακλῆς, ὑπέσχετο σώσειν αὐτήν, εἰ τὰς ἵππους 
παρὰ Λαομέδοντος λήψεται, ἃς 6 Ζεὺς ποινὴν τῆς 
Γανυμήδους ἁρπαγῆς ἔδωκε. 

Il. v. 206-267: 
τῆς γάρ τοι γενεῆς, Ns Tpwt περ εὐρύοπα Ζεύς 
δῶχ᾽ υἷος ποινὴν Γανυμήδεος - οὕνεκ᾽ ἄριστοι 
ἵππων, ὅσσοι ἔασιν ὑπ᾽ ἠῶ τ᾽ ἠέλιόν τε. 

9 Tl. xx. 236-240: 

ἾἾλος δ᾽ αὖ τέκεθ᾽ υἱὸν ἀμύμονα Λαομέδοντα, 
Λαομέδων δ᾽ ἄρα Τιθωνὸν τέκετο Πρίαμόν τε, 
Λάμπον τε Κλυτίον θ᾽ Ἱκετάονά 7’ ὕ( 
᾿Ασσάρακος δὲ Κάπυν" ὃ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ᾿Αγχίσην τέκε 
παῖδα" 







αὐτὰρ ἔμ᾽ ᾿Αγχίσης, Πρίαμος δ᾽ ἔτεχ᾽ Ἕκτορα 
δῖον. 

10 Apollodorus, iii. 2,3: Ἴλος δὲ εἰς Φρυγίαν 
ἀφικόμενος, καὶ καταλαβὼν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως 
αὐτόθι τεθειμένον ἀγῶνα, νικᾷ πάλιν " καὶ λαβὼν 
ἦἄθλον πεντήκοντα κούρους καὶ κόρας τὰς ἴσας, 
δόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ βασιλέως κατὰ χρησμὸν καὶ 
βοῦν ποικίλην, καὶ φράσαντος, ἐν ᾧπερ ἂν αὐτὴ 
κλιθῇ τόπῳ, πόλιν κτίζειν, εἵπετο τῇ Bot. ἫἪ δὲ 
ἀφικομένη ἐπὶ τὸν λεγόμενον τῆς Φρυγίας “ATns 
λόφον, κλίνεται " ἔνθα πόλιν κτίσας Ἴλος, ταύτην 
μὲν Ἴλιον ἐκάλεσε. Τῷ δὲ Ait σημεῖον εὐξά- 
μενος αὐτῷ τι φανῆναι, μεθ’ ἡμέραν τὸ διϊπετὲς 
Παλλάδιον πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς κείμενον ἐθεάσατο. 
Ἦν δὲ τῷ μεγέθει τρίπηχυ, τοῖς δὲ ποσὶ συμ- 
βεβηκός, καὶ τῇ μὲν δεξιᾷ δόρυ διηρμένον ἔχον, 
τῇ δὲ ἑτέρᾳ ἠλακάτην καὶ ἄτρακτον. 

11 7], xix. 91-93 : 
πρέσβα Διὸς Ovydtnp” Arn, ἣ πάντας ἀᾶται, 
οὐλομένη, τῆς μέν θ᾽ ἁπαλοὶ πόδες - οὐ γὰρ ἐπ᾽ 


A 
οὔδει 
~ / 
πίλναται, ἀλλ᾽ ἄρα Hye Kat’ ἀνδρῶν κράατα 
βαίνει. 


Δ ix. δ 5 07: 
ἡ δ᾽ “Arn σθεναρή τε καὶ ἀρτίπος " οὕνεκα πάσας 
πολλὸν ὑπεκπροθέει, φθάνει δέ τε πᾶσαν ἐπ᾿ αἶαν 
βλάπτουσ᾽ ἀνθρώπους. 

2 Theogonia, 280 : 

Δυσνομίην, ΓΑτην τε, συνήθεας ἀλλήλῃσιν. 

3 7]. xix. 91-93, just cited. See also Rhianus 
ap. Stob. Mor, iv. p. 54. 


154 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Cuap. III. 


she should not return thither; 
of men.‘ 

The tradition cited above from Apollodorus is confirmed by Lyco- 
phron® as well as by Eustathius,® Hesychius,’ and Stephanus Byzan- 
tinus.” From all these authorities my friend Professor Otto Keller ὃ 
has concluded with certainty “the existence of a Phrygian goddess 
Até, her worship on the hill of Hissarlik as well as on a second hill 
on the river Rhyndacus, and her idol which fell from heaven.° The 
Tlian Athené, who originated from this Até, appears on a medal as 
an especially Phrygian goddess, wearing the Phrygian cap. She is 
distinguished from the common Greek Até or infatuation, who is a 
mere abstraction, by the epithet ἡ Φρυγία. Probably she was related 
to the Phrygian god Atis (Attis or Atys). Owing to the similarity in the 
sound of their names, after the conquest of the land by the Greeks, Até 
and Athené were combined, and thus originated the peculiar Athené Ilias 
with the Phrygian cap, spear, torch, and owl. The non-Hellenic torch 
was replaced by the distaff and spindle. In the Ephesian Artemis we see. 
before us a very non-Hellenic, but genuine Asiatic goddess, confounded 
with an Hellenic goddess; nay, a goddess overloaded with symbols of 
maternity confounded with a virgin goddess. We have examples of the 
remoulding of the names of Asiatic deities in a Greek form, amongst 
others, in Eileithyia-Yoledeth, Moledeth, Mylitta ; or in Apollo Ismenius, 
who is the Phoenician Eshmun; for the common etymology from the 
Indo-European ?sh, ‘desire, is not satisfactory. Even the Zeus Meili- 


and she quickly fell on the works 








4 Tl, xix. 126-131 : 
αὐτίκα δ᾽ eid’ "ΔΑτην κεφαλῆς λιπαροπλοκάμοιο, 
χωόμενος φρεσὶν ἧσι, καὶ ὥμοσε καρτερὸν ὅρκον 
μή ποτ᾽ ἐς Οὔλυμπόν τε καὶ οὐρανὸν ἀστερύεντα 
αὖτις ἐλεύσεσθαι "ATHY, ἣ πάντας ἀᾶται. 
ὡς εἰπὼν ἔῤῥιψεν am’ οὐρανοῦ ἀστερόεντος 
χειρὶ περιστρέψας - τάχα δ᾽ ἵκετο ἔργ᾽ ἀνθρώπων. 
5 Alexandra, 28-30: 
ἢ δ᾽ ἔνθεον σχάσασα βακχεῖον στόμα, 

“Atns ἀπ’ ἄκρων βουπλανοκτίστων λόφων, 
τοιῶν δ᾽ an’ ἀρχῆς ἦρχ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδρα λόγων. 
See Schol. Vindobon. I. ap. Bachmann, p. LU: 
λόφος πρὸ τοῦ ἐκαλεῖτο καὶ ἔΑλιος (probably 
instead of “Atios); and Tzetzes: ἄτης ἤγουν 
βλάβης, 7) ὄνομα ὄρους, λόφον ἄτης Kal βουπλα- 
νόκτιστον τὴν Τροίαν λέγει. .. . Δάρδανος δὲ 
κατακλυσμοῦ γεγονότος ex Σαμοθράκης εἰς τὴν 
ἀντιπέρα γῆν περαιοῦται καὶ τὴν νῦν Τροίαν 
ἔμελλε κτίζε . Χρησμὸς δὲ τοῦτον κωλύει κτί- 
(ev τὸν λόφον τοῦτον εἰπὼν βλάβην γενέσθαι 
τοῦτον τοῖς αὐτὸν κατοικήσασιν. ἐν Πριήπῳ δὲ 
ἐμαντεύσατο. ἔχρησε δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ Πριηπαῖος 
᾿Απόλλων μὴ κτίζειν τὸν λόφον τοῦτον, ἄτης yap 
αὐτὸν ἔφη. διὸ καὶ Δάρδανος κωλυθεὶς αὐτὸν οὐκ 
ἔκτισεν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ὑπὸ τὴν Ἴδην Δαρδανίαν, πρό- 
τερον Σκαμάνδρου λόφον καλουμένην, βασιλεύοντος 
τότετῶν Τρωϊκῶν μερῶν Τεύκρου τοῦ Σκαμάνδρου 
καὶ ᾿Ιδαίας νύμφης. οὗ Σκαμάνδρου τὴν θυγατέρα 
Βάτειαν λαβὼν 6 Δάρδανος, ἣν καὶ 6 Λυκόφρων 
᾿Αρίσβην λέγει, γεννᾷ Ἴλον καὶ ᾿Εριχθόνιον " ὧν 


Ἴλος ἄπαις τελευτᾷ, ᾿Εριχθόνιος δὲ ἐξ ᾿Αστυόχης 
τῆς Σιμόεντυς γεννᾶ Τρῶα. Τρωὸς καὶ Καλλιῤ- 
pons τῆς Σκαμάνδρου “los (sic) καὶ ἕτεροι. “Os 
Ἴλος εἰς Φρυγίαν ἐλθὼν καὶ ἀγῶνα ὑπὸ τοῦ 
βασιλέως τεθειμένον εὑρὼν νικᾷ πάλην, καὶ 
λαβὼν ἐκ τοῦ βασιλέως ἄθλον ν κόρας καὶ ν 
κόρους, ἐκ χρησμοῦ εἵπετο βοὶ πλανηθείσῃ ἐκ 
Μυσίας, ἥτις ἀφικομένη ἐπὶ τὸν λεγόμενον τῆς 
Φρυγίας “Atns λόφον κατακλίνεται, ἔνθα πόλιν 
κτίσας ὃ “IAos Ἴλιον ἐκάλεσε. 

6 Eustath. ad Zl. xix. 186: φασὶ δὲ εἰς Ἴλιον 
κατενηνέχθαι ῥιφεῖσαν τὴν Ἄτην, διὸ καὶ ΓΑτης 
λόφος ἐκεῖ, οὗ 6 Λυκόφρων μέμνηται. τοῦτο δὲ 
ἀστείως πέπλασται διὰ τὰς μεγάλας ἄτας, ἃς ἐκ 
Διὸς οἱ Τρῶες ἔπαθον. Schol. in Jl. i. 591: 
λόφος “ATns ἐν Τροίᾳ παρὰ Λυκόφρονι, ἔνθα ὑπὸ 
Διὸς ἐκείνη ἐῤῥίφη, ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς ᾿Απίωνος 
καὶ Ἡροδώρου δηλοῦται. ὺ 

7 S.v. ᾿Ατιόλοφος - οὕτως τὸ Ἴλιον (Ἴλεον 
cod.) ἐκαλεῖτο πρῶτον. 

8 Ἴλιον πόλις Τρωάδος ἀπὸ Ἴλου, ἥν οἱ Τρῶες 
“Atny (ἄκτην in the MS.) ἐκάλουν καὶ “Atns 
λόφον δευτέρα (αὐτῆς λόφοι δύο in the MS.) 
ἐν τῇ Προποντίδι παρὰ Ῥυνδάκῳ ποταμῷ. 

9. Die Entdeckung Ilion’s zu Hissarlik ; Frei- 
burg, 1875. 

10 Schol. ad Jl. i. 591: ἔνθα ὑπὸ Διὸς ἑκείνη 
ἐῤῥίφη ; also Apollodorus, iii. 12, and Diodorus, 
Fragm, 14, p. 640; Wessel. a d:imerés. 


Crap. IIL] THE COW OF MANY COLOURS. 155 


chios, with his soft name, is only the Hellenic mask of the terrible 
Moloch, greedy of human sacrifices. 

“Now with regard to the cow of many colours, this animal is quite 
in its place in the tradition of the foundation of the temple of the 
Ilian Athené. Nay, it may serve as an authentic proof of the genuine- 
ness and antiquity of the legend, which is told us by Apollodorus, and 
was certainly not invented by him. The legend of which we speak is 
common Indo-European property. Horses, stags, bears, and bulls 
designate the place where’ churches and monasteries are to be built; 
these animals direct also the building of castles, cities, and colonies, 
A god-sent animal is wont to show the wandering army their place of 
settlement. Sacred cows indicate by standing still the place for 
church building. We find similar legends in Friedreich.* To this 
class belong, the legend of the Opicians who were guided by a bull, 
and the peculiar rite of drawing the furrows with a plough whereby 
Roman cities were consecrated. A cow also showed Cadmus, when he 
came from Asia, the site where Thebes was to be erected: this cow 
had on each side a white mark in the form of the full moon.* A cow, 
probably lzkewise a symbol of the mon goddess, was the symbol on the 
coins of the Cilician cities of Tarsus, Mallus, and Soloi, likewise of 
Side.® We also see the cow on the medals of the neighbouring 
Cyzicus.° Marquardt’ refers this to Persephone. We think we are 
not mistaken in understanding the cow of many colours, which indi- 
cated the site of Troy, as the sacred symbol of Athené or Até, the 
goddess of Night or the Moon. The fifty boys and fifty girls who 
follow the moon-cow are nothing else than the fifty weeks of the year.‘ 
From the Ilian coins, on which is represented the sacrifice of a cow 
before the statue of Athené Ilias, we infer that the cow was chosen as 
the sacrificial animal of that goddess,? which seems also to be proved 
from Homer.’® Thus for every one who does not wilfully shut his eyes 
we have furnished the proof that the legend of the foundation of Ilium 
is by no means a frivolous or childish invention of Apollodorus, but an 
ancient legend of primitive growth, which is devised with beautiful sym- 
bolism, and relates to the peculiarities of the worship of the Ilian Athené. 
Nay, this legend also contains a very interesting topographical notice 
concerning the hill of Até, a notice which has not been understood 
either by the narrators themselves, or till now by the commentators. 


1 See H. B. Schindler, Aberglaube des Mittel- 
alters, p. 265. 

2 Vernaleken, Apensagen, 316. 

° Symbolik und Mythologie der Natur, p. 498. 

* Pausanias, ix. 12, § 1: Λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὅδε 
ὑπ’ αὐτῶν λόγος, ὡς ἀπιόντι ἐκ Δελφῶν Κάδμῳ 
τὴν ἐπὶ Φωκέων βοῦς γένοιτο ἡγεμὼν τῆς πορείας, 
τὴν δὲ βοῦν ταύτην παρὰ βουκόλων εἶναι τῶν 
Πελάγοντος ὠνητήν - ἐπὶ δὲ ἑκατέρᾳ τῆς βοὸς 
πλευρᾷ σημεῖον ἐπεῖναι λευκόν, εἰκασμένον κύκλῳ 
τῆς σελήνης, ὅπότε εἴη πλήρης " ἔδει δὲ ἄρα 
Κάδμον καὶ τὸν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατὸν ἐνταῦθα 
οἰκῆσαι κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν μαντείαν, ἔνθα ἣ βοῦς 


ἔμελλε καμοῦσα ὀκλάσειν " ἀποφαίνουσιν οὖν καὶ 
τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον. 

5 Brandis, Miinzwescn in Vorderasien, p. 354. 

6 Mionnet, Nos. 168, 308, 410 ; see also Sestini, 
Descr. d. Stateri Ant. p. 54. 

7 Cyzicus und sein Gebiet, p. 134. 

8 See E. Gerhard, Prodromus, p. 167. 

9 Miiller, Wieseler, and Oesterley, 2). A. Καὶ ii. 
21, 222; Sestini, Descr. Num. vii. 3, p. 396; 
Pellerin, R. et V. ii. 31. 3. 

10 71, vi, 93, 94: 

καί of ὑποσχέσθαι δυοκαίδεκα βοῦς ἐνὶ νηῷ 

ἤνις ἠκέστας, ἱερευσέμεν, εἴ κ᾽ ἐλεήσῃ. 


156 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Cuap. TIT. 


To this the medieval legends of the saints offer hundreds of parallels, 
which German science has only lately understood in the sense’ in 
which, as I have shown, it must be understood in the legend of the 
hill of Até.” 

Thus, according to the tradition, sacred Ilios was built by Ilus, who 
married Eurydice, daughter of Adrastus. His son Laomedon married, as 
some said, Strymo, daughter of the Scamander, according to others 
Plakia, daughter of Atreus or of Leucippos; his sons were Tithonus, 
Lampon, Clytius, Hicetaon, Podarces; his daughters, Hesione, Cilla, and 
Astyoche.’ As already stated, it was under Laomedon that the walls of 
Troy were built by Poseidon alone,’ or by him and Apollo,’ and also that 
the city was attacked and captured by Herakles, who killed the king and 
all his sons except Podarces. Herakles having allowed Hesioné to choose 
from among them whomsoever she wished, she chose Podarces; but 
Herakles demanded that he should first be sold as a slave, allowing 
her to buy him afterwards with whatever she pleased. He was there- 
fore sold, and Hesioné bought him back with her veil, in consequence 
of which he was called Priam (Πρίαμος, from πρίασθαι, “to purchase.” 
particip. πριάμενος).ἡ 

Grote® says: “As Dardanus, Trés, and Ilos are respectively epo- 
nyms of Dardania, Troy, and Ilium, so Priam is eponym of the Acropolis 
Pergamum. Πρίαμος is in the Aeolic dialect Πέῤῥαμος (Hesychius) : 
upon which Ahrens remarks, ‘caeterum ex hac Aeolica nominis forma 
apparet, Priamum non minus arcis Ilepyaumv eponymum esse, quam 
Ilum urbis, Troém populi; Ilépyawa enim a [lep/ava natum est, ἡ in ¥ 
mutato.’” ® 

I may here remind the reader that there were several cities of a 
similar name; first the celebrated Pergamon in the Mysian province 
of Teuthrania, and then Pergamus in Crete, considered by Cramer’ to 
be identical with the present Perama on the north side of the island. 
According to Virgil,*® this latter city was founded by Aeneas. 

Priam married the Phrygian princess Hecabé (Lat. Hecuba), daughter 
of Cisseus, who is a very distinguished character in the Iliad. By 





1 Apollodorus, iii. 2, 3: Ἴλος δὲ γήμας Εὐρυ- ἤλασαν, οὐδὲ θεοῖσι δόσαν κλειτὰς ἑκατόμβας ; 


δίκην τὴν ᾿Αδράστου, Λαομέδοντα ἐγέννησεν " ὃς 
γαμεῖ Στρυμὼ τὴν Σκαμάνδρου: κατὰ δέ τινας, 
Πλακίαν τὴν ᾿Ατρέως, κατ᾽ ἐνίους δέ, Λευκίππου" 
καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδας μὲν Τιθωνόν, Λάμπωνα, Κλύτιον, 
Ἵκετάονα, Ποδάρκην - θυγατέρας δέ, Ἡσιόνην, 
καὶ Κίλλαν καὶ ᾿Αστυόχην. 

2 Tl. xxi. 442-449: 
μέμνηαι, ὅσα δὴ πάθομεν κακὰ Ἴλιον ἀμφίς 
μοῦνοι νῶϊ θεῶν, ὅτ᾽ ἀγήνορι Λαομέδοντι 
πὰρ Διὸς ἐλθόντες θητεύσαμεν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν 
μισθῷ ἔπι ῥητῷ - ὃ δὲ σημαίνων ἐπέτελλεν. 
ἦ τοι ἐγὼ Τρώεσσι πόλιν πέρι τεῖχος ἔδειμα, 
εὐρύ τε καὶ μάλα καλόν, ἵν᾽ ἄῤῥηκτος πόλις εἴη" 
Φοῖβε, σὺ δ᾽ εἰλίποδας ἕλικας βοῦς βουκολέεσκες 
Ἴδης ἐν κνημοῖσι πολυπτύχου ὑληέσση». 

3 7]. vii. 449-453 : 


a A“ U 
τεῖχος ἐτειχίσσαντο νεῶν ὕπερ, ἀμφὶ δὲ τάφρον 


τοῦ δ᾽ ἢ τοι κλέος ἔσται ὅσον T ἐπὶ κίδναται ἠώς" 
τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιλήσονται, τὸ ἔγὼ καὶ Φοῖβος ᾿Απόλλων 
ἥρῳ Λαομέδοντι πολίσσαμεν ἀθλήσαντε-. 

* Apollodorus, ii. 6. 4: καὶ ταῦτῃ (Ἡσιόνῃ) 
συγχωρεῖ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων, ὃν ἢθελεν ἄγεσθαι. 
Τῆς δὲ αἱρουμένης τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ποδάρκην, ἔφη 
δεῖν πρῶτον αὐτὸν δοῦλον γενέσθαι, καὶ τότε, τί 
ποτε δοῦσαν ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ, λαβεῖν αὐτόν. ἫἪ δέ, 
πιπρασκομένου, τὴν καλύπτραν ἀφελομένη τῆς 
κεφαλῆς ἀντέδωκεν: ὅθεν Ποδάρκης Πρίαμος 
ἐκλήθη. 

° History of Greece, i. p. 265. 

® Ahrens, De Dialecto Aeolica, 8. 7, p. ὅθ; 
compare ibid. 28. 8, p. 150, πεῤῥ᾽ amdrw. 

7 Cramer, Desc. of Anc. Greece, iii. p. 383. 

© Aen. iil, 133. 


Cuar. III] THE RAPE OF HELEN. 157 


her and other women he had fifty sons and twelve daughters. 
Among the sons were Hector,’ Paris, Deiphobus, Helenus, Troilus, 
Polites, Polydorus; among the daughters, Laodice, Creiisa, Polyxena, 
and Cassandra, were the most distinguished. The birth of Paris was 
preceded by formidable presages; for Hecuba dreamed that she was 
delivered of a firebrand, and Priam, on consulting the soothsayers, was 
informed that the son about to be born would cause the destruction 
of Troy. Accordingly he was exposed on Mount Ida, was brought up 
by shepherds, and was finally recognized and adopted by his parents.’ 
He was distinguished for beauty and strength, and was a courageous 
defender of the flocks and shepherds, for which reason he was called 
Alexandros (defender of men).? By his wife Oenone, daughter of the 
river Cebren, he had a son Corythus.* To Paris came the three god- 
desses, Heré, Aphrodité, and Athené, that he might decide the dispute 
which had arisen among them at the nuptials of Thetis and Peleus, 
as to which of them was the most beautiful. -Paris awarded the prize 
to Aphrodité, who had promised him the most beautiful of women for 
his wife; in consequence of which Heré and Athené became the bitter 
enemies of Troy.* Paris then built ships and went on a visit to 
Sparta, where he was hospitably received by Menelaus, whose wife Helen 
he carried off, together with large treasures, under the protection of 
Aphrodité,> and returned by way of Egypt and Phoenicia to Troy.® 
Menelaus found universal sympathy among the Greek chiefs. Ten 
years were spent in equipping the expedition destined to avenge the 
outrage. By the united efforts of all the Greek chiefs a force was at 
length assembled at Aulis in Boeotia, consisting of 1186 ships and more 
than 100,000 men, under the command of the ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν, Agamemnon, 
king of Mycenae. This force outnumbered by more than ten to one 
any that the Trojans could oppose to it, and was superior to the defenders 
of Troy even with all her allies included.’ 








“Extopes). A prince belonging to the regal 
family of Chios, anterior to the Ionian settle- 
ment, as mentioned by the Chian poet lon 
(Pausanias, vii. 3. 3), was so called.” 

1 Apollodorus, iii. 11.5; Hyg. Fab. 91; Ovid, 
Her. xvi. 45, and 859: Homer, JU. 111. 325, xil. 


2 Flovix 242-250): 
GAN’ ὅτε δὴ Πριάμοιο δόμον περικαλλέ᾽ ἵκανεν, 
ἕξεστῇς αἰθούσῃσι τετυγμένον---αὐτὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ 
πεντήκοντ᾽ ἔνεσαν θάλαμοι ξεστοῖο λίθοιο, 
πλησίοι ἀλλήλων δεδμημένοι - ἔνθα δὲ παῖδες 
κοιμῶντο ἸΙριάμοιο Tapa μνηστῇς ἀλόχοισιν. 


κουράων δ᾽ ἑτέρωθεν ἐναντίοι ἔνδοθεν αὐλῆς 
δώδεκ᾽ ἔσαν τέγεοι θάλαμοι ἕεστοῖο λίθοιο, 
πλησίοι ἀλλήλων δεδμημένοι - ἔνθα δὲ γαμβροί 
κοιμῶντο Πριάμοιο παρ᾽ αἰδοίῃς ἀλόχοισιν. 

10 Grote, History of Greece, vol. i. p. 265, το- 
marks: “Hector was affirmed, both by Stesichorus 
and Ibykus, to be the son of Apollo (Stesichorus, 
ap. Schol. Ven. ad Iliad. xxiv. 259; Ibyci Fragm. 
xiv. ed. Schneidewin): both Euphorion (/. 125, 
Meincke) and Alexander Aetolus follow the same 
idea. Stesichorus further stated, that after the 
siege Apollo had carried Hekabé away into 
Lykia to rescue her from captivity (Pausanias, 
x. 27. 1). According to Euripides, Apollo had 
promised that she should die in Troy (7γοαά. 
427). By Sappho, Hector was given as a sur- 
name of Zeus, Ζεὺς “Extwp (Hesychius, 5. vy. 


Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 93. 


93; Serv. ad Virg. Aen. v. 370. 

2 Apollodorus, iii. 12. 5; Schol. Hom. J/. iii. 
325. 

3 Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 57; Conon, Narr. 22 ; 
Parthen. Hrot. 34. 

4Serv. ad Virg. Aen. 1. 27; JI. xxiv. 25; 


5 Hom. Jl. iii. 46-49, 1443; vii. 350-363 ; 
Apollodorus, iii. 12. 6. See also Paus. ili, 22. 
2; also in the argument of the Cyprian Poem 
(comp. Aeschyl., Agamemnon, 534). 

6 Hom.,.Od:. 1v., 228.;-11.. vi. 291... Herod. 11, 
113. 

7 Tl. ii, 128, As Grote remarks, Uschold makes 
the total as great as 135,000 men (Geschichte 
des Troianischen Krieges, p. 9; Stuttgart, 1836). 


158 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Cuap. III, 


After many hindrances, the fleet at last reached the shore of the Plain 
of Troy. The Trojans had gathered troops from all the districts of their 
own country between the Aesepus and the Caicus, as well as allies from 
various parts of Asia Minor and Thrace: Carians, Mysians, Lycians under 
Sarpedon, Maeonians, Phrygians, Thracians, Paeonians, and Alizonians.® 
But the Trojans in vain opposed the landing; they were routed and 
driven within their walls. After this, the war was carried on with little 
vigour for nine years, during which the Greeks seem to have occupied 
their time principally in attacks on neighbouring cities. Thus Achilles 
stormed Thebé, Lyrnessus, Pedasus, Lesbos, and other places, twelve 
towns on the coast and eleven in the interior. ‘Ten years was,” as 
Grote * remarks, “the fixed epical duration of the siege of Troy, just as 
five years was the duration of the siege of Kamikus by the Kretan arma- 
ment, which came to avenge the death of Minos.° Ten years of prepa- 
ration, ten years of siege, and ten years of wandering for Odysseus, were 
periods suited to the rough chronological dashes of the ancient epic, and 
suggesting no doubts nor difficulties with the original hearers. But it 
was otherwise when the same events came to be contemplated by the 
historicising Greeks, who could not be satisfied without either finding 
or inventing satisfactory bonds of coherence between the separate events. 
Thucydides tells us that the Greeks were less numerous than the poets 
have represented, and that, being moreover very poor, they were unable 
to procure adequate and constant provisions: hence they were compelled 
to disperse their army, and to employ a part of it in cultivating the 
Chersonese, a part in marauding expeditions over the neighbourhood. 
Could the whole army have been employed at once against Troy (he says), 
the siege would have been much more speedily and easily concluded.’ 
If the great historian could permit himself thus to amend the legend in 
so many points, we might have imagined that a simpler course would 
have been to include the duration of the siege among the list of poetical 
exaggerations, and to affirm that the real siege had lasted only one year 
instead of ten. But it seems that the ten years’ duration was so capital 
a feature in the ancient tale, that no critic ventured to meddle with it.” 

The Iliad describes the events of the war in the tenth year during a 
period of fifty-one days. It begins with the wrath of Achilles, of which 





8 See the Catalogue of the Trojans, J/. ii. 815- 
877. 


σονήσου τραπόμενοι καὶ λῃστείαν τῆς τροφῆς 
ἀπορίᾳ: ἧ καὶ μᾶλλον οἱ Τρῶες αὐτῶν διεσπαρ- 


9 History of Greece, i. p. 274. 

10 Herodotus, vii. 170. Ten years is a proper 
mythical period for a great war to iast. The 
war between the Olympic gods and the Titan 
gods lasts ten years (Hesiod, Theogon. 636): 
compare δεκάτῳ ἐνιαυτῷ (Hom. Od. xvi. 17). 

1 Thucyd. i. 11: Αἴτιον δ᾽ ἦν οὐχ ἡ ὀλιγαν- 
θρωπία τοσοῦτον, ὅσον 7 ἀχρηματία " τῆς γὰρ 
τροφῆς ἀπορίᾳ τόν τε στρατὸν ἐλάσσω ἤγαγον, 
καὶ ὅσον ἤλπιζον αὐτόθεν πολεμοῦντα βιοτεύσειν, 
ἐπειδή τε ἀφικόμενοι μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν (δῆλον δέ" 
τὸ γὰρ ἔρυμα τῷ στρατοπέδῳ οὐκ ἂν ἐτειχί- 
σαντοῚ, φαίνονται δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἐνταῦθα πάσῃ τῇ δυνά- 
wer χρησάμενοι, ἀλλὰ πρὸ; γεωργίαν τῆς Χερ- 


μένων τὰ δέκα ἔτη ἀντεῖχον βίᾳ τοῖς ἀεὶ ὑπο- 
λειπομένοις ἀντίπαλοι ὄντες " περιουσίαν δὲ εἰ 
ἦλθον ἔχοντες τροφῆς, Kal ὄντες ἀθρόοι ἄνευ 
λῃστείας καὶ γεωργίας ξυνεχῶς τὸν πόλεμον 
διέφερον, ῥᾳδίως ἂν μάχῃ κρατοῦντες εἷλον, οἵγε 
καὶ οὐκ ἀθρόοι, ἀλλὰ μέρει τῷ ἀεὶ παρόντι 
ἀντεῖχον - πολιορκίᾳ δ᾽ ἂν προσκαθεζόμενοι ἐν 
ἐλάσσονί τε χρόνῳ καὶ ἀπονώτερον τὴν Τροίαν 
εἷλον - ἀλλὰ δι᾽ ἀχρηματίαν τά τε πρὸ τούτων 
ἀσθενῆ ἦν, καὶ αὐτά γε δὴ ταῦτα ὀνομαστότατα 
τῶν πρὶν γενόμενα δηλοῦται τοῖς ἔργοις ὑποδε- 
έστερα ὄντα τῆς φήμης καὶ τοῦ νῦν περὶ αὐτῶν 
διὰ τοὺς ποιητὰς λόγον κατεσχηκότος. 


Cuar. IIL] THE TROJAN WAR. 159 


Apollo was the originating cause, from eagerness to avenge the injury 
which his priest Chryses had suffered from Agamemnon. Under the 
influence of his anger, Achilles refuses to put on his armour, and keeps 
his Myrmidons in the camp. The other Greek chiefs vainly strove to 
make amends for this hero’s absence. The humiliation which they 
underwent was severe; they were many times defeated by Hector and the 
Trojans, and driven to their ships. At last the fearful distress of the 
Greeks aroused the anxious and sympathising Patroclus, who extorted a 
reluctant consent from Achilles to allow him and the Myrmidons to avert 
the last extremity of ruin. Patroclus was killed by Hector, when 
Achilles, forgetting his anger, drove the Trojans with great slaughter 
within their walls, and killed Hector, with whose funeral the [dad ends. 

Then—to follow the story from the allusions in Homer, and from 
later epic poets and mythologists—there came from Thrace to the relief 
of the Trojans the beautiful warlike queen of the Amazons, Penthesileia, 
with a band of her countrywomen ; but she too was slain by the invincible 
arm of Achilles. 

The dismayed Trojans were again animated with hope by the arrival 
of Memnon,” son of Tithonus and Kos, the most stately of living men, 
with a troop of Aethiopians, who at first made great havoc among the 
Greeks, and killed even the hero Antilochus, son of Nestor; but at last 
Memnon himself was slain by Achilles in single combat. After proving, 
by a series of most ingenious arguments, that in all probability Memnon 
was the leader of the Keteioi or Hittites, Mr. Gladstone? adds: “ Now, if 
Memnon were leader of the Keteioi, it may be observed, in the first place, 
that this country lay far eastward in the same parallel of latitude as 
Southern Greece; and he might therefore, with ample consistency, be 
called by the poet, son of the Morning. And most certainly the Homeric 
statement, that Memnon was the famous son of the Morning, would be in 
thorough accordance both with the poet’s geographical idea of the East 
and sunrise, which the Odyssey by no means carries far towards the 
south, and with the fame to which the Khita (Keteioi), as the resolute and 
somewhat successful opponents of the vast Egyptian power, may well 
have attained.” Memnon’s tomb was shown on a hill near the mouth of 
the Aesepus in the Propontis. 

Soon after Memnon’s death, Achilles himself was slain near the Scaean 
Gate by an arrow from the quiver of Paris.® According to Dictys 
Cretensis (111. 29), the murder took place in the temple of Apollo at 
Thymbra, whither Achilles had gone to marry Polyxena.® 


P -Odiss. xi. O22" 

κεῖνον δὴ κάλλιστον ἴδον μετὰ Μέμνονα δῖον. 
mee 3150 (ἡ. iv. 1857... Pindar, Path, vi. 31: 
Aeschylus (ap. Strab. xv. p. 728) conceives 
Memnon as a Persian, who had come from Susa. 

According to Ctesias, the expedition under 
Memnon was sent by the king of Assyria to the 
relief of his vassal, Priam of Troy. Ctesias pre- 
tended to have got this information from the 
royal archives. According to Diodorus (ii. 22 
and iv. 77), the Egyptians asserted that Memnon 


had come from Egypt. 

5. Humeric Sinchronism, p. 178. 

4 Strabo, xiii. p. 587: ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς ἐκβολῆς 
τοῦ Αἰσήπου σχεδόν τι. . . . σταδίους κολωνὸς 
ἔστιν, ἐφ’ ᾧ τάφος δείκνυται Μέμνονος τοῦ 
Τιθωνοῦ. 

5.71, xxii. 360; Soph. Philoct. 3343 Virgil, 
Aen. vi. 56. 
᾿ 6 See Philostratus, Her. 19. 11; Hyginus, 
Fab. 107, 110; Q. Smyrnezus, ili. 50; Tzetzes, 
ad Lycophr, 307, 


160 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Cuap. IIT, 


The Greeks learned from Helenus, son of Priam, whom Ulysses had 
captured in ambuscade,” that Troy could not be taken unless both 
Philoctetes and Neoptolemus, the son of Achilles, joined the besiegers. 
The former had been left on Lemnos at the beginning of the campaign, 
having been stung in the foot by a serpent, and having become intolerable 
to the Greeks from the stench of the wound. But he had still the 
peerless bow and arrows of Herakles, which were said to be essential to 
the capture of Troy. He was brought by Diomedes to the Greek camp, 
and healed by Machaon;* he fought bravely against the Trojans, 
and killed Paris in single combat with one of the arrows of Herakles. 
Ulysses fetched Neoptolemus from Scyros, whilst the Trojans were 
reinforced by Eurypylus, king of the Keteioi (or Khita), on the 
Caicus, who was son of Telephus and Astyoché, sister of Priam. He 
came with a large band and killed Machaon, but was himself slain by 
Neoptolemus.? This son of Achilles drove the Trojans back with 
great slaughter within their walls, from whence they never again came 
forth to give battle.’ 

But nevertheless Troy was to remain impregnable so long as it 
retained the Palladium, which—as we have before said—had been given 
by Zeus to the founder of the city, Ilus. Ulysses, however, having 
disguised his person with miserable clothes and self-inflicted wounds, 
introduced himself into the city, and found means to carry away the 
Palladium by stealth. He was recognized only by Helen, who concerted 
with him means for the capture of the town.’ A final stratagem was 
resorted to. At the suggestion of Athené, Epeius and Panopeus con- 
structed a hollow wooden horse, capacious enough to contain a hundred 
men. In this horse the most eminent of the Greek heroes concealed 
themselves, whilst the whole Greek army, having burnt their tents and 
pretended to give up the siege, sailed away with their ships, which they 
anchored behind Tenedos. Overjoyed to see themselves finally relieved, 
the Trojans issued from the city and wondered at the stupendous horse, 
on which was written, that it was dedicated to Athené by the departing 
Greeks. They were long ata loss what to do with it; and the anxious 
heroes from within heard their consultations, as well as the voice of 
Helen, when she pronounced the name of each hero, counterfeiting the 
accent of his wife’s voice.” Some desired to bring it into the city and 
to -dedicate it to the gods; others advised distrust of the enemy’s 
legacy. Laocoén, the priest of Poseidon, came with his two sons, and, 
in his indignation, thrust his spear against the horse. The sound 
revealed that the horse was hollow; but at the same moment Laocoén 


7 Soph. Philoct. 604. 

8 Sophocles (Philoct. 1437, 1438) makes Hera- 
kles send Asklepius to the Greek camp to heal 
the wound. 

9 Pausanias, iii. 26, § 7. 

10 Odyss. xi. 510-520 ; Quint. Smyrn. vii. 533- 
544, viii. 201. 

1 Arctinus, ap. Dionys. Halic. i. 69; Hom. 
Od. iv. 244-264 ; Virg. Aen. ii. 161-167; Quint. 


Smyrn. x. 351-360. With this legend about 
the Palladium may be compared, as Grote sug- 
gests, the Roman legend respecting the Ancilia 
(Ovid, Fasti, iii. 381). 

2 Odyss. iv. 275-289; Aen. ii. 13-20. Stesi- 
chorus gave, as Grote states, in his Ἰλίου 
Πέρσις, the number of heroes in the wooden 
horse as 100. (Stesichor. Fragm. 26, ed. Kleine; 
compare Athenaeus, xiii. p. 610.) 


παρ. III.] FALL OF TROY. 161 


and one of his sons perished miserably, two monstrous, serpents haying 
been sent by Heré out of the sea to destroy them. The Trojans, 
terrified by this spectacle, and persuaded by the perfidious counsels 
of the traitor Sinon—who had been expressly left behind by the Greeks 
to give them false information—were induced to drag the fatal fabric 
into their city; and, as the gate was not broad enough to admit it, 
they even made a breach in their own wall. Thus the horse was 
introduced into the Acropolis, and placed in the Agora before Priam’s 
palace. But even now opinions were divided; many demanding that 
the horse Should be cut in pieces, others advising that it should be 
dragged to the highest point of the Acropolis, and thrown thence 
on the rocks below. The strongest party, however, insisted on its being 
dedicated to the gods, as a token of gratitude for their deliverance.’ 

After sunset the Greek fleet returned to the shore of the Plain of 
Troy, and awaited the preconcerted signal. Whilst the Trojans indulged 
in riotous festivities, Sinon kindled the fire-signal and assisted the con- 
cealed heroes to open the secret door in the horse’s belly, out. of which 
they descended. The city was now assailed from within and without, and 
was completely sacked and destroyed, nearly the whole population being 
slain. Priam, who had vainly sought refuge at the altar of Zeus Herkeios, 
was killed by Neoptolemus. His son Deiphobus, who, after the death of 
his brother Paris, had become the husband of Helen, was attacked by 
Ulysses and Menelaus: he defended his house desperately, but was finally 


overcome and slain. 


Thus Menelaus at length won back his wife.‘ 





3 Odys. viii. 492, xi. 523; the Argument of 
the Ἰλίου Πέρσις of Arctinus, p. 21; Bacchylides 
and Euphorion, ap. Servium, ad Aen. ii. 201. 

Grote, JZistory of Greece, i. 280, says: “ Both 
Sinon and Laocoén originally came from the oid 
epic poem of Arctinus, though Virgil may per- 
haps have immediately borrowed both them, and 
other matters in his second book, from a poem 
passing under the name of Pisander. (Macrob. 
Saturn: v. 2; Heyne, Hxcurs. 1 ad Aen. ii.; 
Welcker, Der epische Cyclus, p. 97.) In Quintus 
Smyrnaeus (xii. 366), the Trojans torture and 
mutilate Sinon to extort from him the truth; his 
endurance, sustained by the inspiration of Heré, 
is proof against the extremity of suffering, and 
he adheres to his false tale. This is probably 
an incident of the old epic, though the delicate 
“taste of Virgil, and his sympathy with the 
Trojans, induced him to omit it. Euphorion 
ascribed the proceedings of Sinon to Ulysses ; 
he also gave a different cause for the death 
of Laocoén. (Fragm. 35, 36, p. 55, ed. Duntz, 
in the Fragments of Epic Poets after Alex- 
ander the Great.) Sinon is ἑταῖρος ᾿Οδυσσέως 
τὰ Pausanias, x. 27. 1:7 

4 Odys. viii. 492-520: 
ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε δὴ μετάβηθι, καὶ ἵππου κόσμον ἄεισον, 
δουρατέου, τὸν ᾿Επειὸς ἐποίησεν σὺν ᾿Αθήνῃ, 
ὅν ποτ᾽ ἐς ἀκρόπολιν δόλον ἤγαγε δῖος ᾿Οδυσσεύς, 
ἀνδρῶν ἐμπλήσας, ot Ἴλιον ἐξαλάπαξαν. 
αἴ κεν δή μοι ταῦτα κατὰ μοῖραν καταλέξῃ5, 


αὐτίκα καὶ πᾶσιν μυθήσομαι ἀνθρώποισιν, 
ε "᾿ τ ΄ > L 
ὡς apa τοι πρόφρων θεὸς ὥπασε θέσπιν ἀοιδήν. 
ὧς pad’, ὃ δ᾽ δρμηϑεὶς θεοῦ ἤρχετο, φαῖνε δ᾽ 
ἀοιδήν, 
ἔνθεν ἑλὼν ὡς οἱ μὲν ἐῦσσέλμων ἐπὶ νηῶν 

/ > Vf oN 5 / / 

Bavtes ἀπέπλειον, πῦρ ἐν κλισίησι βαλόντες, 
᾿Αργεῖοι, τοὶ δ᾽ ἤδη ἀγακλυτὸν ἀμφ᾽ ᾿Οδυσῆα 
clar ἐνὶ Τρώων ἀγορῇ κεκαλυμμένοι ἵππῳ" 
αὐτοὶ γάρ μιν Τρῶες ἐς ἀκρόπολιν ἐρύσαντο. 
“: « \ ς » \ > 7 / 3, 9 / 
ὡς ὅ μὲν ἑστήκει, TOL δ᾽ ἄκριτα πόλλ᾽ ἀγόρευον, 
ἥμενοι ἀμφ᾽ αὐτόν" τρίχα δέ σφισιν ἥνδανε βουλή, 
ἠὲ διαπλῆξαι κοῖλον δόρυ νηλέϊ χαλκῶ, 
ἢ κατὰ πετράων βαλέειν ἐρύσαντας ἐπ᾽ ἄκρης, 
SN Dist ab “ / 3, 
Ne ἐὰν μέγ᾽ ἄγαλμα θεῶν θελκτήριον εἶναι, 
τῇ περ δὴ καὶ ἔπειτα τελευτήσεσθαι ἔμελλεν" 
αἶσα γὰρ ἦν ἀπολέσθαι, ἐπὴν πόλις ἀμφικαλύψῃ 
δουράτεον μέγαν ἵππον, ὅθ᾽ εἵατο πάντες ἄριστοι 
᾿Αργείων Τρώεσσι φόνον καὶ κῆρα φέροντεΞ5. 
, x ¢ “ἢ 7, - 2 “- 
ἤειδεν δ᾽ ὡς ἄστυ διέπραθον vies ᾿Αχαιῶν 
ἱππόθεν ἐκχήμενοι, κοῖλον λόχον EKTPOALTLVTES. 
ἄλλον δ᾽ ἄλλῃ ἄειδε πόλιν κεραϊζέμεν αἰπήῆν, 
αὐτὰρ ᾿Οδυσσῆα προτὶ δώματα Δηϊφόβοιο 

, / 
βήμεναι, jit” Apna, σὺν ἀντιθέῳ Μενελάῳ. 

΄σ Li 
κεῖθι δὴ αἰνότατον πόλεμον φάτο τολμήσαντα 

a / 
νικῆσαι καὶ ἔπειτα διὰ μεγάθυμον ᾿Αθήνην. 

But the story of Helen and of the Trojan 
war was differently told by the priests of Mem- 
phis to Herodotus, who gives us the following 
account of it (Herodotus, translated by Rawlin- 
son, ii. 113-121) = “* The priests, in answer to my 
enquiries on the subject of Helen, informed me 


M 


162 


THE HISTORY OF TROY. 


[Cuap. III. 


Thus Troy was destroyed, as Aeschylus says: the altars, the temples, 


of the following particulars.” [Here Rawlinson 
(p. 184) justly observes that the fact of Homer 
having believed that Helen went to Egypt only 
proves that the story was not invented in the 
time of Herodotus, but was current long before. | 
“When Alexander had carried off Helen from 
Sparta, he took ship and sailed homewards. .On 
his way across the Aegean, a gale arose, which 
drove him from his course and took him down 
to the sea of Egypt. Hence, as the wind did 
not abate, he was carried on to the coast, when 
he went ashore, landing at the Salt-pans, in that 
mouth of the Nile which is now called the 
Canobic. At this place there stood upon the 
shore a temple, which still exists, dedicated to 
Hercules. If a slave runs away from _his 
master, and taking sanctuary at this shrine 
gives himself up to the god, and receives cer- 
tain sacred marks upon his person, whosoever 
his master may ke, he cannot lay hand on him. 
This law still remained unchanged to my time. 
Hearing, therefore, of the custom of the place, 
the attendants of Alexander deserted him and 
fled to the temple, where they sat as suppliants. 
While there, wishing to damage their master, 
they accused him to the Egyptians, narrating all 
the circumstances of the rape of Helen and the 
wrong done to Menelaus. These charges they 
brought, not only before the priests, but also 
before the warden of that mouth of the river, 
whose name was Thonis. As soon as he re- 
ceived the intelligence, Thonis sent a message to 
Proteus, who was at Memphis, to this effect: 
ἼΦΑ stranger is arrived from Greece; he is by 
race a Teucrian, and has done a wicked deed in 
the country from which he is come. Having 
beguiled the wife of the man whose guest he 
was, he carried her away with him, and much 
treasure also. Compelled by stress of weather, 
he has now put in here. Are we to let him 
depart as he came, or shall we seize what he 
has brought?’ Proteus replied, ‘Seize the man, 
be he who he may, that has dealt thus wickedly 
with his friend, and bring him before me, that I 
may hear what he will say for himself.’ Thonis, 
on receiving these orders, arrested Alexander, 
and stopped the departure of his ships; then, 
taking with him Alexander, Helen, the treasures, 
and also the fugitive slaves, he went up to Mem- 
phis. When all were arrived, Proteus asked 
Alexander, ‘who he was, and whence he had 
come.’ Alexander replied by giving his de- 
scent, the name of his country, and a true 
account of his late voyage. Then Proteus ques- 
tioned him as to how he got possession of Helen. 
In his reply Alexander became confused, and 
diverged from the truth, whereon the slaves 
interposed, confuted his statements, and told 
the whole history of the crime. Finally, 
Proteus delivered judgment as follows: ‘Did I 
not regard it as a matter of the utmost con- 
sequence, that no stranger driven to my country 


by adverse winds should ever be put to death, 
1 would certainly have avenged the Greek by 
slaying thee. Thou basest of men,—after accept- 
ing hospitality, to do so wicked a deed! First, 
thou didst seduce the wife of thy own host; 
then, not content therewith, thou must violently 
excite her mind and steal her away from her 
husband. Nay, even then thou wert not satis- 
fied, but, on leaving, thou must plunder the 
house in which thou hadst been a guest. Now 
then, as I think it of the greatest importance to 
put no stranger to death, I suffer thee to depart ; 
but the woman and the treasures I shall not 
permit to be carried away. Here they must 
stay till the Greek stranger comes in person and 
takes them back with him. For thyself and 
thy companions, | command thee to be gone 
from my land within the space of three days: 
and I warn you that, otherwise, at the end of 
that time you will be treated as enemies.’ Such 
was the tale told me by the priests concerning 
the arrival of Helen at the court of Proteus. It 
seems to me that Homer was acquainted with 
this story ; and, while discarding it, because he 
thought it less adapted for epic poetry than the 
version which he followed, showed that it was 
not unknown to him. This is evident from the 
travels which he assigns to Alexander in the 
Ttiad—and let it be borne in mind that he has 
nowhere else contradicted himself—making him 
to be carried out of his course on his return with 
Helen, and after diverse wanderings come at last 
to Sidon in Phoenicia. The passage is in the 
Bravery of Diomed (Jliad, vi. 289-292), and the 
words are as follows :— 





‘There were the robes, many coloured, the work 
of Sidonian women: 

They from Sidon had come, what time god- 
shaped Alexander 

Over the broad sea brought, that way, the high- 
born Helen.’ 


ἔνθ᾽ ἔσαν of πέπλοι παμποίκιλοι, ἔργα γυναικῶν 
Σιδονίων, τὰς αὐτὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρος θεοειδής 
ἤγαγε Σιδονίηθεν, ἐπιπλὼς εὑρέα πόντον, 

\ c J ¢ / > ip > / 
τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν Ἑλένην περ ἀνήγαγεν εὐπατέρειαν. 


“In the Odyssey also the same fact is alluded 
to, in these words (Odyss. iv. 227-230) :— 
‘Such, so wisely prepared, were the drugs that 
her stores afforded, 

Excellent gift which once Polydamna, partner of 
Thonis, 

Gave her in Egypt, where many the simples that 
grow in the meadows, 

Potent to cure in part, in part as potent to in- 
jure.’ 

τοῖα Διὸς θυγάτηρ ἔχε φάρμακα μητιόεντα 

ἐσθλά, τά of ππολύδαμνα᾽ πόρεν, Θῶνος παράκοιτις, 

Αἰγυπτίη, τῇ πλεῖστα φέρει ζείδωρος ἄρουρα 

φάρμακα, πολλὰ μὲν ἐσθλὰ μεμιγμένα πολλὰ δὲ 
λυγρά. 


CHap re). 


and the population perished.? 


THE EGYPTIAN ACCOUNT. 


163 


Antenor—havying rejected with indigna- 





Menelans, too, in the same poem, thus addresses 

Telemachus (Odyss. iv. 351, 352) :— 

‘Much did I long to return, but the gods still 
kept me in Egypt-— 

Angry because I had failed to pay them their 
hecatombs duly.’ 


Αἰγύπτῳ μ᾽ ἔτι δεῦρο θεοὶ μεμαῶτα νέεσθαι 
ἔσχον, ἐπεὶ οὔ σφιν ἔρεξα τεληέσσας ἑκατόμβας. 


“In these places Homer shows himself ac- 
quainted with the voyage of Alexander to Egypt, 
for Syria borders on Egypt, and the Phoenicians, to 
whom Sidon belongs, dwell inSyria. From these 
various passages, and from that about Sidon 
especially, it is clear that Homer did not write 
the Cypria: for there it is said that Alexander 
arrived at Ilium with Helen on the third day 
after he left Sparta, the wind having been 
favourable, and the sea smooth; whereas in the 
Iliad, the poet makes him wander before he 
brings her home. Enough, however, for the 
present of Homer and the Cypria. I made 
enquiry of the priests, whether the story 
which the Greeks tell about Ilium is a fable, 
orno. In reply they related the following par- 
ticulars, of which they declared that Menelaus 
had himself informed them. After the rape of 
Helen, a vast army of Greeks, wishing to render 
help to Menelaus, set sail for the Teucrian ter- 
ritory ; on their arrival they disembarked, and 
formed their camp, after which thev sent am- 
bassadors to lium, of whom Menelaus was one. 
The embassy was received within the walls, and 
demanded the restoration of Helen, with the 
treasures which Alexander had carried off, and 
likewise required satisfaction for the wrong 
done. The Teucrians gave at once the answer, 
in which they persisted ever afterwards, backing 
their assertions sometimes even with oaths, to 
wit, that neither Helen nor the treasures claimed 
were in their possession; both the one and the 
other had remained, they said, in Egypt ; and it 
was not just to come upon them for what 
Proteus, king of Egypt, was detaining. The 
Greeks, imagining that the Teucrians were 
merely laughing at them, laid siege to the 
town, and never rested until they finally took 
it. As, however, no Helen was found, and they 
were still told the same story, they at length 
believed in its truth, and despatched Menelaus 
to the court of Proteus. So Menelaus travelled 
to Egypt, and on his arrival sailed up the river 
as far as Memphis, and related all that had 
happened. He met with the utmost hospitality, 
received Helen back unharmed, and recovered 
all his treasures. After this friendly treatment, 
Menelaus, they said, behaved most unjustly 
towards the Egyptians; for as it happened that 
at the time when he wanted to take his depar- 
ture he was detained by the wind being contrary, 
and as he found this obstruction continue, he had 
recourse to a most wicked expedient. He seized, 


they said, two children of the people of the 
country, and offered them up in sacrifice. When 
this became known, the indignation of the people 
was stirred, and they went in pursuit of Mene- 
laus, who, however, escaped with his ships to 
Libya, after which the Egyptians could not say 
whither he went. The rest they knew full well, 
partly by the enquiries which they had made, 
and partly from the circumstances having taken 
place in their own land, and therefore not ad- 
initting of doubt. Such is the account given by 
the Egyptian priests, and I am myself inclined 
to regard as true all they say of Helen from the 
following considerations :—If Helen had been at 
Troy, the inhabitants would, 1 think, have given 
her up to the Greeks, whether Alexander con- 
sented to it or no. For surely neither Priam 
nor his family could have been so infatuated as 
to endanger their own persons, their children, 
and their city, merely that Alexander might 
possess Helen. At any rate, if they determined 
to refuse at first, yet afterwards, when so many 
of the Trojans fell in every encounter with the 
Greeks, and Priam, too, in each battle lost a son, 
or sometimes two or three, or even more, if we 
may credit the epic poets, I do not believe that 
even if Priam himself had been married to her 
he would have declined to deliver her up, with 
the view of bringing the series of calamities to 
a close. Nor was it as if Alexander had been 
heir to the crown, jn which case he might have 
had the chief management of aflairs, since Priam 
was already old. Hector, who was his elder 
brother, and a far braver man, stood before him, 
and was the heir to the kingdom on the death of 
their father Priam. And it could not be Hector’s 
interest to uphold his brother in his wrong, when 
it brought such dire calamities upon himself and 
the other Trojans. But the fact was that they 
had no Helen to deliver, and so they told the 
Greeks, but the Greeks would not believe what 
they said ; Divine Providence, as I think, so will- 
ing, that, by their utter destruction, it might be 
made evident to all men that when great wrongs 
are done the gods will surely visit them with 
great punishments. Such, at least, is my view 
of the matter. When Proteus died, Rhamp- 
sinitus, the priests informed me, succeeded to 
the throne.” Rawlinson (p. 190) thinks this 
is evidently the name of a king Ramses of 
the 19th dynasty, and probably of Ramses III. 
This supposition is confirmed by Brugsch (/Zist. 
of Egypt), who shows that Ramses IL. was 
called Ramessu pa Nuter, i.e. “ Ramses the god” 
—a name at once convertible into Rhamp- 
sinitus, and also that the robbing of the trea- 
sury is quite consistent with events in this. 
king’s reign related in an Egyptian papyrus. 
5 Aeschyl. Agamemnon, 527, 528: 
Βωμοὶ δ᾽ ἄϊστοι καὶ θεῶν ἱδρύματα, 
καὶ σπέρμα πάσης ἐξαπόλλυται χθονός. 


164 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Cuap. III. 


tion the suggestion of some Trojans to slay Ulysses and Menelaus, when, 
previous to the war, they had come as ambassadors to Troy and were 
his guests, and having moreover publicly defended them—was always 
regarded favourably by the Greeks; and he as well as Aeneas were 
allowed to escape with their families. But there is a version, according 
to which they had betrayed the city to the Greeks, and a panther’s skin 
hung out of Antenor’s door was the signal to the besiegers to spare 
the house.® Hector’s son, Astyanax, was cast from the top of the wall 
and killed. Priam’s daughter, Polyxena, was immolated by Neoptolemus 
on the tomb of Achilles. According to the tradition, Achilles had fallen 
in love with her; the Trojans had promised to give her to him on the 
condition that he should make peace, but, when he came to negociate 
it, he was treacherously wounded by Paris. When dying, therefore, he 
had demanded that, after the capture of Troy, Polyxena should be 
sacrificed on his sepulchre, which was done by his son.’ According to 
another version, Polyxena had fled to the Greek camp after the death 
of Achilles, and had immolated herself with a sword on the tomb of her 
lover.’ Her sister, Cassandra, had sought refuge in the temple and at 
the altar of the Ilian Athené, whose statue she embraced. Here Ajax, 
son of Oileus, made an attempt to violate her, and he seized her go that 
the idol fell. This sacrilegious deed caused universal indignation among 
the Greeks, who could hardly be restrained from stoning Ajax to death ; 
he only saved himself by escaping to the altar of the goddess. But 
he had drawn both on himself and his country the grievous wrath of 
Athené. Whilst he himself miserably perished on his homeward voyage, 
a terrible pestilence broke out in Locris. The oracle of Apollo having been 
consulted, the god said that the wrath of Athené could only be appeased 
if the Locrians sent annually two noble virgins to Ilium, to do menial 
service in the temple of the goddess. This the Locrians scrupulously 
performed until shortly before the time of Plutarch.” 

Neoptolemus received as his prize both Andromache and Helenus. 
After his death, Helenus became king of Chaonia, and married Andromache, 
whom the Molossian kings considered as their heroic mother.1. Antenor 
went by sea with a body of Eneti or Veneti from Paphlagonia, who 
were allies of Troy, mto the inner part of the Adriatic Gulf, where he 
vanquished the neighbouring barbarians, and founded Patavium, the 
present Padua. The Veneti (founders of Venice) were said to owe 
their origin to this immigration.’ 


As to the fate of Aeneas, the traditions were manifold. We hear of 





6 Grote (History of Greece, i. p. 281) remarks 
that this symbol of treachery also figured in the 
picture of Polygnotus, but that a different story 
appears in Schol. ad Lliad. iii. 206. 

7 Serv. ad Virg. Aen. iii. 322. 

8 Philostr. Her. xix. 11: see also Vit. Apollon. 
iv. 16; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 323. 

9. Arctinus, Ἰλίου Tlépois in the Excerpta of 
Proclos; see Welcker, Ep. Cycl. ii. pp. 185 and 
See also the representation on the chest 
of Cypselus, in Pausanias, y. 19. 1; Euripides, 


922. 


Troad. 69. 

'0 Timaeus Siculus, ap. Tzetz. Lycoplr. 1145 ; 
Callimachus, ap. Schol. ad J/. xiii. 66 ; Welcker, 
Griech. Frag. i. p. 1643 Plutarch, Ser. Numin. 
Vindict. p. 557, with the citation from Euphorion 
or Callimachus; Diintzer, Lpicc. Vett. Ὁ. 118. 

1 Virg. Aen. iii. 294-490; Pausanias, i. 11. 
1, ii. 23.63 Lesches, Fragm. 7 (ed. Diintzer), ap 
Schol. Lycophr. 1263; see also Schol. ad 1232. 

2 Strabo, v. 212; Ovid, Fasti, iv.75; Liv. i. 1, 
Xxxix. 22; Servius, ad Aeneid. i, 242. 


Cuap. III.] DYNASTY OF AENEAS. 165 


him, as Grote* observes, “at Aenus in Thrace, in Pallene, at Aeneia in 
the Thermaic Gulf, in Delos, at Orchomenus and Mantineia in Arcadia ; 
in the islands of Cythera and Zacynthus; in Leucas and Ambracia, at 
Buthrotum in Epirus, on the Svlentine peninsula and various other 
places in the southern region of Italy; at Drepana and Segesta in Sicily, 
at Carthage, at Cape Palinurus, Cumae, Misenum, Caieta, and finally 
in Latium, where he lays the first humble foundation of the mighty 
Rome and her empire.t’ But Aeneas was, like Hector, worshipped as a 
god® in Novum Ilium; and we have the remarkable statement of the 
Lesbian Menecrates, that Aeneas, ‘having been wronged by Paris, and 
stripped of the sacred privileges which belonged to him, avenged himself 
by betraying the city, and then became one of the Greeks.’® One 
tale among many respecting Aeneas, and that too the most ancient of all, 
thus preserved among the natives of the Troad, who worshipped Aeneas 
as their heroic ancestor, was that, after the capture of Troy, he continued 
in the country as king of the remaining Trojans, on friendly terms with 
the Greeks.” 

This tale appears to be fully confirmed by Homer, who informs us, in 
the first place, that Aeneas always bore a grudge against Priam, because 
he did not appreciate him, though he was one of the most valiant of his 
men ;’ in the second place, that Aeneas and his descendants should reign 
over the Trojans. He gives us this latter information in the prophetic 
words which he puts into the mouth of Poseidon, a god who is always 
favourable to the Greeks, and even fights for them, but who here saves 
the Trojan or rather Dardanian Aeneas from certain death ; nay, even the 
implacable Trojan-hating goddess Heré assents to the proceeding: “ Well, 
let us snatch him (Aeneas) from death, lest Jove be wroth if Achilles 
slays him. It is destined to him to escape, that the race of Dardanus 
should not perish without descendants and be forgotten,—of Dardanus 
whom the son of Kronos loved most of all the children whom he begat by 
mortal women. For the race of Priam has now become odious to the 
son of Kronos; now, therefore, shall the power of Aeneas rule over the 
Trojans, and his sons’ sons, who shall hereafter be born.” * 





3 History of Greece, i. p. 292. 
* Dionys. Halic. Ant. Rom. i. 48-54; Heyne, 


Lucian. Deorum Concil. c. 12, i. 111, p. 534, 
ed. Hemst. 


Excurs. 1 ad Aeneid. iii. De Aeneae Erroribus, and 


Excurs. 1 ad Aeneit. v.; Conon, Narr. 46; Livy, 


xi. 45 Steph. Byz. 5. v. Avera. The inhabitants 
of Aeneia on the Thermaic Gulf worshipped him 
with great solemnity as their heroic founder 
(Pausan. iii, 22.45 viii. 12. 4). The tomb of 
Anchises was shown on the confines of the Arca- 
dian Orchomenus and Mantineia (compare Steph. 
Byz. s. v. Κάφυαι), under the mountain called 
Anchisia, near the temple of Aphrodité. On the 
discrepancies respecting the death of Anchises, 
see Heyne, Excurs. 17 ad Aen, iii. Segesta in 
Sicily claimed to be founded by Aeneas (Cicero 
Perr iva 30). . 
° Lycophron, 1208, and Schol.; Athenagoras, 
Legat. 1; Inscription in Clarke’s Travels, vol. ii. 
p- 86: Οἱ Ἰλιεῖς τὸν πάτριον θεὸν Αἰψείαν. 


6 Menecrat. ap. Dionys. Hal. i. 48: ᾿Αχαιοὺς 
δ᾽ ἀνίη εἶχε (after the burial of Paris) καὶ 
ἐδόκεον τῆς στρατιῆς τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπηράχθαι. 
“Ouws δὲ τάφον αὐτῷ δαίσαντες, ἐπολέμεον γῇ 
πάσῃ ἄχρις Ἴλιος ἑάλω, Αἰνείεω ἐνδόντος. Al- 
νείης γὰρ ἄτιτος ἐὼν ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καὶ ἀπὸ 
γερέων ἱερῶν ἐξειργόμενος, ἀνέτρεψε Πρίαμον, 
ἐργασάμενος δὲ ταῦτα, εἷς ᾿Αχαιῶν ἐγεγόνει. 

7 Tl, xiii. 460, 461: 

[Aivelas] αἰεὶ yap Πριάμῳ ἐπεμήνιε δίῳ 
Οὕνεκ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐσθλὸν ἐόντα μετ᾽ ἀνδράσιν οὔ τι τί- 
εσκεν. 

8 J]. xx. 300-308 : 
ἀλλ᾽ ἄγεθ᾽, ἡμεῖς πέρ μιν ὑπὲκ θανάτου ἀγάγωμεν, 
μή πως καὶ Κρονίδης κεχολώσεται, εἴ κεν ᾿Αχιλ- 

λεύς 
τόν δε κατακτείνῃ " μόριμον δέ οἵ ἐστ᾽ ἀλέασθαι. 


[ὑ0φρα 


166 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Cuap. III. 


Again, Poseidon tells Aeneas that he has nothing to dread from any 
other Greek than Achilles.’ I here call particular attention to another 
passage in the Ita,’ in which Achilles taunts Aeneas with being a 
candidate for the throne of Troy after the death of Priam. 

Strabo, who rejects all other traditions regarding Aeneas, infers from 
this clear Homeric statement that Aeneas remained at Troy, that he 
reigned there after the extinction of Priam’s dynasty, and that his sons 
and their descendants reigned after him.’ If, therefore, we accept it as 
an historical truth, that Troy was rebuilt after its destruction, and that 
Aeneas and his descendants reigned over it, we find nothing extraordinary 
in the fact that the Locrian maidens were periodically sent to Ilum, and 
that this custom should have been continued for such a long number of 
centuries. Mr. Gladstone? holds that “ Poseidon’s prophecy has every 
sign of being founded on what actually occurred immediately after the 
Lroica; and for this reason, that it was a tradition most unlikely to be 
invented. The part taken by Aeneas in the war was not one of high 
distinction; and his character, cold and timid, was one very far removed 
from the sympathies of the poet and his countrymen; he appears as the 
representative of the Dardanian branch, with a sidelong jealous eye 
towards the predominating Ilian house of Priam. It is a statement by no 
means congenial to the general purpose of the poem, which next after 
Achilles glorifies the Achaians, and, after the Achaians, the house of Priam. 
But, on the other hand, nothing could be more probable or more natural 
than that, after the Greeks had withdrawn, some social or political order 
should be established in Troas, and that its establishment should be effected, 
after the ruin of the house of Priam, under the surviving representative 
of the family which probably was a senior branch, and which manifestly 
stood next in influence and power. We are nowhere told that Dardanié 
was, like so many other cities, destroyed in the war. The friendship of 
Poseidon possibly indicates its possession of some foreign alliance or 
sympathy, not enjoyed by the Trojans proper, whom Poseidon hated; and 
if it be replied that such a sovereignty was more likely to be in Dardanié 
than in a rebuilt Ilion, I answer that this is just what the text seems to 
contemplate, for it says that the might of Aeneas shall reign, not in 
Troy, but over the Trojans (Troessin anaxet), and the Troés are the 
people of the Troad (see eg. Ll. 1. 824-826).” 

Grote * says that these “ passages regarding Aeneas have been con- 
strued by various able critics to refer to a family of philo-Hellenic 





ὄφρα μὴ ἄσπερμος γενεὴ καὶ ἄφαντος ὕληται ἐλπόμενον Τρώεσσιν ἀνάξειν ἱπποδάμοισιν 
Δαρδάνου, ὃν Κρονίδης περὶ πάντων φίλατο παί- τιμῆς τῆς Πριάμου; 
δων, ' Strabo, xiii. p. 608: “Ὅμηρος μέντοι συνη- 

οἱ ἕθεν ἐξεγένοντο γυναικῶν τε θνητάων. γορεῖν οὐδετέροις ἔοικεν, οὐδὲ τοῖς περὶ τῶν 
ἤδη γὰρ Πριάμου γενεὴν ἤχθηρε Κρονίων " ἀρχηγετῶν τῆς Σκήψεως λεχθεῖσιν - ἐμφαίνει 
νῦν δὲ δὴ Αἰνείαο βίη Τρώεσσιν ἀνάξει γὰρ μεμενηκότα τὸν Αἰνείαν ἐν τῇ Τροίᾳ καὶ 
καὶ παίδων παῖδες, τοί κεν μετόπισθε γένωνται. διαδεδεγμένον τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ παραδεδωκότα παισὶ 

9.7]. xx. 339: παίδων τὴν διαδοχὴν αὐτῆς, ἠφανισμένου τοῦ 
οὐ μὴν γάρ τίς ο᾽ ἄλλος ᾿Αχαιῶν ἐξεναρίξει. τῶν Πριαμιδῶν γένους. 

10.7]. χχ,. 178-181: 2 Homeric Synchronism, p. 34. 
Αἰνεία, τί σὺ τόσσον ὁμίλου πολλὸν ἐπελθών 3 History of Greece, i. p. 291. 


earns; ἢ oe ye θυμὺς ἐμοὶ μαχέσασθαι aveyer 


Cuap. II.] ILIUM REBUILT. 167 


or semi-Hellenic Aeneadae, known even in the time of the carly singers 
of the Iliad as masters of some territory in or near the Troad, and 
professing to be descended from, as well as worshipping, Aeneas.” The 
Scepsian critic Demetrius, a contemporary of Crates and Aristarchus 
(about 180 B.c.),* who wrote a Commentary in thirty books on the Homeric 
catalogue of the Trojans,° and whose arguments are in nearly every point 
adopted by Strabo, who did not visit the Troad himself—this Demetrius 
informs us that Scamandrius, the son of Hector, and Ascanius, the son 
of Aeneas, were founders of his native town, which had been originally 
situated above the city of Cebren, on one of the highest ranges of Ida, 
near Polichne, and was subsequently transferred by them 60 stadia lower 
down, to the site where it stood in his time: these two familes are said 
by Demetrius to have reigned there for a long time. Demetrius believed 
that the ancient town (Palaescepsis) had been the royal residence of 
Aeneas, as it was situated midway between his dominion and Lyrnessus, 
whither he had fled when pursued by Achilles. But, as has been said 
before, this conjecture of Demetrius is not admitted by Strabo, who 
believed that Aeneas and his descendants reigned in Troy. According to 
one passage in Strabo,’ Novum Ilium and the Temple of Athené were 
built during the dominion of the Lydian kings, and therefore at some 
period later than 720 B.c.; but, according to another passage in the same 
author,* it was only built under Croesus (560-546 B.c.). But we shall 
be able to show in the subsequent pages that this chronology is 
altogether erroneous, because the pottery found in my trenches at 
HMissarik proves that the site has continued to be inhabited. 

Novum [lium was situated on a low height in the plain; that is to 
say, nearly in its centre, because the ridge whose western spur it occupies 
extends almost to the middle of the plain. This western spur is sur- 
rounded on three sides by the plain, into which it slopes gradually on 
the west and south sides, whereas to the north and north-east it falls 
off at an angle of 45°; 1t is, according to M. Burnouf’s measurement, 
49°43 metres = 162 ft. above the level of the sea. 

The distance from Novum Ihum in a straight line to the Hellespont 
is, according to Scylax,® 25 stadia, but in reality it is rather more 
than 3 miles, and to Cape Sigeum 4 miles. 

It was inhabited by Aeolic Greeks, and remained a town of incon- 
siderable power, until after the time of Alexander the Great, and even 
until the period of the Roman dominion, as we see from the fact that 
Rhoeteum, Sigeum, and Achilleum, though situated at distances of 
between 3 and 4 miles from it, were all independent of Ilium.’ But, 
nevertheless, it was raised into importance by the legendary reverence 





* Strabo, xiii. p. 609. 

° Strabo, xiii. p. 603. 

5 Strabo, xiii. p. 607; Homer, Z/iad. xx. 188- 
191; Nicolaus ap. Steph. Byz. 5. v. ᾿Ασκανία. 

Sexi: p. 001. 

ὃ xiii. p. 593; according to the reading of 
κατὰ Κροῖσον, restored by Kramer (from two 
MSS.) for the κατὰ χρησμόν of the MSS. 


9§ 95: ᾿Εντεῦθεν δὲ Τρωὰς ἄρχεται, καὶ πόλεις 
Ἑλληνίδες εἰσὶν ἐν αὐτῇ αἵδε: Δάρδανος, Ῥοί- 
τειον, Ἴλιον (ἀπέχει δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης στάδια. 
Ke) καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ ποταμὸς Σκάμανδρος. 

10 Herodotus, v. 94,95. See his account of the 
war between the Athenians and Mitylenaeans 
about Sigeum and Achilleum. 


168 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Cuap, III, 


attached to it, as being the only place which ever bore the sacred name 
immortalized by Homer. Athené had her temple in the Pergamus of 
Novum Ilium, and was worshipped as the tutelary deity of the city, just 
as she had been worshipped in the Pergamus of the Homeric Ilium. 
The Ilians maintained that at its capture by the Achaean troops their 
city had not been entirely destroyed, but that it had always remained 
inhabited, and had never ceased to exist.!_ The proofs produced by the 
Ilians for the identity of their city with the ancient one, were, as Grote 2 
remarks, testimonies which few persons in those ages were inclined to 
question, when combined with the identity of name and general locality, 
nor does it seem that any one did question them, except Demetrius of 
Scepsis and Hestiaea of Alexandria-Troas, who from mere jealousy and 
envy contested the universally acknowledged identity, and of whom I 
shall presently have occasion to speak. 

Polemon was a native of Novum Ilium, and wrote a description 
(περιήγησις) of the city. He flourished at the end of the third and 
beginning of the second centuries Β.0., and was therefore earlier than 
Demetrius of Scepsis. He noticed in Novum Ilium the identical altar 
of Zeus Herkeios on which Priam had been slain, as well as the 
identical stone upon which Palamedes had taught the Greeks to play 
at dice. Hellanicus, who was born on the day of the naval battle 
of Salamis (480 B.c.), and was therefore a contemporary of Herodotus, 
wrote a special work on Troy (called Towixa), in which he testified to 
the identity of Novum Ilium with the Homeric Ilium, for which asser- 
tion Strabo (or rather Demetrius followed by Strabo) gratuitously attri- 
butes to him an undue partiality for the Ilians.* ! 

Herodotus says that Xerxes, in his expedition to Greece, ascended 
into the ‘Pergamon of Priam, because he had a longing to behold 
the place. Having seen everything and enquired into all particulars 
of the Homeric siege, he sacrificed to Athené, the tutelary goddess of 
Thum, (his magnificent offering of) a thousand oxen (ten hecatombs), 
while the Magians poured libations to the heroes slain at Troy. The 
night after, a panic fell upon the camp: but in the morning they 
started at daylight, and skirting on the left hand the towns of Rhoe- 
teum, Ophrynium, and Dardanus (which borders on Abydos), and on the 
right the Teucrians of Gergis, they reached Abydos.”° It has been 





5 ae ΡΞ A ' 
1 Strabo, xiii. p. 600: λέγουσι δ᾽ οἱ viv Ἰλιεῖς φόβος ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐνέπεσε. ἅμα ἡμέρῃ 
A 53 a aS 
καὶ τοῦτο, ὧς οὐδὲ τελέως ἠφανίσθαι συνέβαινεν δὲ ἐπορεύετο ἐνθεῦτεν, ἐν ἀριστερῇ μὲν ἀπέργων 


τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν, ἉῬυίτειον πόλιν καὶ ᾿Οφρύνειον καὶ Δάρδανον, 
οὐδ᾽ ἐξελείφθη οὐδέποτε. ' ἥπερ δὴ ᾿Αβύδῳ ὅμουρός ἐστι, ἐν δεξιῇ δὲ 
2 History of Greece, i. p. 298. Γέργιθας Tevxpovs. 
3 Polemon, Fragmenta, 32, ed. Didot. It is out of place to speak here of the topo- 
4 Strabo, xiii. p. 602: Ἑλλάνικος δὲ χαριζό- graphy; but in making this quotation from 
μενος τοῖς ᾿Ιλιεῦσιν, οἷος ἐκείνου θυμός, συνηγορεῖ Herodotus, I cannot forego the opportunity of ex- 
τὸ τὴν αὐτὴν εἶναι πόλιν τὴν νῦν TH τότε. plaining the foregoing chapter (42), which is diffi- 
5 Herodotus, vii. 43: ἐπὶ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ToTa- cult to understand: ᾿Ἑποιέετο δὲ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐκ τῆς 


/ / " > 
μὸν ὡς ἀπίκετο Ἐέρξης, és Td Πριάμου Πέργαμον Avdins 6 orpards ἐπί τε ποταμὸν Κάϊκον καὶ γῆν 
ie Ψ y ͵ Uj δὲ λ , > ὺ δὲ oh ς , Κά 
ἀνέβη, ἵμερον ἔχων θεήσασθαι. θεησάμενος δὲ τὴν Μυσίην, ἀπὸ δὲ Καΐκου ὁρμεώμενος, Κάνης 

© a _ » “ “A / 
καὶ πυθόμενος κείνων ἕκαστα TH ᾿Αθηναίῃ TH ὄρος ἔχων ἐν ἀριστερῇ, διὰ τοῦ ᾿Αταρνέος ἐς 
A »" / \ / / 
Ἰλιάδι ἔθυσε βοῦς χιλίας, χοὰς δὲ of μάγοι τοῖσι Καρίνην πόλιν" ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης διὰ Θήβης πεδίου 


A > 7 
ἥρωσι ἐχέαντο. ταῦτα δὲ ποιησαμένοισι VUKTOS ἐπορεύετο, ᾿Ατραμύττειόν TE πόλιν καὶ "Αντανδρον 


B.C. 480.] XERXES AT ILIUM. 169 


generally maintained in modern times, by those who dispute the identity 
of Novum Ilium with the Homeric Troy, that the place called by 
Herodotus the Pergamon of Priam must be different from Novum [lium ; 
but, as Grote® rightly observes, the mention of the Ilan Athené iden- 
tifies them as the same. 

Eckenbrecher* ingeniously observes that ‘ Herodotus cannot but 
have identified the Aeolic Ilium with the Homeric city, because in 
Book 1. ὁ. 5, he calls the latter merely ‘Ilion,’ without an epithet, just 
as we should designate the present Rome and the Rome of the ancient 
Romans by the same name. This,” he argues, “appears evident when 
we compare this passage, where the historian says that the Persians 
traced their enmity against Greece from the conquest of lium, with 


the passage in Book 11. ὁ. 10. 


We see also,” he continues, “ that Xerxes 





τὴν Πελασγίδα παραμειβόμενος" τὴν Ἴδην δὲ 
λαβὼν ἐς ἀριστερὴν χέρα ἤϊε ἐς τὴν Ἰλιάδα γὴν " 
καὶ πρῶτα μέν οἱ ὑπὸ τῇ Ἴδῃ νύκτα ἀναμείναντι 
βρονταί τε καὶ πρηστῆρες ἐπεισπίπτουσι, καί τινα 
αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ συχνὸν ὅμιλον διέφθειραν. “The 
march of the army, after leaving Lydia, was 
directed upon the river Caicus and the land of 
Mysia. Beyond the Caicus the road, leaving 
Mount Cana upon the left, passed through the 
Atarnean plain, to the city of Carina.  Quit- 
ting this, the troops advanced across the plain of 
Thebé, passing by Adramyttium and Antandrus, 
the Pelasgic settlement; then, keeping Mount 
Ida upon the left hand, they entered the Trojan 
territory. As they bivouacked during the 
night at the foot of Ida, a storm of thunder and 
lightning burst upon them, and killed a great 
many of them.” 

But if the Persian army had come by the 
ordinary road, crossing the ridge which extends 
from Ida westward and terminates in Cape 
Lectum, the true Ida must have been left con- 
siderably to the right. It is therefore generally 
thought that either Herodotus has made a mis- 
take, or—as, among others, G. Rawlinson (Π δέ. 
of Herodotus, iv. p. 42, footnote) suggests—he 
has given the name of Ida to the highlands 
which close in the valley of the Scamander on 
the left, lying west and south of Bounarbashi. 
But this theory appears to us as unacceptable 
as that of P. Barker Webb (Topographie de la 
Troade, p. 134), who endeavours to make us 
believe that the Persian army, in coming by 
the ordinary way, might have had the true 
Mount Ida to its left, for he says: “To the 
south of the promontory of Lectum, the coast 
slopes rapidly to the east and north-east, and 
forms with the opposite shore the Gulf of 
Adramyttium. From this conformation of the 
gulf, which is not exactly marked on any modern 
map, it results that the Gargarus, instead of 
being situated, as is generally supposed, in the 
centre of Phrygia, approaches much more to the 
Gulf of Adramyttium, and appears almost to 
tower above it. Thus Herodotus’s account of 
Xerxes, who on his march from Sardis to the 


Hellespont left the Gargarus to his left, a state- 
ment which appears strange to many people, is 
true to the real position of Mount Ida.” . This 
statement is altogether inconsistent with the 
existing facts. 

I can accept as the only right explanation that 
of Professor Virchow, who writes to me: “ As 
Herodotus expressly states that Xerxes entered 
the territory of Ilium having Mount Ida to 
his left, I can but conclude from this that 
Xerxes went from Adramyttium northward, and 
penetrated from the east into the Plain of 
Beiramich ; that is, nearly by the road taken by 
Tchihatcheff. The only doubt which could arise 
would be the mention of Antandros, which 
appears to have been situated more to the west. 
But the expression παραμειβόμενος admits of 
the interpretation that he passed by Antandrus ; 
namely, that he passed by it to his left. Other- 
wise he must have taken his way across the high 
mountains. On the eastern road he passed round 
Ida, which remained to his left, and descended 
from the heights into the valley of the Sca- 
mander. As he must have gone from Iné 
through the defile into the Plain of Troy, he 
had Bounarbashi to his left.” Professor Virchow 
adds that for this reason the small city on the 
Bali Dagh can, in his opinion, not be Gergis, 
because Herodotus (vii. 45) distinctly states that 
on the day after his visit to lium Xerxes went 
forward, passing to his left Rhoeteum, Ophry- 
nium, and Dardanus, which borders on Abydos, 
but to his right the Teucrians of Gergis (@ua 
ἡμέρῃ δὲ ἐπορεύετο ἐνθεῦτεν, ἐν ἀριστερῇ μὲν 
ἀπέργων Ῥοίτειον πόλιν καὶ ᾿Οφρύνειον καὶ 
Δάρδανον, ἥπερ δὴ ᾿Αβύδῳ ὕμουρός ἐστι, ἐν 
δεξιῇ δὲ Γέργιθας Τευκρούς). As Xerxes passed 
at the foot of the Bali Dagh, it would appear 
strange indeed that Herodotus should have 
mentioned Gergis, not before but after Ilium, if 
the little city on that mountain were identical] 
with Gergis. 

6 History of Greece, i. p. 298. 

7 G. von Eckenbrecher, Die Lage des Homer- 
ischen Troia ; Diisseldorf, 1875, p. 34. 


170 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [πᾶν ΠῚ 


considered the Ilion of his time (that of Herodotus, Hellanicus, and 
Strabo) as the Homeric Ilion, because we are told (vii. 43) that he 
ascended to Priam’s Pergamon, which he could not possibly think to be 
situated anywhere else but in Ilion.” 

A further proof of the certainty which people felt regarding the 
identity of ancient Troy with Novum Ilium is furnished by Xenophon, 
who relates that the Lacedaemonian admiral Mindarus, while his fleet 
lay at Abydos, went up himself to Ilium to sacrifice to Athené, and 
saw from thence the naval battle between the squadron of Dorieus and 
the Athenians, near the shore cff Rhoeteum.* 

Though the dominion of Novum Ilium was still very unimportant 
during the interval between the Peloponnesian war and the Macedonian 
invasion of Persia, and did not even extend to the neighbouring Helle- 
spont, yet the city was garrisoned as a strong position. We see this from 
the account given by Plutarch:° “Thon was taken by Herakles on account 
of the horses of Laomedon ; it was also taken by Agamemnon by means 
of the wooden horse; for the third time it was taken by Charidemus, 
because, a horse having fallen in the gate, the Ihans could not promptly 
shut it.” This is confirmed by Polyaenus,’’ who says: “ When the Ihans 
sacked the city of Charidemus, he got hold of a slave, who had come to 
plunder, and by great presents he induced him to betray the city (Novum 
Ilium). But in order that he might appear faithful to the watchmen 
of the gates, he gave him many sheep and slaves to bring in, twice 
or three times. The watchmen, having distributed these, allowed kim 
often to go out in the night, and with him more men to bring in the 
booty. Charidemus seized and bound those who had come with the 
man, dressed his own armed men in their clothes, and gave them, with 
the rest of the booty, a horse, as if it had been captured. But the 
watchmen, in order to receive the horse, opened the whole gate. The 
soldiers rushed in together with the horse, killed the watchmen, and, 
having encountered the rest of the force, stormed the city. If we may 
make the jest, Ilion was taken for the second time by the stratagem 
of a horse.” 

This Charidemus can certainly be no other than the notorious merce- 
nary chief, who flourished in the time of Philip IL. (5.0. 859-836). We 
know him principally from the speech of Demosthenes against Aristo- 





8 Hellenica, i. 1,4: Μίνδαρος δὲ κατιδὼν τὴν 
μάχην ἐν Ἰλίῳ θύων τῇ ᾿Αθηνᾷ, ἐβοήθει ἐπὶ τὴν 
θάλατταν > καὶ καθελκύσας τὰς ἑαυτοῦ τριήρεις 
ἀπέπλει, ὅπως ἀναλάβοι τὰς μετὰ Δωριέως. 

9. Life of ϑογίογζιδ, i.: ἑάλω δὲ τὸ Ἴλιον ὑφ᾽ 
Ἡρακλέους διὰ τὰς Λαομέδοντος ἵππους, καὶ ὑπὸ 
᾿Αγαμέμνονος διὰ τοῦ Δουρείου προσαγορευθέντος 
ἵππου, τρίτον δ᾽ ὑπὸ Χαριδήμου, τὰς πύλας, ἵππου 
τινὸς ἐμπεσόντος, ἀποκλεῖσαι ταχὺ τῶν Ἰλιέων 
μὴ δυνηθέντων. 

10 Strategic. iii. 14: Χαρίδημος, Ἰλιέων λεη- 
λατούντων αὐτοῦ τὴν πόλιν, οἰκέτην ᾿Ιλιέα προ- 
ελθόντα ἐπὶ λείαν συλλαβών, μεγάλοις δώροις 
ἔπεισε προδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν. Ἵνα δὲ πιστὸς 
φανείη τοῖς φυλάττουσι τὰς πύλας, ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ 


πολλὰ πρόβατα καὶ ἀνδράποδα δίς που καὶ τρὶς 
ἀγαγεῖν. Οἱ δὲ φύλακες, ταῦτα νειμάμενοι, 
συνεχώρουν αὐτῷ πολλάκις ἐξιέναι νύκτωρ, καὶ 
σὺν αὐτῷ ἄνδρας πλείονας τὴν λείαν περιελαύ- 
νοντας. Χαρίδημος τοὺς μὲν σὺν αὐτῷ συλλαβὼν 
ἔδησε: τὰ δὲ τούτων ἱμάτια περιβαλὼν ἰδίοις 
ἀνδράσιν ὡπλισμένοις, ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς τά τε ἄλλα 
τῆς λείας καὶ ἵππον ὡς αἰχμάλωτον. Οἱ φύλακες, 
ἵνα δέξαιντο τὸν ἵππον, πᾶσαν τὴν πύλην ἀνέφῳξαν. 
Οἱ στρατιῶται, τῷ ἵππῳ συνεισπεσόντες, τούς τε 
φύλακας ἀπέκτειναν καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν δύναμιν 
δεξάμενοι τῆς πόλεως ἐκράτησαν, ὥστε, εἰ χρή 
τι καὶ παῖξαι, δεύτερον ἑάλω τὸ Ἴλιον πάλιν 
ἵππῳ καταστρατηγούμενον. 


ALEXANDER THE GREAT AT ILIUM. 171 


B.C. 894. 


erates, in which the capture of Ilium is confirmed, but without particulars 
as to how it happened. Dismissed by Timotheus, he took service in 
Asia Minor with Memnon and Mentor, who desired to liberate their 
brother-in-law Artabazus, who had been taken prisoner by Autophra- 
dates. The capture of Ihum by him must therefore have taken place 
about 356 B.c. From this event, therefore, it appears certain that at 
that time Novum Ilium was a fortified city. 

When Alexander the Great crossed the Hellespont, he sent his 
army from Sestos to Abydos under Parmenio; and, after having offered 
solemn, sacrifices at the tomb of Protesilaus at Elaeus in the Chersonese, 
he crossed over to the shore of the Plain of Troy. Having ascended 
to Ihum, he sacrificed to Athené, made libations to the heroes, hung up 
his armour in the temple of the goddess, and took in exchange some 
of the sacred arms which had been preserved from the Trojan war. 
Such was his veneration for these Trojan arms, that he had them carried 
before him in battle by his lfeguardsmen. He also offered at Ilium, 
in the temple of Zeus Herkeios, sacrifices to Priam, begging him to 
relax his wrath against the race of Neoptolemus, to which he, Alexander, 
belonged. 

Dicaearchus composed a separate work respecting this sacrifice of 
Alexander (περὶ τῆς ἐν ᾿Ιλίῳ θυσίας)." 

Plutarch tells us that Alexander, after having passed the Hellespont, 
ascended to Ilium, sacrificed to Athené, and made offerings to the shades 
of the heroes, and, after having anointed with oil the funeral column of 
Achilles, he ran, as was customary, stark naked round the tomb with his 
companions, put a wreath of flowers on it, and felicitated Achilles on 
having had during his life a true friend, and, after his death, a great 
herald of his glory. As he was walking through the city (Ilium) and 
examining its curiosities, some one asked him if he wished to see the 
lyre of Alexander (Paris); he answered that he cared but very little 
about that, but that he desired to see the lyre of Achilles, to which he 
had chanted the glory and the deeds of great men.° 





1 Arrian. Alexand. Anab. i. 11. 5-8: ἐλθὼν δὲ 
és ᾿Ελαιοῦντα θύει Πρωτεσιλάῳ ἐπὶ τῷ τάφῳ τοῦ 
Πρωτεσιλάου, ὅτι καὶ Πρωτεσίλαος πρῶτος ἐδόκει 
ἐκβῆναι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἅμα 
᾿Αγαμέμνονι ἐς Ἵλιον στρατευσάντων: καὶ ὃ 
νοῦς τῆς θυσίας ἦν ἐπιτυχεστέραν οἷ γενέσθαι 
ἢ Πρωτεσιλάῳ τὴν ἀπόβασιν. 

Παρμενίων μὲν δὴ τῶν πεζῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς 
καὶ τὴν ἵππον διαβιβάσαι ἐτάχθη ἐκ Σηστοῦ ἐς 
Αβυδον - καὶ διέβησαν τριήρεσι μὲν ἑκατὸν καὶ 
ἑξήκοντα, πλοίοις δὲ ἄλλοις πολλοῖς στρογγύλοις. 
᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ ἐξ ᾿Ελαιοῦντος ἐς τὸν ᾿Αχαιῶν 
λιμένα κατᾶραι ὃ πλείων λόγος κατέχει, καὶ 
αὑτόν τε κυβερνῶντα τὴν στρατηγίδα ναῦν δια- 


βάλλειν καὶ ἐπειδὴ κατὰ μέσον τὸν πόρον Tod’ 


Ἑλλησπόντου ἐγένετο, σφάξαντα ταῦρον τῷ 
Ποσειδῶνι καὶ Νηρηΐσι σπένδειν ἐκ χρυσῆς φιά- 
Ans ἐς τὸν πόντον. λέγουσι δὲ καὶ πρῶτον ἐκ 
τῆς νεὼς σὺν τοῖς ὕπλοις ἐκβῆναι αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν 


γῆν τὴν ᾿Ασίαν καὶ βωμοὺς ἱδρύσασθαι ὅθεν τε 


ἐστάλη ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης καὶ ὅπου ἐξέβη τῆς 
᾿Ασίας Διὸς ἀποβατηρίου καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾶς καὶ ‘Hpa- 
κλέους + ἀνελθόντα δὲ ἐς Ἴλιον τῇ τε ᾿Αθηνᾷ 
θῦσαι τῇ Ἰλιάδι, καὶ τὴν πανοπλίαν τὴν αὑτοῦ 
ἀναθεῖναι ἐς τὸν νεών, καὶ καθελεῖν ἀντὶ ταύτης 
τῶν ἱερῶν τινα ὅπλων ἔτι ἐκ τοῦ Τρωϊκοῦ ἔργου 
καὶ ταῦτα λέγουσιν ὅτι οἱ ὑὕπασπι- 
θῦσαι δὲ 


σωζόμενα. 
σταὶ ἔφερον πρὸ αὐτοῦ ἐς τὰς μάχας. 
αὐτὸν καὶ Πριάμῳ ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ 
Ἑρκείου λόγος κατέχει, μῆνιν Πριάμου παραιτού- 
μενον τῷ Νεοπτολέμου γένει, ὃ δὴ ἐς αὐτὸν 
καθῆκεν. 

2 Dicaearch. Fragm. p. 114, ed. Fuhr; Athe- 
naeus, xiii. p. 690. 

3 Plutarch. Alexand. xv. : ᾿Αναβὰς δ᾽ εἰς Ἴλιον, 
ἔθυσε τῇ ᾿Αθηνᾷ, καὶ τοῖς ἥρωσιν ἔσπεισε. Τὴν 
δ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλέως στήλην ἀλειψάμενος λίπα, καὶ 
μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων συναναδραμὼν γυμνός, ὥσπερ 
ἔθος ἐστίν, ἐστεφάνωσε, μακαρίσας αὐτόν, ὅτι καὶ 
ζῶν φίλου πιστοῦ, καὶ τελευτήσας μεγάλου κή- 


172 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Cuap. III. 


1 may also call attention to the valuable inscription’ which proves 
the liberality of Antiochus Soter towards the Ilian Athené in 278 8.0. 
The inscriptions Nos. 3601 and 3602 also attest that Panathenaic games 
were solemnized at Ilium in honour of the Ilian Athené by the Ilians, 
conjointly with various other cities in the neighbourhood.’ 

We read in Strabo :° “Tt is said that the city of the present Ilians 
was until then a small market-town, and that it had a small and insig- 
nificant temple of Athené. But Alexander, having ascended to it after 
the victory on the Granicus, adorned the temple with offerings, raised 
the town to the rank of a city, commanded the wardens to enlarge it 
by new buildings, and declared the city free and exempt from all taxes, 
At a later time, after the conquest of the Persian empire, he sent to 
Ilium a very kind letter, promising to make it a large city, to make its 
temple very celebrated, and to institute sacred games in the city. After 
his death, Lysimachus did much for the city, surrounded it with a wall 
40 stadia in circuit, built a temple, and increased the population by 
adding to it the inhabitants of the old neighbouring cities, which were in 
decay. Alexander felt a great interest in the Ilians, both on account of his 
relationship, and because of his admiration for Homer. There has been 
handed down a corrected edition of the Homeric poems, called ‘ the edition 
of the casket’ (€« τοῦ νάρθηκος), because Alexander revised and annotated 
these poems with the aid of the pupils of Callisthenes and Anaxarchus, 
and preserved them in a richly ornamented casket, which he had found 
in the Persian treasury. Alexander’s great kindness towards the Ilians 
proceeded, therefore, in the first place from his veneration for the poet, 








ρυκος ἔτυχεν. Ἔν δὲ τῷ περιϊέναι καὶ θεᾶσθαι 
τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ἐρομένου τινὸς αὐτόν, εἰ βού- 
λεται τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου λύραν ἰδεῖν, ἐλάχιστα 
φροντίζειν ἐκείνης ἔφη. τὴν δ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλέως ζητεῖν, 
ἢ τὰ κλέα καὶ τὰς πράξεις ὕμνει τῶν ἀγαθῶν 
ἀνδρῶν ἐκεῖνος. 

4 No. 3995 in Boeckh’s C_rpus Inscriptionum 
Graec. : 

.... Buoireds "Avtioxos.... 

τὴμ μὲν ἱέρειαν καὶ τοὺς ἱερονόμους καὶ τοὺς 
πρυτάνεις εὔξασθαι τῇ ᾿Αθηνᾷ τῇ ᾿Ιλιάδι... (ἐπὶ 
δὲ) ταῖς εὐχαῖς τῇ μὲν ᾿Αθηνᾷ συντελεσάτωσαν 
τὴν νομιζομένην καὶ mat(piov θυ)σίαν οἵ τε 
ἱερονόμοι..... (στῆσαι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ εἰκόνα χρυσῆν 
ep ἵππου ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἐν τῷ ἐπιφα- 
(νεστάτῳ τόπῳ)... .. καὶ ἐπιγράψαι" Ὃ δῆμος ὃ 
(Ἰλιέων βασιλέα ᾿Αντί)οχον .... εὐσεβείας 
ἕνεκεν τῆς εἰς τὸ ἱερό(ν, εὐεργέτην καὶ σω)τῆρα 
γεγονότα τοῦ δήμου, κ. τ. λ. 

5 The inscription No. 3601 is much damaged. 
Boeckh says of it: ‘ Decretum Ilii atque urbium 
vicinarum, quae cum [lio sacrorum communionem 
habebant de ratione sollemnium et ludorum in- 
stituendorum scitum. Haec sollemnia arbitror 
fuisse Panathenaea, quae et ipsa, minora quidem 
vs. 11 nominata sunt.” The inscription No. 3602 
is: Ἰλιεῖς καὶ al) πόλεις afi κ)ο(ινγω(νοῦ)σαι (τῆς 
θυ)σίας καὶ τοῦ ἀγῶνος καὶ τῆς πανηγύρεως ... - 
Δημητρίου Ἰλιάδα, καλῶς καὶ ἐ(ν)δό(ξ)ως κανη- 
φορήσασαν, (εὐσγεβείας ἕνεκεν τῆς πρὸς τὴν 


θεάν. 

6 xii, p. 593, 10-20, and p. 594, 30: Τὴν δὲ 
τῶν Ἰλιέων πόλιν τῶν νῦν τέως μὲν κώμην 
εἶναί φασι τὸ ἱερὸν ἔχουσαν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς μικρὸν 
καὶ εὐτελές, ᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ ἀναβάντα μετὰ τὴν 
ἐπὶ Τρανίκῳ νίκην ἀναθήμασί τε κοσμῆσαι τὸ 
ἱερὸν καὶ προσαγορεῦσαι πόλιν καὶ οἰκοδομίαις 
ἀναλαβεῖν προστάξαι τοῖς ἐπιμεληταῖς ἐλευθέραν 
τε κρῖναι καὶ &popoy: ὕστερον δὲ μετὰ τὴν 
κατάλυσιν τῶν Περσῶν ἐπιστολὴν καταπέμψαι 
φιλάνθρωπον, ὑπισχνούμενον πόλιν τε ποιῆσαι 
μεγάλην καὶ ἱερὸν ἐπισημότατον καὶ ἀγῶνα 
ἀποδείξειν ἱερόν: μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν 
Λυσίμαχος μάλιστα τῆς πόλεως ἐπεμελήθη καὶ 
νεὼν κατεσκεύασε καὶ τεῖχος περιεβάλετο ὅσον 
τετταράκοντα σταδίων, συνῴκισέ τε εἰς αὐτὴν τὰς 
κύκλῳ πόλεις ἀρχαίας ἤδη κεκακωμένας. 

Ἐκεῖνος γὰρ κατὰ συγγενείας ἀνανέωσιν ὥρμησε 
προνοεῖν αὐτῶν, ἅμα καὶ φιλόμηρυς ὦν" φέρεται 
γοῦν τις διόρθωσις τῆς ‘Ounpov ποιήσεως, ἣ ἐκ 
τοῦ νάρθηκος λεγομένη, τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου μετὰ τῶν 
περὶ Καλλισθένη καὶ ᾿Ανάξαρχον ἐπελθόντος καὶ 
σημειωσαμένου τινά, ἔπειτα καταθέντος εἰς νάρ- 
θηκα ὃν ηὗρεν ἐν τῇ Περσικῇ γά(ῃ πολυτελῶς 
κατεσκευασμένον: κατά τε δὴ τὸν τοῦ ποιητοῦ 
λον καὶ κατὰ τὴν συγγένειαν τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν 
Αἰακιδῶν τῶν ἐν Μολοττοῖς βασιλευσάντων, παρ᾽ 
οἷς καὶ τὴν ᾿Ανδρομάχην ἱστοροῦσι βασιλεῦσαι 
τὴν Ἕκτορος γενομένην γυναῖκα, ἐφιλοφρονεῖτο 
πρὸς τοὺς Ἰλιέας ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος. 


Cuap. III] ILIUM UNDER THE SELEUCIDS. 173 


and secondly from his relationship with the Aeacids, the kings of the 
Molossians, among whom, as is said, Andromache also reigned, who was 
once the wife of Hector.” 

But Strabo informs us that, when the Romans first went over to 
Asia and expelled Antiochus the Great from this side of the Taurus 
(190-189 3.c.), Demetrius of Scepsis, being then a youth, visited Ilum, 
and saw the city so much in decay, that there were not even tiles on 
the roofs of the houses.’ He further states that, according to Hegesianax, 
the Galatians, having come over from Europe, went up to Uium in 
search of a fortified place; but that they left it immediately, because 
the town had no walls of defence. But this statement is thoroughly 
inconsistent with, and in contradiction to, the statement made by Strabo, 
a dozen lines before;* for he had there informed us that Lysimachus, 
after the death of Alexander, paid great attention to Ihum, surrounded 
it with a wall 40 stadia in circumference, and settled in Ilium the inha- 
bitants of the ancient cities around, which were in a state of decay. 
Besides, the passages in Livy (xxxv. 43; xxxvu. 9) and Polybivs 
(v. 78, 111) prove beyond all doubt that Novum Hium was fortified and 
defensible about 218 B.c. 

Livy informs us’® that Antiochus the Great went up from the 
sea to Novum Ihum, to sacrifice to the Ihan Athené (190 B.c.); and 
further, that the Roman Consul Livius went up thither to sacrifice to 
the same goddess. 

We read in Justin’? that, in the first Roman expedition to Asia, 
there was a reciprocal exchange of joy between the Ilans and the 
Romans, as if between parents and children after a long separation. 

Eckenbrecher! mentions the statement of Ennius,? that when the 
Romans, under the command of Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, approached 
the Trojan shore, they exclaimed, at the first glimpse of Troy :— 

oO) patria, o divom domus Ilium, et incluta belio 
Pergama,” 

The Romans, who were proud of their origin from Ilium and 
Aeneas, treated the city of their heroic ancestors with signal munii- 
cence, adding to its domain the adjacent territories of.Sigeum, Rhoe- 
teum, and Gergis, as well as the whole coast from the Peraea (or 





7 But, as M. Burnouf ingeniously observes 
to me, this does not necessarily mean that the 
houses had had tiles, and that for want of re- 
paration they were without them. It may imply 
as well that the houses were poor buildings, 
which were not even covered with tiles, but 
had only terraces of clay mixed with straw. 

8 Strabo, xiii. p. 594: Kal τὸ Ἴλιον δ᾽ ὃ νῦν 
ἔστι KWUOTOALS τις ἦν, OTE πρῶτον Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς 
᾿Ασίας ἐπέβησαν καὶ ἐξέβαλον ᾿Αντίοχον τὸν 
μέγαν ἐκ τῆς ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου. φησὶ γοῦν 
Δημήτριος ὃ Σκήψιος. μειράκιον ἐπιδημήσας εἰς 
τὴν πόλιν κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιρούς, οὕτως 
ὠλιγωρημένην ἰδεῖν τὴν κατοικίαν ὥστε μηδὲ 
κεραμωτὰς ἔχειν τὰς στέγας- Ἡγησιάναξ δὲ 


τοὺς Γαλάτας περαιωθέντας ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης 
ἀναβῆναι μὲν εἰς τὴν πόλιν δεομένους ἐρύματος, 
παρὰ χρῆμα δ᾽ ἐκλιπεῖν διὰ τὸ ἀτείχιστον. 

9 ΠΡ: xiii. p. 593. 10 xxxv, 43. 

" Justin. xxxi. 8:. “Tanta lJaetitia omnium 
fuit, quanta esse post longum tempus inter 
parentes et liberos solet. Juvabat Ilienses, ne- 
potes suos, occidente et Africa domita, Asiam et 
avitum regnum vindicare. Optabilem ruinam 
Trojae dicentes, ut tam feliciter renasceretur. 
Contra Romanos, avitos Lares et incunabula 
majorum ac deorum simulacra inexplicabile de- 
siderium videndi tenebat.” 

1 Die Lage des Homerischen Troia, p. 37 

2 Annal. 14. 9, ed. P. Merulae. 


174 THE HISTORY OF TROY. (Crap. IIT. 


continental territory) of Tenedos, southward of Sigeum, to the confines 
of Dardanus.* The Sigeans would not submit to this loss of autonomy, 
and their city was therefore destroyed by the Ilians.4 A like fate 
appears to have befallen the neighbouring city of Achilleum. 

“The dignity and power of Ilium being thus,” as Grote® remarks, 
“prodigiously enhanced, we must find it but natural that the Ilieans 
assumed to themselves exaggerated importance, as the recognized 
parents of all-conquering Rome. Partly, we may naturally suppose, 
from the jealousies thus aroused on the part of their neighbours at 
Scepsis and Alexandria-Troas,—partly from the pronounced tendency of 
the age (in which Kratés at Pergamus, and Aristarchus at Alexandria, 
divided between them the palm of literary celebrity) towards criticism 
and illustration of the old poets,—a blow was now aimed at the 
mythical legitimacy of Ilium.” 

The two leaders in this new “ Trojan war”—the attempt to destroy 
the traditional glory of Ilium—were, first, Demetrius of Scepsis, a 
most laborious Homeric critic, who, as already stated, had written 
thirty books of Commentaries on the Trojan Catalogue in the IMad, and 
who was ambitious of proving that his native city, Scepsis, had also 
been the royal residence of Aeneas: and, secondly, Hestiaea,® an 
authoress of Alexandria-Troas, who had also written comments on the 
fliad, and had made researches as to whether the Trojan war could have 
taken place before Novum Ilium. οὐ declared that there was no 
space for the great exploits related in the Iliad, the plain which now 
separates this city from the Hellespont having been formed since the 
Trojan war by the alluvium of the rivers. Further, that Polites, who, 
relying on the swiftness of his feet, sat as a scout on the top of the 
tumulus of Aesyetes, to watch when the Greek army should rush 
forward from the ships, must have been a fool, as he could have observed 
the movements of the Greek army much better from the much higher 
Acropolis of Ilium, without needing his swift feet; and that the still 
extant tumulus of Aesyetes is situated five stadia from Novum Ihum, on 
the road to Alexandria-Troas. Further, that the race of Hector and 
Achilles could not have taken place, it being impossible to run round 
Novum [lium οὐ account of the adjoining ridge, but that they could 
have run round the ancient town.’ They admitted that no trace was 





3 Strabo, xiii. p. 600: Κατέσκαπται δὲ kal τὸ (866 Strabo, xili. p. 592). 
Ρ ἢ } 


Σίγειον ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Ἰλιέων διὰ τὴν ἀπείθειαν, ὑπ᾽ > History of Greece, i. 301. 
ἐκείνοις γὰρ ἣν ὕστερον ἣ παραλία πᾶσα ἡ μέχρι ὁ Hestiaea is cited repeatedly in the Homeric 
Δαρδάνου, καὶ viv bm ἐκείνοις ἔστι. Scholia (Schol. Venet. ad Lliad. iii. 064 : Eustath. 
Livy, xxxviii. 39. ad Lliad. ii. 538). 
4 I may remind the reader that Dardanus, on 7 Strabo, xiii. p. 599: παρατίθησι δ᾽ ὃ Δημή- 


the promontory of Gygas, between Rhoeteum τριος καὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξανδρίνην Ἑστίαιαν μάρτυρα, 
and the present city of the Dardanelles, was an τὴν συγγράψασαν περὶ τῆς Ὁμήρου *IAiddos, 
Aeolic settlement, and had therefore no title to πυνθανομένην εἰ περὶ Thy νῦν πόλιν ὃ πόλεμος 


legendary reverence as the special sovereignty of συνέστη, καὶ. . . Td Tpwikdy πεδίον, ὃ μεταξὺ 
Aeneas, which Grote (Hist. of Greece,i. p. 301) τῆς πόλεως Kal τῆς θαλάττης ὃ ποιητὴς φράζει" 
erroneously attributes to it. He evidently con- τὸ μὲν yap πρὸ τῆς νῦν πόλεως δῥώμενον πρό- 


founds it with Dardanié, which was situated far χώμα εἶναι τῶν ποταμῶν ὕστερον γεγονός. ὅ τε 
from Dardanus, on the slope of Ida, andof which Πολίτης “ds Τρώων σκοπὸς ἷζε ποδωκείῃσι πε- 
no trace was extant in the time of Demetrius ποιθώς, τύμβῳ ἐπ᾽ ἀκροτάτῳ Αἰσυήταο yéporTos,” 


΄Μ 


Cuap. IIL] FIRST DISPUTE ABOUT THE SITE. 175 


left of ancient Troy, but they found this quite natural; for the towns 
all around having been desolated, but not entirely destroyed, whilst the 
ancient city had been completely destroyed, its stones had been used for 
their restoration. Thus, for example, they asserted that Archaeanax 
of Mitylene had built the walls of Sigeum with the stones of Troy.® 
Demetrius maintained that ancient Ilium was identical with the “ Village 
of the Ilians” (Ἰλιέων Kon), the site of which he indicates exactly, 
for he says that it was 30 stadia from Novum Ilium, and 10 stadia 
from the hill of Callicolone, which latter was at a distance of 5 stadia 
from the Simois.* Strabo does not tell us whether Hestiaea concurred 
in the opinion of Demetrius, that Troy was identical with ᾿Γλιέων Kon. 
But all these objections are futile. In treating of the Topography, 
I think I have proved that, except the course of the rivers, the Plain 
of Troy cannot have undergone any essential change since the time of 
the Trojan war, and that the distance from Novum Ilium to the Helle- 
spont must then have been the same as it is now. With regard to the 
tumulus of Aesyetes, Hestiaea and Demetrius are perfectly right in 
saying, that the Greek camp must have been more readily seen from 
the summit of the Pergamus than from a sepulchral mound on the road 
to Alexandria-Troas, 5 stadia from Novum Ilium. For Alexandria-Troas 
lies to the south-west of Ilium, and the road to it, which is distinctly 
marked by the ford of the Scamander at its entrance into the Plain of 
Troy, goes direct south as far as Bounarbashi, whereas the Hellespont and 
the Greek camp were north of Ilium. But to the south of Ihum, exactly 
in the direction in which the road to Alexandria-Troas must have been, 
I see before me, as 1 stand on Hissarlik, a tumulus 33 ft. high and 
131 yds. in circumference, and, according to an exact measurement 
which I have made, 1017 yds..from the southern city wall. This, 
therefore, must necessarily be the sepulchral mound which Hestiaea 
and Demetrius indicate, but they evidently assume its identity with 
the sepulchre of Aesyetes, merely in order to prove the situation of 
this tumulus to be in a straight line between the Greek camp and 
the Village of the Iians (Ἰλιέων Koyn), and the latter to be the 
site of Troy. The tumulus of Aesyetes was probably situated at the 
present village of Koum Kioi, not far from the confluence of the 
Scamander and the Simois, for the remains of a tumulus several feet 
in height are still to be seen there. The tumulus said by Hestiaea 





/ sz \ Ἀ > Lee} τ: / « , , +) =) / > = 
μάταιος ἦν. καὶ yao εἰ ἐπ᾽ ἀκρυτάτῳ ὅμως κατεσπασμένων, ταύτης δ᾽ ἐκ βάθρων ἀνατετραμ- 


[ἀπὸ] πολὺ ἂν μείζονος ὕψους τῆς ἀκροπόλεως 
ἐσκόπευεν ἐξ ἴσου σχεδόν τι διαστήματος, μὴ 
δεόμενος μηδὲν τῆς ποδωκείας τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς 
χάριν: πέντε γὰρ διέχει σταδίους ὃ νῦν δειιονύ- 
μενος τοῦ Αἰσυήτου τάφος κατὰ τὴν εἰς ᾿Αλεξάν- 
δρειαν ὅδόν" οὐδ᾽ ἢ τοῦ “Ἕκτορος δὲ περιδρομὴ ἣ 
περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔχει τι εὔλογον " οὐ γάρ ἐστι. 
περίδρομος ἣ νῦν διὰ τὴν συνεχῆ ῥάχιν" ἡ δὲ 
παλαιὰ ἔχει περιδρομήν. 

8. Strabo, xiii. p. ὅ99 ; Οὐδὲν δ᾽ ἴχνος σώζεται 
τῆς ἀρχαίας πόλεως. εἰκότως" ἅτε γὰρ ἐκπε- 
πορθημένων τῶν κύκλῳ πόλεων, οὐ τελέως δὲ 


μένης, οἱ λίθοι πάντες εἰς τὴν ἐκείνων ἀνάληψιν 
μετηνέχθησαν. ᾿Αρχαιάναιςτα γοῦν φασι τὸν 
“ a a / 
Μιτυληναῖον ἐϊς τῶν ἐκεῖθεν λίθων τὸ Σίγειον 
τειχίσαι. 
al eee , 
9 Strabo, xiii. p. 597: Ὑπὲρ δὲ τούτου μικρὸν 
A 5 < / 
ἢ τῶν Ἰλιέων κώμη ἐστίν, ἐν ἣ νομίζεται τὸ 
A / / 
παλαιὸν Ἵλιον ἱδρῦσθαι πρότερον, τριάκοντα 
/ / > ~ a / SEEN \ 
σταδίους διέχον ἀπὸ τῆς νῦν πόλεως, ὕπερ δὲ 
τῆς Ἰλιέων κώμης δέκα σταδίοις ἐστὶν ἡ Καλλι- 
͵ 4 2a c / ces 
κολώνη, λόφος τις, Tap ὃν ὁ Σιμόεις ῥεῖ πεντα: 
στάδιον διέχων. 


176 THE HISTORY OF TROY. 


[Cuap. ITI. 


and Demetrius to be that of Aesyetes is now called Pasha Tepeh. It has 
been excavated by Mrs. Schliemann, and I shall take occasion to speak 
of it more fully.’® 

From the above indications of the distances, we easily see that 
Demetrius held Mount Kara Your, which I have already described, to 
be the Homeric Callicolone, and that, as before stated, his Ἰλιέων Κώμη 
must have occupied the site of a low hill on Mr. Calvert’s farm, to the 
north-east of Thymbra, and just in front of the swamp, now dried up, 
which used to be called the Duden swamp. Δ few coarse Hellenic pots- 
herds mark the site of an ancient village there, but there is no 
accumulation of débris. The statement of Demetrius is gratuitous, 
that Troy had disappeared without leaving a trace, its stones having been 
employed for the reconstruction of other cities, and especially for the 
walls of Sigeum. If, as I hope to prove, Hissarlik marks the site of 
Troy, the Trojan walls lay already buried upwards of 20 ft. below the 
surface of the ground when Sigeum was built, in the seventh century 8.6. ; 
and, as no vestiges of the ancient city were visible above ground, people 
thought, of course, that even the ruins had entirely vanished :—“ etiam 
periere ruinae.” Thus it also happens that Strabo, who never visited 
the Troad, adopts, as Grote’! remarks, the unsupported hypothesis of 
Demetrius, as if it were an authenticated fact; distinguishing pointedly 
between Old and New Ilium, and even censuring Hellanicus for 
having maintained the received local faith. But it appears certain that 
the theory of Hestiaca and Demetrius was not adopted by any other 
ancient author, excepting Strabo. Polemon, who, as before mentioned, 
was a native of Ilium, could not possibly have accepted their theory that 
Thum was not the genuine Troy, for his work describing the Iccalities 
and.relics of Ilium implies their identity as a matter of course. 

Novum Ilium continued to be universally considered and treated 
as the genuine Homeric Troy. According to Strabo,! “ Novum Thum 
was much damaged by the Roman rebel Fimbria, who besieged and 
conquered it in the Mithridatic war (85 B.c.). Fimbria had been sent as 
quaestor with the consul Valerius Flaccus, who was elected commander- 
in-chief against Mithridates. But having excited a revolt, and having 
murdered Valerius in Bithynia, Fimbria made himself commander-in- 





10 See the chapter on the Heroic Tumuli. 
11 History of Greece, 1. p. 302. 


τὸν Μιθριδάτην κατὰ συμβάσεις εἰς THY οἰκείαν 
ἀπέπεμψε, τοὺς δ᾽ Ἰλιέας παρεμυθήσατο πολλοῖς 


1 xiii. 594: εἶτ᾽ ἐκάκωσαν αὐτὴν πάλιν οἱ μετὰ 
Φιμβρίου Ῥωμαῖοι λαβόντες ἐκ πολιορκίας ἐν 
τῷ Μιθριδατικῷ πολέμῳ. συνεπέμφθη δὲ ὁ Φιμ- 
βρίας ὑπάτῳ Οὐαλερίῳ Φλάκκῳ ταμίας προχει- 
ρισθέντι ἐπὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην" καταστασιάσας δὲ 
καὶ ἀνελὼν τὸν ὕπατον κατὰ Βιθυνίαν αὐτὸς κατε- 
στάθη κύριος τῆς στρατιᾶς, καὶ προελθὼν εἰς 
Ἴλιον, οὐ δεχομένων αὐτὸν τῶν ᾿Ιλιέων ὡς λῃσ- 
τήν, βίαν τε προσφέρει καὶ δεκαταίους αἱρεῖ" καυ- 
χωμένου δ᾽ ὅτι ἣν ᾿Αγαμέμνων πόλιν δεκάτῳ ἔτει 
μόλις εἷλε τὸν χιλιόναυν στόλον ἔχων καὶ τὴν 
σύμπασαν Ἑλλάδα συστρατεύουυσαν, ταύτην αὐτὸς 
δεκάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ χειρώσαιτο, εἶπέ τις τῶν ᾿Ιλιέων 
“oy γὰρ ἦν “Ἕκτωρ 6 ὑπερμαχῶν τῆς πόλεως." 
τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἐπελθὼν Σύλλας κατέλυσε, καὶ 


ἐπανορθώμασι. Kad’ ἡμᾶς μέντοι Καῖσαρ ὃ θεὸς 
πολὺ πλέον αὐτῶν προὐνόησε ζηλώσας ἅμα καὶ 
᾿Αλέξανδρον. . . 6 δὲ Καῖσαρ καὶ φιλαλέξανδρος 
dy καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Ἰλιέας συγγενείας γνωρι- 
μώτερα ἔχων τεκμήρια, ἐπεῤῥώσθη πρὸς τὴν 
εὐεργεσίαν νεανικῶς " γνωριμώτερα δέ, πρῶτον 
μὲν ὅτι Ῥωμαῖος, of δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν Αἰνείαν 
ἀρχηγέτην ἡγοῦνται, ἔπειτα ὅτι ᾿Ιούλιος amd 
Ἰούλου τινὺς τῶν προγόνων" ἐκεῖνος δ᾽ ἀπὸ 
Ἰούλου τὴν προσωνυμίαν ἔσχε ταύτην, τῶν ἂἃπο- 
γόνων εἷς Sy τῶν ἀπὸ Αἰνείου. χώραν τε δὴ 
προσένειμεν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὴν 
ἀλειτουργησίαν αὑτοῖς συνεφύλαξε καὶ μέχρι νῦν 
συμμένουσιν ἐν τούτοι5. 


SACK OF ILIUM BY FIMBRIA. 111 


B.c. 84.] 


chief of the army and marched against Ilium. When the Hians refused 
to receive him, as being a brigand, he attacked the city by force and took 
it in ten days. When he glorified himself upon having overpowered in 
ten days the city which Agamemnon, with his fleet of a thousand ships 
and the whole power of Hellas, had hardly been able to conquer in the 
tenth year, one of the Ilians said: ‘It happened because we had no 
Hector to fight for the city. Fimbria was soon attacked and destroyed 
by Sulla, who by the treaty of peace with Mithridates allowed the latter 
to return to his country, and who consoled the Ilans by making many 
improvements in their city. In our time the divine (Julius) Caesar 
did yet more for Ilium, partly because he imitated Alexander (the 
Great)... ; but Caesar also felt a juvenile impulse for his beneficence, 
both as an admirer of Alexander and because he had still more evident 
proofs of his relationship with the Ilians. Those proofs were the more 
notorious, first because he was a Roman, and the Romans hold Aeneas to 
be their ancestor; next because it was from Iulus, one of his ancestors, 
that he was called Julius, but he had received his name, as being one 
of the descendants of Aeneas, from [ulus [the son of Aeneas, Ascanius, 
who, according to an old legend, was called Iulus]. For those reasons he 
allotted lands to them, and confirmed their freedom and exemption from 
state taxes, and these privileges have remained to them until now.” 
But Appian” relates the conquest of Ilium by Fimbria differently. 
He says: “The Ilians, being besieged by Fimbria, applied to Sulla, who 
told them that he would come, and ordered them meanwhile to tell 
Fimbria that they had given themselves up to Sulla. When Fimbria 
heard this, he praised them as being already friends of the Romans, 
requested them to receive him as he was also a Roman, and ironically 
referred to the affinity existing between the Romans and the Ilians. But 
when he entered the city, he murdered all who came in his way, burned 
the whole city, and in various ways shamefully treated those who had 
gone as ambassadors to Sulla. He neither spared the sanctuaries nor 
those who had fled to the temple of Athené, for he burned them together 
with the temple. He also pulled down the walls, and went round on 
the following day, to see whether anything of the town still remained 
standing. The town suffered more than under Agamemnon, and perished 
root and branch by the hand of a kinsman; not a house of it was saved, 
nor a temple nor an idol. But the statue of Athené, called the Palladium, 
which is held to have fallen from heaven, some believe was found unhurt, 


7 i, pp. 364, 365: Ἰλιεῖς δὲ πολιορκούμενοι 
πρὸς αὐτοῦ κατέφυγον μὲν ἐπὶ Σύλλαν, Σύλλα 
δὲ φήσαντος αὐτοῖς ἥξειν, καὶ κελεύσαντος ἐν 
τοσῷδε Φιμβρίᾳ φράζειν ὅτι σφᾶς ἐπιτετρόφασι 
τῷ Σύλλᾳ, πυθόμενος ὃ Φιμβρίας ἐπήνεσε μὲν ὡς 
ἤδη Ῥωμαίων φίλους, ἐκέλευσε δὲ καὶ αὑτὸν ὄντα 
Ῥωμαῖον ἔσω δέχεσθαι, κατειρωνευσάμενός τι 
καὶ τῆς συγγενείας τῆς οὔσης ἐς Ῥωμαίους Ἴλι- 
evow. ἐσελθὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐν ποσὶ πάντας ἔκτεινε 
καὶ πάντα ἐνεπίμπρη, καὶ τοὺς πρεσβεύσαντας ἐς 
τὸν Σύλλαν ἐλυμαίνετο ποικίλως, οὔτε τῶν ἱερῶν 
φειδόμενος οὔτε τῶν ἐς τὸν νεὼν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς 


καταφυγόντων, ods αὐτῷ νεῷ κατέπρησεν. κατέ- 
σκαπτε δὲ καὶ τὰ τείχη, καὶ τῆς ἐπιούσης ἠρεύνα 
περιιὼν μή τι συνέστηκε τῆς πόλεως ἔτι. ἣ μὲν 
δὴ χείρονα τῶν ἐπὶ ᾿Αγαμέμνονι παθοῦσα ὑπὸ 
συγγενοῦς διολώλει, καὶ οἰκόπεδον οὐδὲν αὐτῆς 
οὐδ᾽ ἱερὸν οὐδ᾽ ἄγαλμα ἔτι ἦν Td δὲ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς 
ἕδος, ὃ Παλλάδιον καλοῦσι καὶ διοπετὲς ἡγοῦν- 
ται, νομίζουσί τινες εὑρεθῆναι τότε ἄθραυστον, 
τῶν ἐπιπεσόντων τειχέων αὐτὸ περικαλυψάντων, 
εἰ μὴ Διομήδης αὐτὸ καὶ ᾽Οδυσσεὺς ἐν τῷ Τρωϊκῷ 
ἔργῳ μετήνεγκαν ἐξ Ἰλίου. 


aay 


178 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Cuap. III. 


haying been covered by the walls which fell upon it, unless Diomedes and 
Ulysses carried it away from Ilium in their exploit at Troy.” Appian 
adds that this happened at the very end of the 173rd Olympiad (that is, 
in 84 B.c.). This account of the complete destruction of Ilium, as given 
by Appian, who flourished at the time of Antoninus Pius, seems hardly 
credible, more especially as Strabo, who lived at the time of Julius Caesar 
and Augustus (nearly 200 years earlier than Appian), and was almost a 
contemporary of the event, only knew that Ilium had been damaged, but 
not that it had been destroyed root and branch. 

According to Suetonius, Julius Caesar even intended to make Ilium the 
capital of the Roman empire ;* and in the well-known ode of Horace,* to 
which we shall have occasion to recur, a like plan is attributed to Augustus. 

Meyer’ mentions a passage in Nicolaus of Damascus,° according to 
which “Julia, daughter of Augustus, unexpectedly came by night to 
Tlium, and in passing the Scamander, which had overflowed and was very 
rapid, she had a narrow escape of being drowned. Julia’s husband, 
Agrippa, punished the Ilians by imposing upon them a fine of a hundred 
thousand denarii, for not having made provision for the safety of the 
princess; but they had not been able to do so, as they were totally 
ignorant of Julia’s intention to visit their city. It was only by long 
exertions that Nicolaus succeeded in procuring the remission of the fine, 
by the intercession of Herodes.” 

Julia’s son, Caius Caesar, who was the adoptive son of his grandfather 
Augustus, and became governor of Asia at nineteen years of age, must 
also have visited Ilium, taken a deep interest in it, and lavished favours 
upon it; for in an inscription found on the spot he is called the kinsman, 
the benefactor, and the patron of Ihum.' 

Ovid*® also mentions his own visit to Ilium. 

According to Tacitus,’ Nero, when still a boy (59 a.p.), made a speech 
in the Forum of Rome, in Greek, in favour of the Ilians. He spoke 
with so much eloquence of the descent of the Romans from Troy, that 
Claudius exempted the inhabitants from all public taxes. Suetonius 
informs us that Claudius freed the Ilans for ever from all tribute, 
after having read aloud an old Greek letter of the Roman Senate and 
People, who offered to King Seleucus friendship and alliance only on 
condition that he would grant to their kinsmen, the Ilians, freedom 
from all taxes and imposts of every kind.” 

Eckenbrecher! quotes the statement of Tacitus,” that “the Ilians were 





3 Suetonius, Caes. 79. 9. Annal. xii. 58. 


4 Horat. Curm. iii. 3. See Ch. IV. pp. 204, 205. 

5 Eduard Meyer, Geschichte von Troas ; Leip- 
zig, 1877, p. 96. 

6 De Vita sua: Fragm. 3, ed. Miller and 
Dindorf. 

7 The inscription is given in the chapter on 
Novum Ilium. 

8 Fast. vi. 421: 
“ Creditur armiferae signum coeleste Minervae 

Urbis in Iliacae desiluisse juga: 

Cura videri fuit, vidi templumque locumque, 

Hoc superest 1111: Pallada Roma tenet.” 


10 Suet. Claud.: “ Tliensibus, quasi Romanae 
gentis auctoribus, tributa in perpetuum remisit, 
recitata vetere epistola Graeca senatus populique 
Romani, Seleuco regi amicitiam et societatem 
ita demum pollicentis, si consanguineos suos, 
Ilienses ab omni genere immunes praestitisset.” 

1G. von Eckenbrecher, Die Lage des Homer- 
ischen Troia, p. 39. 

2 Annal. iv. 55: “Ne Ilienses quidem, cum 
parentem urbis Romae Trojam referrent, nisi 
antiquitatis gloria pollebant.’ 


A.D. 214.] CARACALLA AT ILIUM. 179 


only important through the glory of their antiquity, because they claimed 
Troy as the parent of Rome; and, he adds, this proves that Tacitus recog- 
nized the ancient glory of the Ilians, and thus the identity of their city 
with the Homeric Troy.” He further mentions, that “Pliny*® speaks of 
the historical Ilium, calling it the fountain of all celebrity.” He also 
cites the testimony of Pomponius Mela,* who calls the Ilium of his time 
“Urbs bello excidioque clarissima.” Eckenbrecher further mentions that 
“in like manner the identity of the historical Ilium with the Homeric 
Ilium is acknowledged by Dionysius Periegetes (cir. 270 a.p.), the orator 
Aristides’ (150 a.p.), Stephanus (de Urbe), and Suidas (én voce).” 

The Ilian coins, with the names and effigies of Roman emperors and 
empresses, and the legend “ Hector of the Tians,” or “ Priam of the 
Tlians,” are additional proofs that the identity of Novum Ilium with 
Homeric Troy continued to be recognized.® 

The Emperor Caracalla showed his veneration for sacred Ilium, the 
cradle of the ancestors of Rome, in a unique manner. He offered, with 
his army, funeral sacrifices at the tomb of Achilles and honoured it by 
races, which he and his army ran in arms around it. After that he 
rewarded his soldiers with money, as if they had accomplished a great 
feat, and had really conquered the ancient Ilium themselves; and he also 
erected a bronze statue of Achilles.’ 

According to Herodian,* “ Caracalla first visited all the remains of 
Thum (by which we are of course to understand all the relics which were 
shown by the Ihans as those of ancient Troy), and then went to the tomb 
of Achilles, and having adorned it sumptuously with wreaths and flowers, 
he again imitated Achilles. Being in want of a Patroclus, he did as 
follows: one of his freedmen, Festus by name, was his most intimate friend 
and keeper of the imperial archives. This Festus died when Caracalla 
was at Ilium: as some people said, he was poisoned in order that he might 
be buried like Patroclus; as others said, he died from illness. Caracalla 
ordered the funeral, and that a great pile of wood should be heaped up 
for the pyre. Having put the body in the midst, and having slaughtered 
all kinds of animals, he kindled the fire, and taking a cup he made 


ἔστησεν. 


5. ἢ. Ν. ν. 33: “ Ac mille quingentis passibus 
8. Herodian, iv. 8, §§ 4, 0: "EweAOay δὲ πάντα 


remotum a portu [lium immune—unde omnis 


rerum claritas.” I remark here once for all that 
for all quotations from Pliny I have used the 
edition of M. E. Littré; Paris, 1860. 

3: :.18: 

° il, 9609 ; ed. Dindorf: ἐνθυμεῖσθαι χρὴ καὶ 
λέγειν---ὅτι ἑάλω μὲν Ἴλιος, ἣ δυνατωτάτη τῶν 
ἐν τῇ Ασίᾳ πόλις κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους, 
ἀλλ᾽ Guws οἰκεῖται νῦν Ἵλιος. 

ὁ Seesthe description of the Ilian coins in the 
chapter on Novum Ilium. 

7 Dio Cassius, xxvii. 16: καὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσπον- 
Tov οὐκ ἀκινδύνως διαβαλών, τόν τε ᾿Αχιλλέα 
καὶ ἐναγίσμασι, καὶ περιδρομαῖς ἐνοπλίοις καὶ 
ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐτίμησε, καὶ ἐπὶ 
τούτῳ ἐκείνοις τε, ὧς καὶ μέγα τι κατωρθωκόσι, 
καὶ τὸ Ἴλιον ὡς ἀληϑῶς αὐτὸ τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἡρηκόσι, 
χρήματα ἔδωκε, καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέα χαλκοῦν 


τὰ τῆς πόλεως [Ἰλίου] λείψανα, ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸν 
᾿Αχιλλέως τάφον, στεφάνοις τε κοσμήσας καὶ 
ἄνθεσι πολυτελῶς πάλιν ᾿Αχιλλέα ἐμιμεῖτο. (η- 
τῶν τε καὶ Πάτροκλόν τινα ἐποίησέ τι τοιοῦτον. 
ἣν αὐτῷ τις τῶν ἀπελευθέρων φίλτατος, Φῆστος 
μὲν ὄνομα, τῆς δὲ βασιλείου μνήμης προεστώς. 
οὗτος ὄντος αὐτοῦ ἐν Ἰλίῳ ἐτελεύτησεν, ὡς μέν 
τινες ἔλεγον, φαρμάκῳ ἀναιρεθεὶς iv ὡς Πάτρο- 
κλος ταφῇ, ὡς δὲ ἕτεροι ἔφασκον, νόσῳ δια- 
φθαρείς. τούτου κομισθῆναι κελεύει τὸν νέκυν, 
ξύλων τε πολλῶν ἀθροισθῆναι πυράν" ἐπιθείς τε 
αὐτὸν ἐν μέσῳ καὶ παντοδαπὰ (oa κατασφάξας 
ὑφηῆψέ τε, καὶ φιάλην λαβὼν σπένδων τε τοῖς 
ἀνέμοις εὔχετο. πάνυ τε ὧν ψιλοκόρσης, πλό- 
καμον ἐπιθεῖναι τῷ πυρὶ (ζητῶν ἐγελᾶτο᾽ πλὴν 
ὧν εἶχε τριχῶν ἀπεκείρατο. 


180 THE HISTORY. ΟΡ ΟἿΣ [Cuap. III, 


libations to the winds and prayed. As he was very bald-headed and tried 
to put a lock of hair on the fire, he was laughed at; only he cut off all 
the hair he had.” I shall show in the subsequent pages that Caracalla 
erected in honour of Festus the tumulus now called Ujek Tepeh, which 
is the largest in the Troad.® 

When Constantine the Great decided upon building a new capital for 
his vast empire, which was definitively to replace ancient Rome, he in- 
tended at first to found Nova Roma in the land of the ancient ancestors 
of the Romans. According to Zosimus, he chose a site between Alexandria- 
Troas and the ancient Ilium (μεταξὺ Τρῳάδος καὶ τῆς ἀρχαίας ᾽Ιλίου) ; 
according to Zonaras, on Sigeum (ἐν Σιυγαίῳ, sic). There he laid the 
foundations of the city; and part of the wall had already been built 
when he gave the preference to the much more suitable Byzantium.*® 
Meyer’ mentions that “the statue of Constantine, which was erected on 
the porphyry column (the ‘burnt column’ of Stamboul), is said to have 
originally been a statue of Apollo which stood in Ilium.” ἢ 

I am indebted to my friend Dr. Carl Henning, the learned assistant 
of his Majesty the Emperor of Brazil, for a copy of a letter of the 
Emperor Julian, the manuscript of which he has discovered in the Har- 
leian Library, 5610.2 1 give it here word for word, as it is a most 


important contribution to the history of Novum Ilium: 





® See the description of this tumulus in the 
chapter on the Heroic Tumuli. 

10 Zosimus, ii. 30; Zonaras, Ann. p. 5, ed. 
Venet.; compare E. Meyer, Geschichte von Troas, 
pp. 96, 97. 

1 E. Meyer, Gesch. von Troas, p. 97. 

2 Zonaras, p. 6, C.: λέγεται δὲ καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνος 
εἶναι στήλην Th ἄγαλμα, Kal μετενεχθῆναι ἀπὸ 
τῆς ἐν Φρυγίᾳ πόλεως Tov ᾿ἸἸλίου. 

3 Dr. Henning has published this inedited letter 
in the Hermes, vol. ix. pp. 257-266: Πηγάσιον 
ἡμεῖς οὔποτ᾽ ἂν προσήκαμεν ῥᾳδίως, εἰ μὴ σαφῶς 
ἐπεπείσμεθα, ὅτι καὶ πρότερον εἶναι δοκῶν τῶν 
Γαλιλαίων ἐπίσκοπος ἠπίστατο σέβεσθαι καὶ 
τιμᾶν τοὺς θεούς. οὐκ ἀκοὴν ἔγώ σοι ταῦτα 
ἀπαγγέλλω τῶν πρὸς ἔχθραν καὶ φιλίαν λέγειν 
ςἰωθότων, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἐμοὶ πάνυ διετεθρύλητο τὰ 
τοιαῦτα περὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ νὴ τοὺς θεοὺς ᾧμην οὕτω 
χρῆναι μισεῖν αὐτόν, ὡς οὐδένα τῶν πονηροτάτων. 
ἐπεὶ δὲ κληθεὶς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ὑπὸ τοῦ 
μακαρίτου Κωνσταντίου ταύτην ἐπορευόμην τὴν 
ὅδόν, ἀπὸ τῆς Τρῳάδος ὄρθρου βαθέος διαναστάς, 
ἦλθον εἰς τὸ Ἴλιον περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν. ὃ 
δὲ ὑπήντησε καὶ βουλομένῳ τὴν πόλιν ἱστορεῖν 
(ἣν γάρ μοι τοῦτο πρόσχημα τοῦ φοιτᾶν εἰς τὰ 
ἱερά) περιηγητής τε ἐγένετο καὶ ἐξενάγησέ με 
πανταχοῦ. ἄκουε τοίνυν ἔργα καὶ λόγους ἂφ᾽ 
ὧν ἄν τις εἰκάσειεν οὐκ ἀγνώμονα τὰ πρὸς τοὺς 
θεοὺς αὐτόν. ἡρῷόν ἐστιν “Ἕκτορος ὕπου χαλκοῦς 
ἕστηκεν ἂνδριὰς ἐν ναΐσκῳ βραχεῖ. τούτῳ τὸν 
μέγαν ἀντέστησαν ᾿Αχιλλέα κατὰ τὸ ὕπαιθρον. 
εἰ τὸν τόπον ἐθεάσω, γνωρίζεις δήπουθεν ὃ λέγω. 
τὴν μὲν οὖν ἱστορίαν δι’ ἣν ὃ μέγας ᾿Αχιλλεὺς 
ἀντιτεταγμένος αὐτῷ πᾶν τὸ ὕπαιθρον κατείληφεν, 
ἔξεστί σοι τῶν περιηγητῶν ἄκούειν. ἐγὼ δὲ 


καταλαβὼν ἐμπύρους ἔτι, μικροῦ δέω φάναι 
λαμπροὺς ἔτι τοὺς βωμοὺς καὶ λιπαρῶς ἀληλιμ- 
μένην τὴν τοῦ “Ἕκτορος εἰκόνα, πρὸς Πηγάσιον 
ἀπιδών “τί ταῦτα᾽ εἶπον “ Ἰλιεῖς θύουσιν ;” ἀπο- 
πειρώμενος ἠρέμα πῶς ἔχει γνώμης. ὃ δέ ‘kal 
τί τοῦτο ἄτοπον, ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν ἑαυτῶν πολίτην, 
ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς᾽ ἔφη “ τοὺς μάρτυρας, εἰ θεραπεύ- 
ουσιν ;᾿ ἣ μὲν οὖν εἰκὼν οὐχ ὑγιής. ἡ δὲ 
προαίρεσις ἐν ἐκείνοις ἐξεταζομένη τοῖς καιροῖς 
aotela. τί δὴ τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο ; “ βαδίσωμεν᾽ 
ἔφην ‘emt τὸ τῆς Ἰλιάδος ᾿Αθηνᾶς τέμενος. ὃ 
δὲ καὶ μάλα προθύμως ἀπήγαγέ με καὶ ἀνέῳξε 
τὸν νεών, καὶ ὥσπερ μαρτυρούμενος ἐπέδειξέ μοι 
πάντα ἀκριβῶς σῶα τὰ ἀγάλματα, καὶ ἔπραξεν 
οὐδὲν ὧν εἰώθασιν οἱ δυσσεβεῖς ἐκεῖνοι πράττειν, 
ἐπὶ τοῦ μετώπου τὸ ὑπόμνημα τοῦ δυσσεβοῦς 
σκιαγραφοῦντες, οὐδὲ ἐσύριττεν, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι, 
αὐτὸς καθ’ ἑαυτόν - ἣ γὰρ ἄκρα θεολογία παρ᾽ 
αὐτοῖς ἐστι δύο ταῦτα, συρίττειν τε πρὸς τους 
δαίμονας καὶ σκιαγραφεῖν ἐπὶ τοῦ μετώπου τὸν 
σταυρόν. δύο ταῦτα ἐπηγγειλάμην εἰπεῖν σοι" 
τρίτον δὲ ἐλθὸν ἐπὶ νοῦν οὐκ οἶμαι χρῆναι 
σιωπᾶν. ἠκολούθησέ μοι καὶ πρὸς τὸ ᾿Αχίλλειον 
ὁ αὐτός, καὶ ἀπέδειξε τὸν τάφον σῶον " ἐπεπύσ- 
μὴν δὲ καὶ τοῦτον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διεσκάφθαι. ὃ δὲ 
καὶ μάλα σεβόμενος αὐτῷ προσήει. ταῦτα εἶδον 
αὐτός. ἀκήκοα δὲ παρὰ τῶν νῦν ἐχθρῶς ἐχόντων 
πρὸς αὐτόν, ὅτι καὶ προσεύχοιτο λάθρᾳ καὶ 
προσκυνοίη τὸν “Ἥλιον. ἄρα οὐκ ἂν ἐδέξω με 
καὶ ἰδιώτην μαρτυροῦντα; THs περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς 
διαθέσεως ἑκάστου τίνες ἂν εἶεν ἀξιοπιστότεροι 
μάρτυρες αὐτῶν τῶν θεῶν ; ἡμεῖς ἂν ἱερέα Πη- 
γάσιον ἐποιοῦμεν, εἰ συνεγνώκειμεν αὐτῷ τι 
περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς δυσσεβές; εἰ δὲ ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς 
χρόνοις εἴτε δυναστείας ὀρεγόμενος εἴθ᾽, ὕπερ 


JURIAN Ὁ VISIT TO ILIUM, 181 


A.D. 354 or 355.] 


“We should never easily have had anything to do with Pegasius, 
had we not been convinced that formerly, whilst he appeared to be a 
bishop of the Galileans, he knew how to respect and honour the gods. 
I tell you this, not because I heard it from those who are wont to speak 
from sentiments of enmity or friendship—and indeed a very great many 
such rumours were current about him and came to my ears, and, by the 
gods, I thought that he deserved to be hated more than the most depraved 
wretches. But when, being called by the late Constantius to the camp, 
I went by that road, I started from (Alexandria) Troas very early in the 
morning and reached Ilum at the time of full market (between nine 
and ten in the morning). He came to meet me, and he became my 
guide, as for one who wished to know the city (this being my pretext 
for visiting the temples), and led me about everywhere to show me 
the curiosities. 

“Listen, then, to facts and words from which one may suppose him 
to be not regardless of the gods. There is a sanctuary of Hector, where 
a bronze statue stands ina small chapel. Opposite to him they have put 
up Achilles in the open air. If you have seen the place, you will well 
understand what I say. You may hear from the guides the legend on 
account of which great Achilles has been placed. opposite to him, and 
occupies the whole space in the open air. Happening to find the altars 
still burning, and I might almost say still in a blaze, and Hector’s statue 
anointed with fat, I looked at Pegasius and said: ‘What is the meaning 
of these sacrifices of the Ilians ?’—sounding him in a delicate way in order 
to learn how his feelings were. He answered: ‘ What is there unbecoming 
if they do homage to a good man, their citizen, just as we do to the 
martyrs?’ It is true the statue is not uninjured; but the good will of 
(the Ilians) in respect of those times, if 1t is looked into, is comely. What, 
then, happened afterwards? ‘Let us go,’ I said, ‘into the sacred pre- 
cincts (the temenos) of the Ilian Athené.’ He also most willingly led the 
way, opened to me the temple, and, as if calling me to witness, he showed 
me all the statues perfectly well preserved, and he did none of the 
things those impious men are wont to do, who make on the forehead * the 
memorial of the impious (one), nor did he hiss to himself (¢.e. ‘aside’), 
like those (men), for their high theology consists in these two things, 
hissing against the daemons® and making the sign of the cross on the 








πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἔφη πολλάκις, ὑπὲρ τοῦ σῶσαι τῶν 
θεῶν τὰ ἕδη τὰ ῥάκια ταῦτα περιαμπέσχετο 
καὶ τὴν ἀσέβειαν μέχρι ὀνόματος ὑπεκρίνατο 
(πέφηνε γὰρ οὐδὲν οὐδαμοῦ τῶν ἱερῶν ἠδικηκὼς 
πλὴν ὀλίγων παντάπασι λίθων ἐκ καταλύμα- 
Tos, ἵνα αὐτῷ σώζειν ἐξῇ τὰ λοιπά), τοῦτο 
ἐν λόγῳ ποιούμεθα καὶ οὐκ αἰσχυνόμεθα ταῦτα 
περὶ αὐτὸν πράττοντες ὅσαπερ ᾿Αφόβιος ἐποίει 
καὶ οἱ Γαλιλαῖοι πάντες: προσεύχονται πάσχοντα 
ἰδεῖν αὐτόν; εἴ τι μοι προσέχεις, οὐ τοῦτον 
μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους of μετατέθε:ν»ται 
τιμήσεις, ἵν᾽ of μὲν ῥᾷον ὑπακούσωσιν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ 
τὰ καλὰ προκαλουμένοις, οἱ δ᾽ ἧττον χαίρωσιν. 
εἰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτομάτους ἰόντας ἀπελαύνοιμεν, οὐδεὶς 
ὑπακούσεται ῥᾳδίως παρακαλοῦσιν. 


1 σκιαγραφοῦντες, 1.0. making the sign of the 
cross in mere show with the finger; iike σκια- 
μαχοῦντες, making the mere movements of 
fighting. 

5 My friend the Honourable Alexander Ran- 
gabé, Ambassador of Greece at Berlin, reminds 
me that the term δαίμονες was at that time 
applied to the ancient gods who were identified 
with the devils. The Christians, consequently, 
hissed to themselves in order to avert their 
energy, like now in the Greek church, when the 
priest baptizes a child, he blows thrice into the 
baptismal water and spits thrice on the child, in 
order to avert the power of the devils from it. 


182 - THE HISTORY OF TROY. (Case. ΜΠ’ 


forehead. These two things I desired to tell you; a third, which comes 
to my mind, I think I must not conceal. The same Pegasius followed me 
also to the Achilleum, and showed me the sepulchre unhurt, for I had 
heard also that he had excavated this tomb. But he approached it even 
with great reverence. 

“All this I saw myself. But I have heard from those who are now 
inimically disposed against him, that in secret he prays to and worships 
the sun. Would you not accept my testimony, even as a private man ? 
Of the sentiments which each one has regarding the gods, who could be 
more credible witnesses than the gods themselves? Should we have made 
Pegasius a priest if we had known him to have been impious towards the 
gods? But if in those times, whether aspiring to power, or, as he often 
told us, desiring to preserve the temples of the gods, he wrapped those 
rags around (his body) and feigned impiety in name (for he has shown 
that he never did mischief to anything at all in the sanctuaries, except: 
some few stones which he took out from an inn [or perhaps ruin, the word 
κατάλυμα being derived from the verb καταλύω] in order to be able to 
save the rest); is it worth while to speak about it, and should we not 
be ashamed to treat him just as Aphobius did and as all the Galileans 
pray to see him treated? If you hsten at all to me, you will honour not 
him alone, but also the others who go over (from Christianity to heathen- 
ism), in order that these may follow us easily when we summon them to 
the good way, and that the others (the Christians) may rejoice the less. 
But if we drive away those who come of themselves, nobody will readily 
follow when we invite them.”° 





6 Dr. Henning says, in his comments on this 
letter: “The MS. of this letter is of the four- 


(Herodotus, vii. 43; Xenoph. Hell. i. 1. 4; 
Arrian. Anab. i. 11. 7; Plutarch, Alexander). 





teenth century: it is preserved in the British 
Museum. The person to whom the letter is ad- 
dressed is not mentioned ; he appears to have been 
a friend of the Emperor, and, perhaps, as governor 
of some province, to have made remonstrances 
with Julian for having given probably an influ- 
ential sacerdotal position to Pegasius, who was 
suspected of Christianity and had been formerly 
a (false) Christian. Julian defends himself, and 
shows how, when as prince he visited Ilium, he 
had had occasion to recognize the heathen senti- 
ments of that false Christian, though a Christian 
bishop. Julian wrote the letter as emperor ; that 
is, between 361 and 363 A.p. First of all, this 
letter offers us an important supplement to the 
history of Novum Ilium, the existence of which, 
so far as I know, could only be followed up to 
about 350 A.D. by the coins. In the middle of the 
fourth century Julian came, on his way to the 
camp of Constantius, from Troas (Αλεξάνδρεια 
ἣ Tpwas) to Ilium. Here he is led round through 
the city and the temples by Pegasius. He shows 
him «τὸ ἡρῷον “Ἕκτορος, with its bronze statue 
ἐν ναΐσκῳ βραχεῖ, and τὸν μέγαν ᾿Αχιλλέα ἂντι- 
τεταγμένον αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ ὕπαιθρον. On the 
altars still glow fire-brands of the sacrifices 
made by the Ilians. Pegasius then leads 
Julian to the τέμενος of the Ilian Athené 


he opens the temple and shows him all the 
statues of the gods intact. He also shows him 
the Achilleum, and proves to him that the tomb 
is uninjured. At the time of this visit, and, as 
Julian states nothing to the contrary, at. the 
time when this letter was written, 1.6. between 
361 and 363 A.D., the Lysimachian Ilium, which 
had so frequently suffered, but which had become 
prosperous again under the Roman emperors, 
must have existed still, with all its temples and 
curiosities. In spite of all edicts against the 
worship of the ancient gods, it must still have 
been under the first Christian emperors a place 
of pilgrimage for the heathen world, for Julian 
speaks of the Periegetae as of professional guides 
for strangers. ‘The city, with all its temples, 
was indeed more than neglected by the empe- 
rors; but nevertheless we find it treated better 
than other cities, if we remember that by an 
edict of the year 324, repeated in 341, the ser- 
vice of the Hellenic worship of the gods was 
prohibited in the East (Micke, Julianus, ii. 73), 
the temples themselves were confiscated (326), 
and many of them were then destroyed, partly 
by order of the authorities, partly with their 
express or tacit consent. Julian finds very 
credible what Pegasius assures him, that he was 
nothing but a false Christian (and that as such 


Cuap. III.] LATEST COINS OF ILIUM. 183 


Nothing is known to us of the further history of Novum Iliun, but, 
as the latest coins I found there are of Constantius II., there can be no 
doubt that it decayed with the prevalence of Christianity, the destruction 
of its temples, and the consequent cessation of the pilgrimages to their 
shrines. Meyer’ mentions, however, that by Constantinus Porphyro- 
gennetus ὃ (A.p. 911-959) most cities of the Troad are cited as bishoprics: 
Adramyttium, Assos, Gargara, Antandros, Alexandria-Troas, Lium, 
Dardanus, Abydos, Lampsacus; Parium even as the seat of an archbishop. 
But there being no Byzantine potsherds or Byzantine ruins on the site 
of Ilios, the bishopric of Ihum may probably have been on another site. 


he had become ἐπίσκοπος τῶν Γαλιλαίων, pro- not a Christian fanatic, as bishop or governor, 


bably in Hium, and with the superintendence 
over the confiscated temples), in order to be able 
the better to preserve these monuments from 
destruction. It is true that Pegasius, in order 
to save the principal objects, was obliged to do 
some trifling damage in the temples; and if he, 
in his devotion to the ancient gods and their 
worship, was forced to make this sacrifice to the 
destructive rage of the Christians, how then may 


have raged?” 
~ Henning then proves by a learned discussion 
that Julian’s visit to Novum Ilium must have 
taken place either in December 354, or in Sep- 
tember—October 355. 

7 Eduard Meyer, Die Geschichte der Troas, 
p. 97. 

8 De Cerem., ii. 54, pp. 792, 794. 


CHAPTER IV. 
THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. 


ΤῊΒ problem of the real site of the Homeric Ilium slept during the 
Middle Ages, and attracted no attention after the Renaissance. The few 
travellers, who visited the Troad since the sixteenth century, either recog- 
nized the Homeric Ilium in the ruins of Alexandria-Troas,' or limited 
their researches to a very superficial inspection of the Plain of Troy or 
only of its coast.? 

In 1785 and 1786 the Troad was visited by Lechevalier,? who was 
aided in his researches by the architect Cazas, and patronized by Count 
Choiseul-Gouffier, then French ambassador at Constantinople. At that 
time the science of archeology was only in its first dawn. Egyptology did 
not yet exist; the cities of Assyria were not yet discovered ; pre-historic 
antiquities were still unknown; excavations for scientific purposes were a 
thing unheard of; the study of Sanscrit had not yet begun; the science 
of comparative philology had not yet been created; nay, philology was 
limited to a stammering play on Latin words, from which all languages 








1 So Pietro Beloni, Observations de plusieurs 
Singularités et Choses remarquables trouvées en 
Gréce, Asie, Judée, Egypte, etc., par Pierre Belon, 
du Mans, 1588; and Pietro della Valle, Les 
fameux Voyages de P. J. V., surnommé Villustre 
Voyageur, Paris, 1670. See Lechevalier, Voyage 
de la Troade, ii. pp. 157, 158; I. Spon and 
G. Wheeler, Voyage d’Italie, etc. A la Haye, 
1724; see also Buchholz, Homer. Kosmogr. und 
Geogr. p. 330. 

2 Sandys, Descr. of the Turk. Empire ; Lon- 
don, 1627. He could only remain one day on 
the shore of the Plain of Troy, the country being 
infested by robbers. Grelot (Relation dun Voyage 
de Constantinople, 1680) professes tu have seen 
the Plain of Troy as well as the Xanthus and 
Simois from Cape Sigeum: see Lechevalier, 
Voyage de la Troade, ii. pp. 158, 159; Le Bruyn, 
Voyage au Levant. Buchholz mentions for cu- 
riosity’s sake Lady Mary Wortley Montague, 
an enterprising English traveller, who, on her 
journey to the Hellespont and Constantinople, 
stopped with her vessel at Cape Sigeum, and went 
—the J/iad in her hand—up to its top, whence she 
perceived the tumulus of Achilles, Cape Rhoeteum 
with the tumulus of Ajax, and the Simois with 
the Scamander (Lady Mary Wortley Montague, 
Briefe wiihrend ihrer Reisen in Europa, Asien, 
und Afrika. 3 Theile und Nachtrage; Leipzig, 


1763-1767: a translation of her well-known 
English work). Buchholz also mentions Pococke 
(Leschreibung des Morgenlandes und einiger an- 
derer Linder, German ed. by Breyer and Scheber, 
Erlangen, 1790, 1791, a translation of the well- 
known English work) as the first who in the 
year 1739 made thorough researches in the Plain 
of Troy, determined the situation of its various 
heroic tombs, saw the valley of the Thymbrius 
and the confluence of the Scamander and Simois. 
Buchholz, p. 331, also mentions Wood (Lssay on 
the Original Genius and Writings of Homer, 
London, 1769, 4: 1770, 4; 1775, 4), who dis- 
covered the sources of the Scamander, believing 
them to be those of the Simois; also Chand- 
ler (Travels in Asia Minor, Oxford, 1775), who 
fixed the position of the heroic tombs with 
categorical certainty. I may further mention 
F. A. G. Spohn, Comment. Geogr. Crit. de agro 
Trojano in carminibus Homericis descripto, Lipsiae 
1814; but he had no personal knowledge of the 
Troad, and endeavours to fix all the sites by the 
indications of Homer. Neither did Alexander 
Pope know the Troad personally, but neverthe- 
less he made a Map of Troy and its environs 
(before he translated the J/iad). 

5 Voyage de la Troade, 3 tomes, 3° édit.; Paris, 
Dentu, An. x. 1802. 


Cuap. IV.] THEORIES OF LECHEVALIER. 185 


were thought to be derived, except by those who held the fond fancy that 
Hebrew was the primitive speech of the whole human race; and no one 
had an idea of the descent of our race from the highlands above Fndia, 
which indeed was still almost a terra incognita. Since there were no 
archeologists, there was no archeological criticism. When, therefore, 
Lechevalier* made his romantic pilgrimage in search of Ilium, and 
learnt intuitively, without even touching the ground with the spade, 
and as if by divine inspiration,—just as Virgil says: 
“Hic Dolopum manus, hic saevus tendebat Achilles ; 
Classibus hie locus, hie acie certare solebant,” -— 


that Priam’s Pergamus had been on the hill at the extremity of the 
heights of Bali Dagh; that the city had extended over the heights as iar 
down as the village of Bounarbashi, which marked the site of the Scaean 
Gate ; and that the forty cold springs at the foot of the village were the 
two sources of the Scamander, of which he described the one as wari, 
with volumes of steam arising from it, in order to make it agree with 
the Homeric indication ;°—when further he affirmed that the rivulet 
Bounarbashi Su, formed by the forty springs, was the Scamander (arentem 
Xanthi cognomine rivum), and made this river appear on his map of the 
Plain of Troy almost as broad as the real Scamander, which he called 
Simois, declaring the Doumbrek Su (Simois) to be the Thymbrius ;—when 
finally, in order to put his system in perfect accord with the indica- 
tions of the Iliad, he represented his Scamander as joining his Simois 
at Koum Kaioi, and falling into the Hellespont close to Cape Rhoeteum ;'— 
his theories were almost unanimously adopted, and his imaginary identi- 
fications produced in the scientific world a far greater sensation than 
any real discovery in later times. 

Lechevalier’s theories found an especially warm defender in Count 
Choiseul-Gouffier,* French ambassador at Constantinople, in whose service 
he was, and who himself visited the Plain of Troy and confirmed all his 
discoveries. Choiseul-Gouffier says that the sources of the Scamander at 
Bounarbashi are still in the same condition as they were in Homer’s 
time ;? that one is warm and the other cold ;!° that the village of Bounar- 
bashi is situated on the hill Batieia;' that the Scaean Gate was a little 
above Bounarbashi, on the upper part of that hill; that the Erineos can 
be easily recognized ;? that the site of Troy is covered with ancient débris, 
and that foundations of an ancient settlement can be traced;* finally, 
that the tumulus of Ujek Tepeh is the sepulchre of Aesyetes.t Choiseul- 
Gouffier admits, with Lechevalier, that the ancient Scamander fell into 
the Hellespont at the foot of Cape Rhoeteum, for so he also represents 





1 Voyage de la Troade, 3 tomes, 3° édit.; Paris, 8 Voyage pittoresque de la Grece, tome ii. 
Dentu, An. x. 1802. Lechevalier’s Beschreibung _ livraison ii.; Paris, 1820. See Buchholz, Homer. 
der Ebene von Troia, mit Anmerkungen von Dalzel, Kosmogr. und Geogr. p. 333. 


aus dem Englischen, von Dornedden; Leipzig, 9 See C. G. Lenz, Die Ebene von Troia, nach 
1792. dem Grafen Choiseul-Gouffier ; Neu Strelitz, 1798, 
5 Aeneid. ii. 29. p. 26. 10 Ibid. p. 59. 
$ 7]. xxii, 147-152. 1 Ibid. p. 31. 2 Ibid. p. 34. 


7 See the map in his work above mentioned. 3 Ibid. p. 44. 4 Ibid. pp. 54, 55. 


186 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER'S ILIUM. [Cmar. IV. 
it on his map:° this last appears to be the single right view that these 
two travellers hit upon. 

The theory of Lechevalier and Choiseul-Gouffier, that ancient Troy 
was situated on the heights of Bounarbashi, was at the end of the last 
century violently opposed by Jacob Bryant,’ who declares the war of 
Troy to be a myth, but maintains that Homer had in view a real space of 
ground for his tragedy: this theatre of the Trojan war he places near 
Cape Lectum and the city of Hamaxitus. 

Messrs. Hawkins, Sibthorpe, Lyston, and Dallaway, travellers to the 
Plain of Troy, mentioned by Lechevalier,’ adopted his theory. This Troy- 
Bounarbashi theory was further adopted by the following writers :— 

Heyne, Exeurs. ad Iliad., lib. vi. 

Carl Gotthold Lenz, Die Ebene von Troia; Neu Strelitz, 1798. 

J. Β. 5. Morritt, in bis answer to Jacob Bryant, A Vindication of 
Homer, York, 1798 ; and Some Observations upon the Vindication of Homer, 
Eton, 1799. 

Wm. Franklin, Remarks and Observations on the Plain of Troy, 
made during an Hxcursion in June, 1799 ; London, 1800. 

William Gell, The Topography of Troy and its Vicity ; London, 1801. 

Hawkins, in the Edinburgh Transactions, vol. iv. 

Robert Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey, 
London, 1817, adopts the observations made on the Troad by P. Hunt, 
who puts Troy at Bounarbashi. 

Otto Friedrich von Richter, Wallfahrten im Morgenlande ; Berlin, 
1822. 

Colonel W. M. Leake, Journal of @ Tour in Asia Minor; London, 
1824, p. 277 ff. 

Von Prokesch-Osten, Erinnerungen aus Aegypten und Kleinasien, 111. 
1-117, Wien, 1829-18351; and Denkwiirdigheiten und Hrinnerungen aus 

em Orient, 1. pp. 187 ff., Stuttgart, 1836-1837. 

Field-Marshal Count von Moltke has also declared in favour of the 
Troy-Bounarbashi theory; Briefe iiber Zustinde und Begebenheiten in der 
Tiirket aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839; Berlin, Posen, und Bromberg, 
bei E. 8. Mittler, 1841, pp. 167-172. Moltke says: “We who are no 
scholars suffer ourselves to be simply guided by a military instinct to 
the spot, which, in old times as well as now, would be colonized, if an 
inaccessible citadel were to be founded.” For these details of Field- 
Marshal Count von Moltke’s judgment, I am indebted to my friend 
Dr. G. von Eckenbrecher. 

Sir Charles Fellowes, Excursion in Asia Minor, 1838. 

Charles Texier, Description de Asie Mineure, i.; Paris, 1839. 





5 Ibid. See map at the end of the work 
Voyage pittoresque de la Gréce, &c.; and C. G. 
Lenz, Die Ebene von Troia, &e.; also Lecheva- 
lier, Voyaye de la Troade, ἄς. The maps of 
Lechevalier and Choiseul-Gouffier are perfectly 
identical, for both are nothing but copies of the 
map made by the architect Cazas. (See Lenz, 


Die Ebene von Troia, ὅκα. p. xii.) 

6 Observations upon a Treatise entitled a “ De- 
scription of the Plain of Troy,” by M. Lecheva- 
lier, Eton, 1795; and Dissertation concerning the 
War of Troy and the Expedition of the Grecians 
as described by Homer, London, 1796, 

7 Voyage de la Troade, ii. 212. 


Cuap. IV.] OPINIONS FOR BOUNARBASHI. 187 


Henry W. Acland, The Plains of Troy ; Oxford, 1839. 
_ Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographie, 11. p. 149. 

Mauduit, Découvertes dans la Troade; Paris et Londres, 1840. 

Lieutenant, now Admiral, T. A. B. Spratt, as well as Commander 
Thomas Graves, follow the same theory in their map of the Troad, 
1840. I cannot refrain from making on this occasion a warm acknow- 
ledgment to both Admiral Spratt and Commander Graves for the immense 
service they have rendered to science by their most excellent map of the 
Troad. Nothing has escaped the close scrutiny they gave to every spot, 
in order to produce as complete a map of the plain and the hills falling 
into it as was possible, as a basis for the future study of Homeric Topo- 
graphy. For all previous maps were mere compilations of many tra- 
vellers’ journeys, and so in many points very erroneous and confusing, 
as well as deficient in giving the necessary geographical details. Every 
ruin, however small, is marked on this map, which can hardly ever 
be excelled. 

P. W. Forchhammer, Topographische und physiographische Beschrec- . 
bung der Ebene von Troja, published in English, in the Journal of the 
Royal Geographical Society, vol. xii., 1842, and republished in German, 
Kiel, 1850; also in the Allgemeine Zeitung, 1874, Beilage zu No. 93; 
also in his Daduchos, Hinleitung in das Verhdltniss der hellenischen 
Mythen, Kiel, 1875; also in the Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung, Beilage 
zu No. 92, 1875; and his Scamandros in the Jahrbiicher fi class. 
Philologie, Jahrgang xxu. 1876. 

Friedr. Gottlheb Welcker, Kleine Schriften, vol. 11. pp. 41, 44 ff.; 
Bonn and Elberfeld, 1844-1867. 

Heinrich Kiepert, Memoir wber die Construction der Karle von 
Kleinasien ; Berlin, 1854. 

G. W. F. Howard (Lord Carlisle), Diary in Turkish and Greek 
Waters ; London, 1854. 

Sir J. C. Hobhouse (Lord Broughton), Travels in 1810, London, 
1813 (new edition, London, 1855), who puts Troy near Alexandria Troas. 

J. G. von Hahn, ae abungen auf der Homer. Pergamos ; Leipzig, 
1864. He excavated on the heights above Bounarbashi in May 1864, 
and says, in conclusion, that he does not believe in a real Troy, but 
thinks Homer has adapted his poems to the site of Bounarbashi. 

M. G. Nikolaides, Topographie et Plan stratégique de lIliade; Paris, 
1867. 

L. W. Hasper, Bedtrage zur Topographie der Homerischen Ilias, Bran- 
denburg, 1867 ; also, Das alte Troia wnd das Schlachtfeld der Homevischen 
Helden, Glogau, 1868; also, Ueber die Lage des alten Ilium, Leipzig, 
1873; also, Das negative Resultat der Ausgrabungen Schliemann’s auf 
Hissarlik, und Beweis dass der Stinger der Ilias Troia auf Bali Dagh 
erbaut angenommen habe, Berlin, 1874. 

Henry Fanshawe Tozer, Researches in the Highlands of Turkey ; 
London, 1869, p. 337. 

Ernst Curtius, Girechische Geschichte, 4th edition, Berlin, 1874; 
also in his Lecture at Berlin in November 1871. 


188 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER'S ILIUM, [Cuar. IV. 


K. Buchholz, Homerische Kosmographie wnd Geographie ; Leipzig, 1871. 

EK. Isambert, Ltinéraire descriptif ; Paris, 1878. 

A. Conze, Troianische Ausgrabungen, in the Preuss. Jahrbiicher, 
xxxiv., Berlin, 1874; and xxxv. p. 398, 1875. 

George Perrot, Hacursion ἃ Troie et aua Sources du Menderé ; Extrait 
de TAnnuaire de V Association pour U Encouragement des Etudes grecques 
en France, 1874. 

G. @Eichthal, Le Site de Trote selon Lechevalier ow selon Schliemann ; 
Paris, 1875. 

B. Stark, in the Jenaer Literaturblitt, No. 28, 1874: also Nach dem 
Griechischen Orient, Retsestudien, 1875, Jenaer Lit. 8. 156; Augsburger 
Allgemeine Zeitung, Beilage No. 8, Arad. 5, 8. 601; Lcterar. Central- 
blatt, Ὁ. 11381. 

L. Vivien de Saint-Martin, [Ilion d@Homere, (Ilium des Romains ; 
Revue Archéologique, Nouvelle Série, xxix.; Paris, 1875. 

George Rawlinson, History of Herodotus ; London, 1875. See the map 
in vol. iv. p. 43. 

S. Ch. Schirlitz, in Ersch and Gruber’s Allgemeine Encyklopidie, 
mentions further, among the explorers of the Troad, Dodwell and 
Forster, whose dissertations and theories are unknown to me. 


Of those who adopt other theories, different from the sites of Bounar- 
bashi and Novum Ilium (Hissarlik)— 

Dr. E. D. Clarke, Travels in various Countries of Europe, Asia, and 
Africa, Pt. i. London, 1812, endeavours to identify the village of Chiblak 
with Ilium and with the village of the Ihans (Ἰλιέων Κώμη). 

Major J. Rennell, Observations on the Topography of the Ploin of Troy, 
London, 1814; and later, H. N. Ulrichs, Rheinisches Museum, 3 Jahrg., 
pp. 073 ff., translated into English by Dr. Patrick Colquhoun, An Exewrsus 
on the Topography of the Homerie Ilium, in the Transactions of the Royal 
Society of Interature, vol. v.;—identify the site of Troy with ᾿Ιλιέων Kon, 
which they put on the height of Akshi Κιοὶ, the farm of Mr. Calvert. 

P. Barker Webb, Dna noe: de la Troade, Paris, 1844, identifies 
a site to the west of the village of Chiblak with the Homeric Troy. 

H. Gelzer, Hine Wander nach Troia, Basel, 1873, does not 
decide in favour of any particular site; cf. Lvterar. Centralblatt, Ὁ. 
1556 (1874). 

EK. Brentano, Alt-Llion im Dumbrekthal., Frankfurt am Main, 1877, 
endeavours to show that the Homeric Troy was on a hill in the Dosis 
valley, between the villages of Halil Eli and Ren Kioi, but he will never 
make a single convert to his impossible theory. 

R. Hercher, Ueber die Homerische Hbene von Troia, Berlin, 1875, 
seems to believe that a real Troy never existed. 

O. Frick, Zur Trotschen Frage, in the Jahrb. fiir class. Phil., 1876, 
pp. 289 ff., does not venture to pronounce in favour of a particular site, 
and thinks the discussion on the subject not yet far enough advanced. 

L. von Sybel, Ueber Schliemann’s Troia, Marburg, 1875, holds the 


game opinion. 


Czar. IV.] OPINIONS FOR HISSARLIK. 189 


To these I must add seven scholars, whose opinions on the subject 
are unknown to me:— 

Virlet d’Aoust, Deseripiion topographique et archéologique de la Troade, 
1873. 

A. de Longpérier, Compie Rendu, 2, p. 94; Revue Archéol., 27, p. 328. 

Karl Henning, Neu-llion, in the Hermes, 9, p. 25; and in the 
Aychiiolog. Zeitung, p. 186, 1875. 

C. Aidenhoven, Ueber das neuentdeckte Troja; Im Neuen Reich, i. 
p. 569, 1874. 

August Steitz, Die Lage des Homerischen Troia, in the Jahrbiicher fiir 
classische Philologie, ed. Alfr. Fleckeisen, Jahrgang xxi., Band iii.; 
Leipzig, 1875. : 

᾿ς Mehlis, Schliemann’s Troja und die Wissenschaft, in the German 
periodical Das Ausland ; Stuttgart, 1875. 

Julius Rieckler, Ueber Schliemann’s Ausgrabungen, Verhandlungen 
deutscher Philologen und Schilmdnner ; Tibingen, 1876. 


The following scholars have recognized the identity of Novum [ium 
with the site of the Homeric Troy :— 

C. Maclaren, Dessertation on the Topography of the Plain of Troy, 
Edinburgh, 1822; and The Plain of Troy described, Edinburgh, 1863. 

G. von Kckenbrecher, Ueber die Lage des Homerischen Ikon, in the 
Rheinische Museum, Neue Folge, vol. ii. pp. 1 ff. 1842; and Die Lage des 
Homerischen Troia, Diisseldorf, 1875. 

George Grote, History of Greece ; London, 1846, 1st edition, vol. 1. 

Julius Braun, Geschichte der Kunst ὧν threm Entwicklungsgange, 
Wiesbaden, 1856 ; and Homer und sein Zeitalter, Heidelberg, 1856-8. 

Dr. L. Schmitz, in Dr. W. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman 
Geography, art. Inrum; London, 1857. 

Wm. Bichner, Jahresbericht tiber das Gymnasium ILridericianun ; 
Schwerin, 1871 and 1872. 

Emile Burnouf, Revue des Deux Mondes, du 1% Janvier, 1874, 
and Mémoires de  Antiqwité, Paris, 1878. 

Philip Smith, Discoveries at Troy, in the Quarterly Review, April 1874. 

C. T. Newton, Dr. Schliemann’s Discoveries at Ilium Novum ; Lecture 
before the Society of Antiquaries, April 30th, 1874; Academy, 1874, 
No.5 173: 

Frank Calvert, who was formerly an adherent of the Troy-Bounar- 
bashi theory, became a convert to the Troy-Hissarlik theory, which he 
now energetically defends (see his Contributions towards the Ancient 
Geography of the Troad; also Trojan Antiquities, arts. 1. u.; The 
Athenxum, 1874, Noy. 7 and 14, London). 

Ph. Déthier, Une Partie du Trésor troyen au Musée de Constan- 
tinople (Revue Arch. 31, p. 416), 1874; also Nowvelle Trowvaille faite a 
Lliwm-Hissarlik, 1874. 

Otto Keller, Die Entdeckung Ilions zu Hissarlik, Freiburg, 1875; 
also Ueber die Entdeckung Trojas durch H. Schliemann, Beilage zur 
Allgemeinen Zeitung, Nos. 844, 345, 1874. 


190 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. [Cuap. IV. 


Felix Ravaisson de Molien, Revue Archéologique, 26, p. 404; οἵ, 
Arcad. 26, p. 326. 

Stephen Salisbury, Troy and Homer, Remarks on the Discoveries of 
Dr. H. Schliemann in the Troad ; Worcester, 1875. 

G. A. Lauria, Troia, uno Studio; Napoli, 1875. 

W. Christ, Topographie der Troianischen Ebene, Miinchen, 1874; 
also Troja und die Troade, i-iii., in the Allgemeine Zeitung, 1875, 
Drittes Quartal, Beilage zu Nos. 196, 197, 198. 

Maxime du Camp, L’Hmplacement de 1 Πίο d’Homere, @apres les 
plus récentes Découvertes ; Paris, 1875. 

Francois Lenormant, Les Antiquités de la Troade et 0 Histoire primé- 
tive des Contrées grecques; Paris, 1876. 

F. Schhe, Wissenschaftliche Beurtheilung der Funde Schliemanns in 
Missarlik, Schwerin, 1876; also Schliemann und seine Bestrebungen, 
Schwerin, 1876. 

W. E. Gladstone, Homer’s Place in History, in the Contemporary 
Review, 1874; Homeric Synchronism, London, 1876; and Homer, London, 
1878, enthusiastically defends the Troy-Hissarlik theory. 

Eduard Meyer, Geschichte von Troas; Leipzig, 1877. 

A. H. Sayce, in his letters to the Athenwwm and the Academy, 
October 1879, and in the Contemporary Review, December 1878. 

I have finally to mention the great authority of Professor Rudolf 
Virchow, who assisted me in my excavations at Hissarlik, from the 
4th of April till the 4th of May, 1879, and who energetically opposes 
the Troy-Bounarbashi theory, and enthusiastically declares in favour of 
the identity of Hissarlik with the Homeric Troy. See his Lectures in 
the session of the Berlin Anthropological Society of the 26th of June 
and the 12th of July, 1879; in the Anthropological Congress at Strass- 
burg on the 13th of August, and at Amsterdam on the 16th of September, 
of the same year: also his excellent work, Beitrdge zur Landeskunde der 
Troas, Berlin, 1879. ᾿ 


The principal argument of the defenders of the Troy-Bounarbashi 
theory is that immediately below the village are the two springs of 
Homer—one lukewarm, the other cold; but this argument falls to the 
eround before the fact already mentioned, that there are not two but forty 
springs, all of which are cold and have a temperature of from 62°:24 to 
62°°6 Fahr. Besides, as already stated, the Scamander originates, not 
in the Plain of Troy, but at a distance of twenty hours’ journey from 
Hissarlik, in the range of Ida, from a cold spring, which has a temperature 
of 47°12 Fahr. About 200 ft. from this source, the river is joined by 
the water of a spring which has a temperature of 60°44 Fahr., and 
might perhaps, in comparison with the other spring, be called lukewarm. 
Perhaps Homer had heard of this lukewarm spring and the cold spring 
of the Scamander, and the poet may have brought them from Ida down 
to the Plain in order to introduce his beautiful verses (Jd. xxu. 147- 
152). He clearly states (11. xii, 19-21) that the Scamander flows from 
Mount Ida. That he had not in his mind the springs of Bounarbashi, is 


Cuap. IV.] THE SPADE AGAINST BOUNARBASHI. 191 


also clearly shown by the statement, that close to the two sources were 
large washing troughs of stone, in which the Trojan women used to wash 
their clothes in the time of peace, before the arrival of the Greek army,° 
because the Bounarbashi springs being, in a straight line, at a distance of 
eight miles from the Hellespont and there being no regular siege, but 
only battles in the plain, there would have been no cause for them to stop 
washing at the springs on account of the war, as the advancing enemy 
could be seen at a great distance off in the plain. Consequently, this 
passage proves that, in the mind of the poet, the distance between the 
Greek camp and Troy was but very short. 

I must further absolutely deny the truth of the statement made by 
Choiseul-Gouffier ὁ and Ernst Curtius,’ that the site of Troy on the 
heights of Bounarbashi is covered with ancient ruins. I take Virchow 
and Burnouf, who accompanied me all over those heights, as witnesses, 
that not only are there no ruins whatever of ancient buildings, but even 
that there are no ancient potsherds or fragments of bricks, and that 
the ground is everywhere uneven, full of pointed or abrupt rocks and 
nowhere artificially levelled, so that the site can never have been inha- 
bited by men. I also cite the weighty testimony of the late Austrian 
Consul-General, J. G. von Hahn, who, with the celebrated astronomer 
Julius Schmidt, excavated during the whole of May, 1864, in the little 
city at the southern extremity of those heights (the Bali Dagh), and who, 
on stopping the work, writes as follows :*°—‘“I can only confirm the tes- 
timony of Von Brondsted, that the whole locality does not show the 
slightest trace of a great city ever having existed here, which ought to 
have extended over the wide northern slope of the Bali Dagh, from the 
foot of the Acropolis to the springs of Bounarbashi. Im spite of our 
zealous researches, we could not discover there—besides the tumuli—any 
sign which might point to a former human settlement, not even fragments 
of ancient pottery or bricks, those never-failing and consequently in- 
evitable witnesses of an ancient establishment. No fragments of columns 
or other building stones, no ancient freestone, nowhere in the native 
rock a quarried bed of any such stone, nowhere any artificial levelling 
of the rock; everywhere the natural soil, which has never been touched 
by the hand of man.” I may here repeat, that my thorough exploration 
of the heights of Bounarbashi in August 1868 gave the same results. 
I excavated in hundreds of places at the springs, in Bounarbashi itself, and 
on the land between that village and the Scamander, as well as on the 
declivities wherever I found earth. I struck the rock almost everywhere 
at a depth of from 2 to 8 feet, without ever finding the slightest vestige 
of bricks or pottery.? 


With regard to the walls brought to light by J. G. von Hahn and 








5. 7]. xxii, 153-156: 1820, p. 44. 
ἔνθα δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτάων πλυνοὶ εὐρέες ἐγγὺς ἔασιν 7 Lecture at Berlin, in November 1871. 
καλοὶ λαΐνεοι, ὅθι εἵματα σιγαλόεντα 8 J.G. von Hahn, Die Ausyrabungen auf der 
πλύνεσκον Τρώων ἄλοχοι καλαί Te θύγατρες Homerischen Pergamos ; Leipzig, 1864, p. 33. 
τὸ πρὶν em εἰρήνης, πρὶν ἐλθεῖν vias ᾿Αχαιῶν. 9. See my 7έλπαηγιιο, le Péloponnése ef Troie ; 


5 Voyage pittoresque de la Gréce, ii.; Paris, Paris, 1869, pp. 151, 161, 162; and above, ps 19. 


192 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. [Cuap. IV. 


Julius Schmidt in the little city at the extremity of the Bali Dagh, in 
which so many great luminaries of archeology have seen the cyclopean 
walls of Priam’s Pergamus, and which Ernst Curtius’ holds ta be con- 
temporaneous with the cyclopean walls of Tiryns and Mycenae, which 
latter are universally considered to be the most ancient specimens extant 
of cyclopean masonry ;—nearly all these walls are low retaining walls, 
formed of comparatively small quadrangular, or nearly quadrangular, 
slabs; there are also a few small straight walls of square blocks or 
polygons on the north side, a portion of one of which my friend Admiral 
Spratt represents in the vignette of his map; there is also a fragment 
of wall of square hewn blocks in the south-west corner: but we have 
no right whatever to call these walls, or any part of them, “ cyclopean ;” 
for this epithet can only refer to the gigantic, never to the lilliputian. 
In a hundred different places in Greece I can point out walls of well- 
fitted polygons, of which we know with certainty that they are of the 
Macedonian period, or at least of the latter part of the fifth century B.c. 
But I will here only name two places which can be easily seen by those 
who visit Athens: namely, the tombs in the Hagia Trias at Athens, some 
of the substructions of which consist of well-fitted polygons; and the 
fortifications on the island of Salamis, which show the same masonry! 
Unhewn boulders, rough quarried stones, and those which had a polygonal 
cleavage due to their structure, were often used for convenience by 
builders, who were quite able to work quadrangular blocks, as is proved 
by walls in which the former kinds are placed above the latter.? Walls 
of polygons have for the last twenty years come into extensive use in 
Sweden and Norway, as substructions of railway bridges; and if any one 
in Sweden were to call this masonry “ cyclopean walls,” the people there 
would laugh just as the Athenians would laugh if the fortifications in 
Salamis or the substructions in Hagia Trias were called by that name. 

As to the chronology of the little city on the Bali Dagh, we have 
fortunately two data for its determination: first, by the manner in which 
the stones have been worked; and, secondly, from the pottery. On all 
the stones of the walls, without exception, the blows of the stonecutters’ 
iron pick-axes are conspicuous, and therefore, in my opinion, no part of 
them can claim a higher antiquity than the fourth or fifth century B.c. 
As a witness to my statement I cite the authority of Professor Rudolf 
Virchow, who was the first to discover that all the stones had been 
worked with iron pick-axes, and who expresses himself as follows :°— 





10 Lecture at Berlin, in November 1871. 

1 fimile Burnouf, Za Ville et Ul Acropole 
f Atheénes, pp. 192, 193. 

2 ΒΕ H. Bunbury, Cyclopean Remains in Cen- 
tral Italy, in the Classical Museum, 1845, vol. ii. 
pp. 147 et seq.; and the article Murus in Dr. 
Wm. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman 
Antiquities. My friend, the writer of that article, 
informs me that he noticed, at the sea-side, a 
wall built up of boulders of concrete from a 
sea-wall washed down during the preceding 
winter, which had a most curious resemblance 


to “cyclopean” walls, both of the rough- 
square and polygonal type; and there are hun- 
dreds of such cases of rough materials still used 
from motives of convenience. 

3 In his Lecture at the session of the Berlin 
Anthropological Society, 20th June, 1879: “ Die 
ganze Art der Fundation (der kleinen Acropolis 
am Siidende des Bali Dagh) entspricht nicht 
dem was man von einer so alten Stadt erwarten 
miisste, und es ist wohl unzweifelhaft, dass die 
wohlbehauenen Quadern, auf denen noch die 
Hiebe der Steinhauer zu sehen sind, mit guten 


193 


“The whole character of the foundations (of the little Acropolis at the 
southern extremity of the Bali Dagh) does not correspond with what one 
would have expected from so ancient a’place, and there can be no doubt 
that the well-cut blocks, on which the blows of the stonecutters can be 
still seen, have been worked with good iron instruments. Whoever 
compares this place with what presents itself at Hissarlik, cannot doubt 
that it belongs to a much later period, and that, at the highest date, it 
approaclies the time of Alexander.” 

I further cite the testimony of Mr. Frank Calvert, as well as that of 
Professor A. H. Sayce and Mr. F. W. Percival, all of whom acknowledge, 
from their own inspection, that the stones of all the walls of the little 
city have been worked with iron pick-hammers, and that, consequently, 
these walls must belong to a comparatively late period.* 

As a fifth most trustworthy authority for the comparatively late date 
of the walls on the Bali Dagh, I cite the pottery contained in the very 
scanty accumulation of débris inside the walls. No wall of any city or 
acropolis in the world can be more ancient than the most ancient pots- 
herds contained in the place enclosed by them: nay, the strongest walls 
may be broken away, or may, in the course of time, crumble away and 
disappear ; but not so the fragments’ of pottery, because they are inde- 
structible. The pottery I found in the royal sepulchres at Mycenae is 
acknowledged by all competent authorities to date from between 1200 and 
1500 z.c., and it is still as well preserved, and looks as fresh, as if it had 
been made yesterday; and, if it remained buried for millions of years 
more, it would hardly have a different appearance. The whole site of 
Mycenae is strewn with fragments of most ancient pre-historic pottery, 
which have probably been exposed for 8000 years to the open air; never- 
theless they are as solid as if they had been but recently made, and their 
painted colours have lost but little of their original brightness. In the 
potsherds, therefore, contained in the débris inside of walls, we must 
necessarily find two termini for the age of the walls themselves. Now, 
Von Hahn and Schmidt found in their excavations on the Bali Dagh, in 
May 1864, only one small headless figure of terra-cotta, four tubes of 
clay, a common clay piteher, two clay lamps, some clay vessels, fragments 
for the most part of black-glazed pottery, some copper coins of the second 
and third centuries B.c., and some fragments of house-walls of a late and 
poor Hellenic masonry. I obtained the same results in the excavations 
I made there in August 1868.6 I did not find one archaic potsherd, nor 
one of those whorls with incised ornamentation, of which I found so many 
thousands at Hissarlik; in fact, no pottery to which archeology could 
attribute a higher antiquity than the fourth or fifth century 8.0. We 
therefore obtained, by the exploration of the site, and particularly by 


Cuap. IV.] SCANT AND LATE POTTERY AT BALI DAGH. 





Eiseninstrumenten gearbeitet wurden. Wenn 
man diese Stelle vergleicht mit dem, was in 
Hissarlik hervortritt, so zweifelt man nicht, dass 
sie einer viel spiiteren Periode augehért und 
héchstens sich der Zeit Alexanders nihert.” 


Smyrna, in the Academy of 18th October; and 
from Oxford, in the same journal of 8th 
November. 

5 J. G. von Hahn, Ausgrabungen auf der 
Homerischen Pergamos, pp. 22, 23. 


_ * A.HL Sayce, in his Letters from the Troad, 
in the Atheneum of October 4th, 1879; from 


6 See my Ithaque, le Péloponneése et Troie, pp. 
169, 170; and above, p. 19. 


Ο 


191 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. [Cuap. Iv. 


its pottery, the same chronology for the walls which we obtain by the 
characteristic working of the stones themselves,—namely, the fourth or 
fifth century B.c. Besides, the accumulation of débris is but very insig- 
nificant: in many places in the little Acropolis the bare rock crops out ; 
- nowhere did I strike the rock at a greater depth than 5 feet, and 
generally at a few inches below the surface. I beg the reader to compare 
these results with those obtained at Hissarlik, where the accumulation of 
débris is from 52 to 53 ft. deep! 

I may here mention that, as Homer makes Hector and Achilles run 
three times round the city of Troy,’ it is a necessary condition that such 
a course should be physically possible. But if the heights of Bounarbashi 
mark the site of Troy, such a course is perfectly impossible, because 
the hill of the little Acropolis on the Bali Dagh—(which, according to the 
measurement of the astronomer Schmuidt,® is 472 ft. above the sea, and 
according to M. Burnouf’s measurement 14436 métres, which equally 
makes 472 ft.)—falls off very abruptly to the north-east, the east, and 
particularly to the south. Now, as the heroes must have run down on the 
south side to make the circuit of the city, I went myself down by this 
side, which falls off at first at an angle of 45°, and afterwards at an angle 
of about 25°; thus I was forced to crawl backward on all fours: it took 
me a quarter of an hour to come down, and I carried away the conviction 
that no mortal being, not even a goat, has ever been able to run swiftly 
down a slope which descends at an angle of 25°; and that Homer never 
intended to make us believe that Hector and Achilles, in making the 
circuit of the city, could have run down this impossible descent. 

I may add that neither from the Bali Dagh, nor from any other point 
of the heights of Bounarbashi attributed by Lechevalier and his followers 
to Troy, can Mount Ida be seen; but this is at variance with Homer, who 
represents Zeus as looking down from the top of Mount Gargarus on the 
city of Troy.’ 

Further, the heights of Bounarbashi belong to the lower range of 
Mount Ida. If Troy had been situated on those heights, Homer could not 
have expressly stated that 1t was built in the plain, in opposition to the 
first Trojan settlement, Dardanié, which, as he says, was built on the 
declivity of Ida rich in springs.!? Plato confirms the account that the 
first Trojan settlement was on the heights of Ida, whence they built 
Ilium in a wide and beautiful plain, on a hill which was not high, and 
close to which were rivers pouring down their waters from the heights of 
Ida.1. The position of Hissarlik, on a low hill almost in the midst of the 
splendid Plain of Troy, agrees perfectly with this important statement of 





7:77. xxii. 165; 266% 10, 71. xx. Dip oe uae 


ὡς τὼ τρὶς Πριάμοιο πόλιν περιδινηθήτην 
καρπαλίμοισι πόδεσσι" θεοὶ δέτε πάντες δρῶντο. 
8 J. G. von Hahn, Ausgrabungen, &c., p. 7. 
9 TI, viii. 51, 52: 
αὐτὸς (Ζεὺς) δ᾽ ἐν κορυφῇσι (Tapydpov) καθέζετο 
κὐδεὶ γαίων, ᾿ 
εἰσορόων Τρώων τε πόλιν καὶ νῆας ᾿Αχαιῶν. 


κτίσσε δὲ Δαρδανίην, ἐπεὶ οὔ πω Ἴλιος ἱρή 
ἐν πεδίῳ πεπόλιστο, πόλις μερόπων ἀνθρώπων, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἔθ᾽ ὑπωρείας ᾧκεον πολυπίδακος Ἴδης. 

' Plato, De Legibus, iii. 682, ed. G. Stallbaum : 
Κατῳκίσθη δή, φαμέν, ἐκ τῶν ὑψηλῶν εἰς μέγα 
τε καὶ καλὸν πεδίον Ἴλιον, ἐπὶ λόφον τινὰ οὐχ 
ὑψηλὸν καὶ ἔχοντα ποταμοὺς πολλοὺς ἄνωθεν ἐκ 
τῆς Ἴδης ὡρμημένου. 


5 


Cuap. IV.] HOMER AGAINST BOUNARBASHI. 195 


Plato; whereas the heights of Bounarbashi, which touch this Plain only 
on their small northern side, and are on all other sides connected with the 
hieher range of Ida, are utterly opposed to and in contradiction with it. 
As to the objection made by the adherents of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory, 
that “the high mount of Bali Dagh behind Bounarbashi offers the most 
appropriate situation for a fortified city, and that for this reason—without 
the slightest ancient authority and in opposition to the distinct indica- 
tions of Homer, and to the firm belief of all antiquity that Priam’s city 
was in the plain—we must transfer it to that mount,”—this objection is 
(as Eckenbrecher? rightly observes) “untenable.” He adds: “ Mycenae, 
Tiryns, Athens, Rome, were built on low hills, Thebes* altogether in the 
plain. Why, then, was not the citadel of Athens built close by on Mount 
Lycabettus, which towers high above the hill of the Acropolis?” 

“Nor must it,” as Mr. Philip Smith observes to me, “be forgotten, 
throughout the whole argument, that the theory of Lechevalier is a mere 
hypothesis, born from the fancy of a modern traveller, without the slightest 
historical or traditional foundation. The whole onus probandi, therefore, 
‘hes upon its advocates, and nothing but an overwhelming body of evidence 
for this new invention can prevail against that historical and traditional 
right of possession by Novum Ilium, which is even sounder in archeology 
than it is proverbially in law. Every new discovery in modern scholar- 
ship is daily tending to restore the authority of historical tradition, in 
opposition to the theories of sceptical enquirers.” 

I must further repeat here, that the distance between the forty springs 
of Bounarbashi and the Hellespont is in a straight line eight miles, and 
from the little Acropolis, held to be identical with Priam’s Pergamus, to 
the Hellespont is upwards of nine miles; whilst all the battles and all the 
marches to and fro in the Ihad justify the supposition that the distance 
between the city and the Greek camp cannot have exceeded three miles. 
Let us consider for instance the first battle, which, according to Pope’s 
calculation, is on the twenty-third day of the Iliad. In the night, 
Zeus orders the God of Dreams to go to Agamemnon, and induce him to 
arm the Greeks, promising him that he shall now take Troy.* At the 
first dawn, Agamemnon orders the Greeks to assemble in the Agora; he 
tells his dream to the other chiefs, and, wishing to sound their intentions, 
he proposes to them to return to their country:® the troops, with loud 
cries, disperse among the ships and make preparations to set them afloat.° 
Ulysses restrains the troops, persuades them to remain, and they assemble 
for the second time in the Agora,’ where long speeches are made by 
Ulysses, Nestor, and Agamemnon.*® At last they decide to remain; the 
warriors disperse again through the camp to prepare the morning meal, 





2 G. von Eckenbrecher, Die Lage des Homer- πάντα μάλ᾽ ἀτρεκέως ἀγορευέμεν ὡς ἐπιτέλλω. 
ischen Troja; Disseldorf, 1875, p. 23. θωρῆξαί ἑ κέλευε κάρη κομόωντας ᾿Αχαιούς 

3. Μ. Burnouf observes to me that, properly πανσυδίῃ" νῦν γάρ κεν ἕλοι πόλιν εὐρυάγυιαν 
speaking, Thebes is not built in the plain, but Τρώων: οὐ γὰρ ἔτ᾽ ἀμφὶς ᾿᾽Ολύμπια δώματ᾽ 


on the Cadmea, which by a series of heights is ἔχοντες 

connected with Mount Helicon. ἀθάνατοι φράζονται " ἐπέγναμψεν γὰρ ἅπαντας 
* Tl. ii, 8-15: Ἥρη λισσομένη, Τρώεσσι δὲ κήδε᾽ ἐφῆπται. 

βάσκ᾽ ἴθι, οὖλε ὄνειρε, θοὰς ἐπὶ νῆας ᾿Αχαιῶν" 5 Jl, ii. 48-140. 8 Tt hi. 142-154. 


ἐλθὼν ἐς κλισίην ᾿Αγαμέμνονος ᾿Ατρεΐδαο 7 (1, ii. 182--210. 8 Jl. 11. 284-393, 


196 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. [Cuar. IV. 


which they then eat.2 Agamemnon sacrifices a fat ox to Zeus, and 
assembles all the chiefs for this ceremony.’® Nestor makes another 
speech, after which Agamemnon orders the heralds to summon the troops 
to draw up in order of battle ;* and the army is arrayed before their camp 
in the Plain of the Scamander.’ | 

Iris gives notice of this to the Trojans, who arm themselves, open all 
the gates of the city, rush out with a great noise,* and array their army at 
the tumulus of Batieia.* The two armies meet in the plain;* but the 
plain could not have been large, because from the tower of the Scaean 
Gate Helen recognizes the chiefs of the Greeks and recounts their names 
to Priam. The Greek army could not have been farther off than half 
a mile, since one must be very keen-sighted in order to recognize men 
at that distance. 

Paris challenges Menelaus to single combat. Hector makes a speech, 
and Menelaus makes another." Hector despatches heralds to Troy to fetch 
live lambs, whilst Agamemnon sends his herald Talthybius to the Greek 
camp for the same purpose.* As the Greek army could not be further 
distant than half a mile, at most, from the Scaean Gate, it would have 
been at least seven miles and a half from the camp, if Troy had been on 
the heights of Bounarbashi, with its gate—as Curtius supposes—on the 
site of this village. In this case Talthybius could not have come back 
in less than six hours with the live lamb. But his absence is so short, 
that the poet does not even mention it; hence it is evident that the 
distance which this herald had to go was very short. 

Solemn sacrifices are offered, and solemn oaths are taken ;° the single 
combat takes place; Paris is vanquished by Menelaus, and carried away 
by Aphrodité.’? Pandarus shoots an arrow at Menelaus and wounds him; 
a long colloquy takes place between Agamemnon and Menelaus ;? Machaon, 
skilful in the art of healing, dresses the wound.* 

Agamemnon makes numerous speeches to encourage the Greek chiefs ; 
and at last the battle begins. Athené leads the impetuous Ares out of the 
battle, and makes him sit down on the bank of the Scamander.t The 
Trojans are driven back to the walls of Troy.® They are excited to battle 
by Apollo and Ares.° During the battle, the wounded as well as the booty 
taken from the enemy are continually carried to Troy and to the Greek 
camp: arms, chariots, and horses.’ The Greeks retire backwards before the 
victorious Trojans ;* they are repulsed as far.as the Naustathmus, because 
they are represented as fighting near the ships.° 





10 7], ii. 402-433. 3 Jl, iv. 208-219. 


9 7]. ii. 394-401. * Jl. y..35, 36, 

1 71. ii. 441-454. 2 7|. ii. 464, 465. νος: 

3 Tl. ii. 786-810; iii. 1-9. Τρῶας δ᾽ ἔκλιναν Δαναοί: ἕλε δ᾽ ἄνδρα ἕκαστος 
4 TI. ii. 811-815. ἡγεμόνων. 

Ε 6 7], iii. 166-235. 6 Tl. v. 460-470. 


dt, iii. 15. 
τ Tl. iii. 67-75, 86-94, 97-110. 
8. 71. mi, 116-120: 
Extwp δὲ προτὶ ἄστυ δύω κήρυκας ἔπεμπεν 


7 Il. ν. 325-663, 668, 669. 
8. 7), vy. 699-702: 
᾿Αργεῖοι δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ "Αρηϊ καὶ Ἕκτορι χαλκοκορυστῇ 


καρπαλίμως ἄρνας τε φέρειν Πρίαμόν τε καλέσσαι. 


αὐτὰρ ὃ Ταλθύβιον προΐει κρείων ᾿Αγαμέμνων 
νῆας ἔπι γλαφυρὰς ἰέναι, ἠδ᾽ ἄρν᾽ ἐκέλευεν 
οἰσέμεναι- ὃ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ οὐκ ἀπίθησ᾽ ᾿Αγαμέμνονι δίῳ. 
9. Ti. iii. 268-301. 10 7|. iii. 355-382. 
1 Jl. iv. 104-140. 2 7]. iv. 155-191. 


οὔτε ποτὲ προτρεποντο μελαινάων ἐπὶ νηῶν 
3. Ὁ] ΄ , > δ eK nay, 
οὔτε TOT’ ἀντεφέροντο μάχῃ; AAA’ alev ὀπίσσω 
χάζονθ᾽. 
5. 7]. γ 1815: 
νῦν δὲ ἑκὰς πόλιος κοίλῃς ἐπὶ νηυσὶ μάχονται. 


Cuap. IV.] EVIDENCE FROM THE ILIAD. 197 


The Greeks must in their turn have had the advantage, for we again 
see a terrible battle between them and the Trojans in the plain between 
the Scamander and the Simois. The Greeks recede again ;'° and Hector 
goes up to Troy to order sacrifices to the gods.' He appears to arrive 
there during the space of time occupied by the touching scene and the 
beautiful colloquy between Glaucus and Diomedes.? Hector has long 
conversations with his mother, with Paris, and with Helen; he looks for 
his wife Andromaché; he meets her and has a very long and affecting 
conversation with her, after which comes the pathetic scene with his son.® 
Hector returns to the battle in company with Paris, and it appears that 
they reach the army immediately after having gone out of the Scaean 
Gate.* Indeed the troops must have been before the Scacan Gate, because 
Athené and Apollo, who had taken the form of two vultures, sit down on 
the high beech-tree (φηγός) to enjoy the spectacle of the warriors, whose 
thick lines are seated, bristling with helmets, shields, and spears.° As we 
have seen before, this tree was near the Scaean Gate.® Hector and Paris 
kill several enemies ;’ then Hector provokes the bravest of the Greeks to 
‘single combat.’ There is a pause, because nobody dares to oppose himself 
to Hector; then a speech of Menelaus, who offers to fight with him ; then 
speeches of Agamemnon and Nestor. Nine heroes offer themselves to 
fight with Hector ; they draw lots; the lot falls on Ajax, son of Telamon, 
who rejoices and puts on his glancing armour.'® Then follow the speeches 
of the two adversaries;' they fight till night falls, and then exchange 
presents.* The Greeks return to their camp; the chiefs assemble in the 
tent of Agamemnon, where the king slaughters an ox; the animal is 
skinned, cut up, and roasted; and after this has been done, the evening 
meal is taken.” 

Let us now once more review the multitude of incidents on this single 
day: first, at daybreak, the general assembly in the Greek camp; the 
long speech of Agamemnon; then the dispersion of the troops to set the 
ships afloat; the long speeches of three heroes; the meal is prepared ; 
Agamemnon sacrifices an ox to Zeus; the new speech of Nestor ; finally, 
Agamemnon orders the army to be put in battle array. But this 
variety of acts and speeches must have occupied at least four hours ; 
therefore it is ten in the morning when the troops advance in the Plain 


Th ν 1: : 





> / fe “ \ / “ , 
ἀνδράσι τερπόμενοι" τῶν δὲ στίχες εἵατο πυκναΐ, 


᾿Αργεῖοι δ᾽ ὑπεχώρησαν, λῆξαν δὲ φόνοιο. 
17: vie {{1{Ξ11Ὁ: 2 Til. vi. 119-235. 
3 71, vi. 254-493. 
ATi vis 1-7 
ὡς εἰπὼν πυλέων ἐξέσσυτο φαίδιμος “Ἕκτωρ, 
τῷ δ᾽ ἅμ᾽ ᾿Αλέξανδρος Kl’ ἀδελφεός - ἐν δ᾽ ἄρα 
θυμῷ 
ἀμφότεροι μέμασαν πολεμίζειν ἠδὲ μάχεσθαι. 
ὡς δὲ θεὸς ναύτησιν ἐελδομένοισιν ἔδωκεν 
οὖρον, ἐπεί κε κάμωσιν ἐυξέστῃς ἐλάτησιν 
πόντον ἐλαύνοντες, καμάτῳ δ᾽ ὑπὸ γυῖα λέλυνται, 
ὡς ἄρα τὼ Τρώεσσιν ἐελδομένοισι φανήτην. 
5 Il. vii. 58:65: 
κὰδ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίη τε καὶ ἀργυρότοξος ᾿Απόλλων 
ἑζέσθην, ὄρνισιν ἐοικότες αἰγυπιοῖσιν, 
φηγῷ ἐφ᾽ ὑψηλῇ πατρὸς Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο, 


ἀσπίσι καὶ κορύθεσσι καὶ ἔγχεσι πεφρικυζαι. 
Sl νι 2 5 7: 
“Ἕκτωρ δ᾽ ὡς Σκαιάς τε πύλας καὶ φηγὸν ἵκανεν. 
7 Il. vii. 8-16: 
ἔνθ᾽ ἑλέτην ὃ μὲν υἱὸν ᾿Αρηϊθόοιο ἄνακτος, 
“Apvn ναιετάοντα Μενέσθιον, ὃν κορυνήτης 
γείνατ᾽ ᾿Αρηΐθοος καὶ Φυλομέδουσα βοῶπις" 
Ἕκτωρ δ᾽ ᾿Ηϊονῆα Bar’ ἔγχεϊ ὀξυόεντι 
αὐχέν᾽ ὑπὸ στεφάνης εὐχάλκου, λῦσε δὲ γυῖα. 
Γλαῦκος δ᾽ Ἱππολόχοιο πάϊς, Λυκίων ἀγὸς ἀνδρῶν, 
Ἰφίνοον βάλε δουρὶ κατὰ κρατερὴν ὑσμίνην 
Δεξιάδην, ἵππων ἐπιάλμενον ὠκειάων, 
ὦμον" ὃ δ᾽ ἐξ ἵππων χαμάδις πέσε, λύντο δὲ γυῖα, 
8 Ji. vii.,67-91. 9 Il. vii. 96-160. 
10 i, vii. 161-225. 1 70, vii. 996-943. 
1 7]. vii. 244-312, ® FL. vii, 313-336. 


198 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. [Cuar. IV. 


of the Scamander. They approach so near to the Scaean Gate, that 
Helen recognizes the Greek chiefs. Paris challenges Menelaus to single 
combat ; there are speeches of Hector and Menelaus ; heralds are sent to 
Troy and to the Greek camp to fetch live lambs; then come the solemn 
sacrifice and single combat. Numerous speeches are made by Aga- 
memnon. The Greeks drive the Trojans back to the walls of Troy, and 
they are repulsed in their turn; but they retire backward to the ships. 
The Greeks must have again advanced, for a fearful battle takes place in 
the plain between the Scamander and the Simois. The Greeks retreat 
again. Hector goes to Troy; there are long speeches by him, by Hecuba, 
by Paris, by Helen, and by Andromaché. The Greeks must have 
advanced again, for Hector and Paris are in their presence when they go 
out of the Scaean Gate; then come the speeches of Hector, of Menelaus, 
of Nestor; the single combat terminated by the night; and finally the 
return of the Greeks to their camp. 

Thus the distance between the city and the Greek camp has 
been traversed at least siz times in the space of time from ten in the 
morning to seven in the evening—namely, twice by the herald who 
fetched the lamb, and at least four times by the army-—and even once 
backwards; and all these marches and countermarches could be made in 
spite of the enormous consumption of time occasioned by the numerous 
speeches, the sacrifices, the different battles, and the two single combats. 
It is, therefore, evident that the distance between the Greek camp and 
Troy was assumed to be very short, and /ess than 3 miles. Bounarbashi 
is 8 miles from the shore of the Hellespont: if, therefore, Troy had 
been on the heights of Bounarbashi, at least 50 miles would have 
been traversed from ten in the morning to seven in the evening, in spite 
of all the loss of time produced by the different causes which I have 
enumerated. 

Lechevalier and his adherents find all this possible, relying on the 
principle that Homer, as a poet, exaggerates, and that the warriors of the 
heroic times would have been able, or were believed to be able, to accomplish 
superhuman feats. But if we put aside the intervention of the gods, 
“Homer 15, as Webb * remarks, very exact about facts: “ When he tells us 
that Achilles, if Poseidon gave him a good passage, would be in Phthia 
(a distance of 200 miles) in three days,* and that the ships of Nestor and 
Diomedes, with winds constantly favourable, sailed from Troy to Argos 
(a distance of 300 miles) in four days,® he speaks to us not of an heroic 
but of a very common passage, for Herodotus counts for a day of naviga- 
tion 700 stadia (70 geog. miles), and, for a day and a night together, 
1300 stadia.6 Telemachus and Pisistratus, in a chariot with two swift 





ὧδε" νηῦς ἐπίπαν μάλιστά KN κατανύει ἐν μακρη- 


3. Ῥὶ Barker Webb, Topographie de la Troade, 


p. 170. 

4 Ti, 1x5 500: 
ἤματί κε τριτάτῳ Φθίην ἐρίβωλον ἱκοίμην. 

5 Od. iii. 180-182: 
τέτρατον ἦμαρ ἔην, ὅτ᾽ ev” Apyel νῆας ἐΐσας 
Τυδείδεω ἕταροι Διομήδεος ἱπποδάμοιο 
ἔστασαν. ' 

6 Herodotus, iv. 86: Μεμέτρηται δὲ ταῦτα 


μερίῃ ὀργυιὰς ἑπτακισμυρίας, νυκτὸς δὲ ἑξακισ- 
μυρίας. ἤδη ὧν ἐς μὲν Φᾶσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος 
(τοῦτο γάρ ἐστι τοῦ Πόντου μακρότατον) ἡμερέων 
ἐννέα πλόος ἐστὶ καὶ νυκτῶν ὀκτώ - αὗται ἕνδεκα 
μυριάδες καὶ ἑκατὸν ὀργυιέων γίνονται, ἐκ δὲ τῶν 
ὀργυιέων τουτέων στάδιοι ἑκατὸν καὶ χίλιοι 
καὶ μύριοί εἰσι. 


δ 


Cuap. IV.] MOVEMENTS OF GREEKS AND TROJANS. 199 


horses, took two days to go from Pylos to Sparta, a distance of 50 miles.’ 
No doubt it would have been easier for Telemachus to have gone to 
Sparta in half a day, than for the Greeks and Trojans to have accom- 
plished the task imposed upon them by the system of Lechevalier.” ° 
On the day after the first battle of the Iliad, the herald Idacus 
is sent by the Trojans at daybreak into the Greek camp to propose an 
armistice, for the burial of the dead.? He concludes the armistice, and 
brings the news back to Troy; the Trojans begin to collect the 
dead bodies and wood to burn them, and then only does the sun 
rise."°. But how long can it have been between the first dawn of the 
morning and sunrise? Certainly not more than an hour and a half. 
This is only consistent if we suppose Troy to have been at Hissarlik, for, 
if it had been at Bounarbashi, the herald would have had at least 16 miles 
to walk, and he could not have done this in less than five hours, for—as 
Kckenbrecher* observes—any one who has read Homer, even superficially, 
will certainly not suppose that the herald could have gone on horseback 
or in a chariot, for, if this had been the case, the poet would have men- 
tioned it explicitly ; but on the contrary he expressly says, ‘“‘ Early in the 
morning let Idaeus go to the hollow ships,”? and “ Early in the morning 
Idaeus went to the hollow ships;”? and again “Idaeus went back to 
sacred Ilium.” 4 Eckenbrecher ὅ adds that Welcker,® the warmest defender 
of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory, suggests that the herald might have 
run; there being so much running in the Iliad, and the poet endowing 
his heroes with superhuman power: ‘“ But wherever he does this it 
is to make them appear more heroic and more sublime, and not to 
make them ridiculous. Can the herald, who has to conclude the armistice 
for burying the dead, be conceived of as running at a trot for four hours ! 
Then we must suppose that, if Troy had been at Bounarbashi, still three 
hours at least would have been occupied in concluding the armistice, in 
its proclamation, in the preparation for the setting out of the armies 
and in their long march, before both armies could have met. Therefore, 
at least seven hours would have been required to execute that which Homer 





7 Od. iii. 484-497 and iv. 1: 
μάστιξεν δ᾽ ἐλάαν, τὼ δ᾽ οὐκ ἄκοντε πετέσθην 
ἐς πεδίον, λιπέτην δὲ Πύλου αἰπὺ πτολίεθρον. 
οἱ δὲ πανημέριοι σεῖον ζυγὸν ἀμφὶς ἔχοντες. 
δύσετό τ᾽ ἠέλιος σκιόωντό TE πᾶσαι ἀγυιαΐ, 
ἐς Φηρὰς δ᾽ ἵκοντο, Διοκλῆος ποτὶ δῶμα, 
υἱέος ᾿Ορσιλόχοιο, τὸν ᾿Αλφειὸς τέκε παῖδα. 
ἔνθα δὲ νύκτ᾽ ἄεσαν, ὃ δὲ τοῖς πὰρ ξείνια θῆκεν. 
ἦμος δ᾽ ἠριγένεια φάνη ῥοδοδάκτυλος ᾿Ηώς, 
ἵππους τε (εύγνυντ᾽ ἀνά θ᾽ ἅρματα ποικίλ᾽ 
ἔβαινον, 
ἐν δ᾽ ἔλασαν προθύροιο καὶ αἰθούσης ἐριδούπου. 
μάστιξεν δ᾽ ἐλάαν, τὼ δ᾽ οὐκ ἄκοντε πετέσθην. 
ἵξον δ᾽ ἐς πεδίον πυρηφόρον, ἔνθα δ᾽ ἔπειτα 
ἦνον ὁδόν - τοῖον γὰρ ὑπέκφερον ὠκέες ἵπποι. 
δύσετό τ᾽ ἢέλιος σκιόωντό τε πᾶσαι ἀγυιαΐ, 
οἱ δ᾽ ἷξον κοίλην Λακεδαίμονα κητώεσσαν, ... 
ὃ There is no carriage-road over Mt. Taygetus, 
which Telemachus and Pisistratus must neces- 
sarily have crossed ; and there are no signs that 


there has ever been such aroad. Thus to go in 
a chariot from Pherae (now Calamata). across 
those mountains has at all times been impossible. 
But Homer, who probably did not know the 
locality, supposed it to be possible. 
SI. vin. 381: 
ἠῶθεν δ᾽ ᾿Ιδαῖος ἔβη κοίλας ἐπὶ νῆας. 
10 7], vii. 421--428 : 
ἠέλιος μὲν ἔπειτα νέον προσέβαλλεν ἀρούρας; 
ἐξ ἀκαλαῤῥείταο βαθυῤῥόου ᾿Ωκεανοῖο 
οὐρανὸν εἰσανιών " οἱ δ᾽ ἤντεον ἀλλήλοισιν. 
1 Die Lage des Homerischen Troja, p. 29. 
Ds Vile 9.12: 
ἠῶϑεν δ᾽ Ἰδαῖος ἴτω κοίλας ἐπὶ νῆας. 
3 7]. vii. 381, sup. cit. 
STL Vu. eo 
ἄψοῤῥον δ᾽ Ἰδαῖος ἔβη προτὶ Ἴλιον ἱρῆν. 
5 Die Laye des Homer. Troja, p. 29. 
6. Aleine Schriften, Band ii. p. xviii. 


200 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. [Cuap. IV. 


mentions as having been done, at the most, in one hour and a half. This 
proves that the distance, at which Homer considers his Troy to be from 
the Hellespont, is more than four times less than the distance of Bounar- 
bashi from the sea-coast at the Trojan epoch.” 

On the third day, after sunset,’ Hector causes the Trojans to encamp 
on the bank of the Scamander,® and orders oxen, sheep, and wine to be 
brought quickly from the city:® the animals and the wine, as well as 
bread, are immediately brought from Troy.’° Oxen and sheep move 
slowly, especially in the night, but nevertheless they arrive καρπαλίμως, 
promptly. The Trojans slaughter the animals, and sacrifice to the gods.’ 
But the Trojan camp was close to the Tumulus of Ilus,? on the left bank 
of the Scamander, since the thousand watch-fires of the Trojans were 
seen between the Greek camp and the river;* the Tumulus of Ilus was 
also close to the ford of the Scamander.*| The Trojan camp, then, 
being at the Tumulus of Ilus, on the left bank of the Scamander, near its 
ford, was, as we have seen, near Troy; and this is further proved by the 
poet’s statement, that their watch-fires were burning before Ilium (T\108 
πρό). Now the proximity of this same Trojan camp to the Greek ships, 
on the shore of the Hellespont, could not be better indicated than by 
the passage in which Agamemnon is represented as looking from his tent 
on to the plain; when he is alarmed at seeing the watch-fires of the 
Trojan camp which burn before Ilium, and at hearing the sound of the 
Trojan flutes and pipes and the hum of the warriors.° 

Now, if Troy had been at Bounarbashi, the Trojan camp, which is 
described by the poet as being very near Ilium, must be supposed to 
have been at a distance of 7 miles from the Gree camp. But what 
mortal ear can hear musical sounds or the hum of men at such a dis- 
tance? The same may be said of the ᾿Ιλιέων Kou, which is nearly as 
far from the Hellespont as Bounarbashi, and which has besides the 
disadvantage that it cannot be seen from the shore, being screened from 
view by the intervening heights. 

On the day on which the third great battle took place, which is 
the twenty-eighth day of the Ilad according to Pope’s calculation, 


'7 7]. viii. 485-488: 2 Tl. x. 414, 415: 
ἐν δ᾽ ἔπεσ᾽ ᾿Ωκεανῷ λαμπρὸν φάος ἠελίοιο, Ἕκτωρ μὲν μετὰ τοῖσιν, ὅσοι βουληφόροι εἰσίν, 
ἕλκον νύκτα μέλαιναν ἐπὶ ζείδωρον ἄρουραν. βουλὰς βουλεύει θείου παρὰ σήματι Ἴλου. 

Τρωσὶν μέν ῥ᾽ ἀέκουσιν ἔδυ φάος, αὐτὰρ ᾿Αχαιοῖς 3 7]. viii. 560-563 : 
ἀσπασίη τρίλλιστος ἐπήλυθε νὺξ ἐρεβεννή. τόσσα μεσηγὺ νεῶν ἠδὲ Ξάνθοιο ῥοάων 

8 Jl. viii. 489-491 : Τρώων καιόντων πυρὰ φαίνετο Ἰλιόθι πρό. 

Τρώων αὖτ᾽ ἀγορὴν ποιήσατο φαίδιμος “Ἕκτωρ, XIV ἄρ᾽ ἐν πεδίῳ πυρὰ καίετο, πὰρ δὲ ἑκάστῳ 
νόσφι νεῶν ἀγαγών, ποταμῷ ἔπι δινήεντι; εἵατο πεντήκοντα σέλαι πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο. 
ἐν καθαρῷ, ὅθι δὴ νεκύων διεφαίνετο χῶρος. 4 Tl. xxiv. 349-351: 

9 7|. viii. 505, 506: οἱ δ’ ἐπεὶ οὖν μέγα σἣμα παρὲξ" Ιλοιο ἔλασσαν, 
ἐκ πόλιος δ᾽ ἄξεσθε βόας καὶ ἴφια μῆλα στῆσαν ἄρ᾽ ἡμιόνους τε καὶ ἵππους, ὄφρα πίοιεν, 
καρπαλίμως, οἶνον δὲ μελίφρονα οἰνίζεσθε. ἐν ποταμῷ. ‘ 

10 7|, viii. 545, 546: But this passage, in contradiction to the fore- 
ex πόλιος δ᾽ ἄξαντο βόας καὶ ἴφια μῆλα going, makes it appear that the tomb of Ilus was 
καρπαλίμως, οἶνον δὲ μελίφρονα οἰνίζοντο. on the right bank of the Scamander. 

1 7). viii. 548-550 : 5 1], x ates 
ἔρδον δ᾽ ἀθανάτοισι τεληέσσας ἑκατόμβας, ἢ τοι ὅτ᾽ ἐς πεδίον τὸ Τρωϊκὸν ἀθρήσειεν, 
κνίσην δ᾽ ἐκ πεδίου ἄνεμοι φέρον οὐρανὸν εἴσω θαύμαζεν πυρὰ πολλὰ τὰ καίετο ἸΙλιόθι πρό, 


ἡδεῖαν. αὐλῶν συρίγγων 7’ ἐνοπὴν buaddy 7’ ἀνθρώπων. 





DISTANCE BETWEEN TROY AND THE SHIPS 201 


Cuap. IV.] | 


sunrise® and noon’ are mentioned. In the afternoon the Greeks drive 
the Trojans to the Scaean Gate ;* but the former are again driven back 
to the ships, where a terrible carnage takes place.? The Trojans are 
again repulsed,’® but they drive back the Greeks a second time to the 
ships,' where there is a fearful slaughter. Patroclus drives the Trojans 
to the walls of Troy, and tries three times to scale it ;* the Greeks fight 
until evening before the Scaean Gate.* Thus, in this third battle, as 
in the first, the Greeks go at least four times in one afternoon over the 
space between the camp and Troy, in spite of the long battles at the 
ships, in the plain, and under the walls of Troy. 

There is another passage which proves the short distance between 
Troy and the Greek camp. Priam begs Achilles to grant an armistice of 
eleven days for the funeral of Hector, for, he says, the city is shut up too 
closely by the siege, and they must fetch the wood afar from the moun- 
tains. The old king would certainly not have had to complain of this, 
had Troy been at Bounarbashi, or at ᾿[λιέων Κώμη; for as both these 
places—the heights of the former as well as the hill of the latter—are 
connected with the higher wooded range of Mount Ida, the Trojans could 
have quietly fetched their wood, without fear of being troubled by the 
Greeks, 

The defenders of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory lay much stress on 
the passage where, in the battle at the ships, Poseidon reproaches the 
Greeks, and says that formerly, before the retirement of Achilles, the 
Trojans never for a moment dared to meet the Greeks in open battle, 
whereas now they fight far from the city at the hollow ships ;°—again, on 
the passage where Polydamas advises the Trojans, when they had with- 
drawn from the Greek camp, to retire to the city, and not to remain all 
the night in the plain near the ships, because ‘we are far from the walls 
of Troy ;” °—also on the passage in which Ulysses, when lying with his 
companions in ambush in the reeds and bushes before the walls of Troy, 
says to them: “ We have ‘gone very far from the ships.”" But we do not 


Ὁ 77: wil 2 
"Has δ᾽ ἐκ λεχέων παρ᾽ ἀγαυοῦ Τιθωνοῖο 
ὥρνυθ᾽, ἵν’ ἀθανάτοισι φόως φέροι ἠδὲ βροτοῖσιν. 
7 Il. xi. 84-86: 
ὄφρα μὲν Nas ἦν καὶ ἀέξετο ἱερὸν ἦμαρ, 
τόφρα μάλ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων βέλε᾽ ἥπτετο, πίπτε δὲ 
λαός" 
ἦμος δὲ δρυτόμος περ ἀνὴρ ὡπλίσσατο δεῖπνον. 
8. Jl. xi. 166-170: 
οἱ δὲ map’ Ἴλου σῆμα παλαιοῦ Aapdavidao, 
μέσσον κὰπ πεδίον, παρ᾽ ἐρινεὸν ἐσσεύοντο 
ἱέμενοι πόλιος " ὃ δὲ κεκληγὼς Emer’ αἰεὶ 
᾿Ατρεΐδης, λύθρῳ δὲ παλάσσετο χεῖρας ἀάπτους. 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ Σκαιάς τε πύλας καὶ φηγὸν ἵκοντο. 
δ) xii. 35 to xiv. 439. 
10 γ᾽. xv. 6-8: 
στῆ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἀναΐξας, ἴδε δὲ Τρῶας καὶ ᾿Αχαιούς, 
τοὺς μὲν ὀρινομένους τοὺς δὲ κλονέοντας ὄπισθεν, 
᾿Αργείους, μετὰ δέ σφι Ποσειδάωνα ἄνακτα. 
I 71. xv. 343-345 ; 
ὄφρ᾽ οἱ τοὺς ἐνάριζον ἀπ᾽ ἔντεα, τόφρα δ᾽ ᾿Αχαιοί 


τάφρῳ καὶ σκολόπεσσιν ἐνιπλήξαντες ὀρυκτῇ 
ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα φέβοντο, δύοντο δὲ τεῖχος ἀνάγκῃ. 

Se EVI. TOL, ΤΠ): 
τρὶς μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἀγκῶνος βῆ τείχεος ὑψηλοῖο 
TIGTPOKNOS - ᾿ς: 

3 7. xviii. 453: 
πᾶν δ᾽ ἦμαρ μάρναντο περὶ Ξκαιῇσι πύλῃσιν. 

6 St. xxiv. 662, Οὐ: 
οἶσθα yap ὡς κατὰ ἄστυ ἐέλμεθα, τηλόθι δ᾽ ὕλη 
ἀξέμεν ἐξ ὄρεος, μάλα δὲ Τρῶες δεδίασιν. 

a Tomi 10 95 ΤῸ 7: 
ὧς Τρῶες τὸ πρίν γε μένος καὶ χεῖρας ᾿Αχαιῶν 
μίμνειν οὐκ ἐθέλεσκον ἐναντίον, οὐδ᾽ ἠβαιόν. 
νῦν δὲ ἑκὰς πόλιος κοίλῃς ἐπὶ νηυσὶ μάχονται. 

ὁ J]. xviii. 254-256: 
ἀμφὶ μάλα φράζεσθε, φίλοι - κέλομαι yap ἐγώγε 
ἄστυδε νῦν ἰέναι, μὴ μίμνειν ᾿Ηῶ δῖαν 
ἐν πεδίῳ παρὰ νηυσίν: ἑκὰς 8 ἀπὸ τείχεος 

εἰμέν. 
7 Od. xiv. 496: 
λίην yap νηῶν ἑκὰς ἤλθομεν. 


202 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER'S ILIUM. [Cuap. IV. 


see how it can be inferred from these passages that there must have been 
a great distance between the Greek camp and Troy; for in the first the 
question is of the Trojans fighting at the ships, and therefore at the 
farthest possible point from Troy between the city and the Greek camp ; 
in the second passage they are close by this farthest point; and in the 
third passage Ulysses, in ambush under the very walls of Troy, is as far 
as he can be from the camp, speaking of the space between it and Troy. 
Thus, the adverb éxas is in all three cases used only relatively, and it 
need by no means indicate a really long distance, especially as the whole 
Iliad shows the space between Troy and the Greek camp to have been but 
very short. I may add that in a war, such as was carried on between 
the Greeks and Trojans, the distance between the Hellespont and His- 
sarlik can be and ought to be considered as relatively great. 

The short distance between Ilium and the Greek camp appears also to 
be indicated by the short run which Dolon had to make, to reach the 
ships.° We further recognize the short distance, when, in the last battle, 
the Trojans being arrayed between the Greek camp and the Scamander, 
Athené excites the Greeks by her cries from the wall of the camp and 
from the shore, whilst Ares excites the Trojans by his cries from the 
height of the Acropolis. It must be remembered that the Trojan camp 
was at that time in close proximity to the ships. 

Against Bounarbashi we have also the passage in the [atpoxneva,!® 
where Patroclus, after having driven back the Trojans to the ships, does 
not allow them to return to the town, but kills them between the ships, the 
wall (of the city), and the Seamander. This passage shows three important 
facts : in the first place, that the distance between the city, the Scamander, 
and the Greek camp, was but very short; in the second place, that the 
Scamander was between the city and the Greek camp; and, thirdly, 
that Troy could consequently not be situated at Bounarbashi, as the Sca- 
mander would not have intervened between it and the Greek camp. 

The Troy-Bounarbashi theorists further maintain that, at the time of 
the Trojan war, Hissarlik was close to the Hellespont, the whole lower 
plain being a much later formation ; and that, consequently, there was 
no room for the battles described in the [liad. They refer to the before- 
mentioned Hestiaea, who, according to Strabo, made the same objection ; 
and also to Herodotus,” who says that the land about Ilium (that is, the 








5. Plex. Bd1—069, 

pe ae Su a re 
ave 5’”Apns ἑτέρωθεν, ἐρεμνῇ λαίλαπι ἶσος, 
ὀξὺ κατ᾽ ἀκροτάτης πόλιος Τρώεσσι κελεύων. 

10 Tl. xvi. 394-398: 

Πάτροκλος δ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὖν πρώτας ἐπέκερσε φάλαγγας“, 
ἂψ ἐπὶ νῆας ἔεργε παλιμπετές, οὐδὲ πόληος 

εἴα ἱεμένους ἐπιβαινέμεν, ἀλλὰ μεσηγύς 

νηῶν καὶ ποταμοῦ καὶ τείχεος ὑψηλοῖο 

κτεῖνε μεταΐσσων, πολέων δ᾽ ἀπετίνυτο ποινῆν. 

1 xiii. p. 599: παρατίθησι δ᾽ 6 Δημήτριος καὶ 
τὴν ᾿Αλεξανδρίνην Ἑστίαιαν μάρτυρα, τὴν συγ- 
γράψασαν περὶ τῆς Ὁμήρου ᾿Ἰλιάδος, πυνθανο- 
μένην εἰ περὶ τὴν νῦν πόλιν 6 πόλεμος συνέστη, 


καὶ... τὸ Τρωϊκὸν πεδίον, ὃ μεταξὺ τῆς πόλεως 
καὶ τῆς θαλάττης 6 ποιητὴς φράζει: τὸ μὲν γὰρ 
πρὸ τῆς νῦν πόλεως δρώμενον πρόχωμα εἶναι τῶν 
ποταμῶν ὕστερον γεγονός. 

7 ii, 10: τῶν γὰρ οὐρέων τῶν εἰρημένων τῶν 
ὑπὲρ Μέμφιν πόλιν κειμένων τὸ μεταξὺ ἐφαίνετό 
μοι εἶναί κοτε κόλπος θαλάσσης, ὥσπερ γε τὰ 
περὶ Ἴλιον καὶ Τευθρανίην καὶ ἜἜφεσόν τε καὶ 
Μαιάνδρου πεδίον, ὥστε εἶναι σμικρὰ ταῦτα μεγά- 
λοισι συμβαλέειν. The parallel is unlucky for 
the theory, since the geology of Egypt proves 
Herodotus to be utterly wrong in his assumption 
(for it is nothing more—and the same is true of 
the Plain of Troy) that the Nile-valley was formed 


Cuar. IV.] WAS ILIUM FINALLY DESERTED ? 203 


historical Ilium) appears to him to have once been a gulf filled up by the 
alluvium of the rivers, like part of the Nile valley. But I have given 
numerous reasons which lead to the conclusion that the Plain of Troy 
must probably be older even than the Hellespont, and that it must have 
extended at the Trojan epoch just as far towards the latter as it does now. 
Moreover, Herodotus does not say that in his opinion the plain was formed ἡ 
after the Trojan war; and, as Eckenbrecher* ingeniously remarks, “ How 
could he have expressed such an opinion, as the historical [lum is in his 
view identical with the Homeric Ilium, which fact necessarily involves the 
supposition that the plain existed at the Trojan epoch?” 

The defenders of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory further cite the testi- 
mony of the orator Lycurgus,* who says in his speech against Leocrates, 
accused of treachery after the battle of Chaeronea: “ Who has not heard 
that Troy, the greatest city of its time, and sovereign of all Asia, after 
having been destroyed by the Greeks, has remained uninhabited ever 
since?” “But how”—asks Eckenbrecher®—“ could Lycurgus suppose 
this to be wniversally known, as there must have been not a few persons 
who knew nothing about it; for instance, the Ilians of his time, who 
(with Hellanicus and others) had the firm conviction that the site of 
their city was identical with the Homeric Troy? This question can 
only be solved by the right interpretation of the word ‘ uninhabited’ 
(ἀοίκητος); and, fortunately, Lycurgus himself assists us in explaining 
it; for he says also in his speech, that through the treachery of Leocrates 
Athens had been in danger of becoming ‘uninhabited’ (ἀοίκητον ἂν 
γενέσθαι). Does he mean by this, the danger of literally no one living 
in Athens? No, he can only have meant, in danger of becoming deserted, 
desolate,.dead, which expressions we use in speaking of a ruined city, 
just as the modern Venetians have been heard to say ‘non v’é piu 
Venezia. We see, then, that the word ‘uninhabited’ was used in Greek 
in this sense; and we may therefore understand it so in the passage in 
which Lycurgus applies it to Troy. In this way we remove the incon- 
sistency involved in this passage by translating the word ‘ uninhabited,’ 
and do away with the proof that the site of the Homeric Troy had never 
been inhabited after its destruction. For the rest, Strabo® cites the words 
of Lycurgus, after having given Homer’s authority for the complete 
destruction of the city, in order to show, as he says, that this was also 
acknowledged in later times. The confirmation of Troy’s complete de- 
struction (κατεσκάφη) contained in the words of Lycurgus served Strabo 
for his purpose, for the sake of which he cannot have laid any absolute 
stress on the words that the city of the Ilians (which he here calls Troy) 
remained ‘uninhabited’ (ἀοίκητον οὖσαν); for even a city which has 
literally not a single inhabitant need not on this account be destroyed: 





by the gradual filling up of a chasm, like that μεγίστη γεγενημένη τῶν τότε πόλεων καὶ 
of the Red Sea, by the alluvial deposits of the πάσης ἐπάρξασα τῆς ᾿Ασίας, ὡς ἅπαξ ὑπὸ τῶν 


river in the course of centuries. Ἑλλήνων κατεσκάφη, Toy αἰῶνα ἀοίκητός ἐστι; 
* Die Lage des Homerischen Troja, p. 57. 5 Die Lage des Homer. Troja, p. 41. 
‘ Lycurg. in Leocratem, Ὁ. 62, ed. Carol. & xiii. p, 601, 


Scheibe: τὴν Τροίαν τὶς οὐκ ἀκήκοεν; ὅτι 


204 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. [Cuap. IV. 


it can easily be seen that Strabo only adds the final words in order to 
conclude the phrase of Lycurgus.” 

KEckenbrecher’ further says, in defence of Hissarlik against Bounar- 
bashi: “The prophecy of Juno in the Ode of Horace Justwm ac tenacem, 
&c.,° has been cited as a decisive proof against Novum Ilium. Welcker® 
maintains: ‘ We cannot wish for a more conclusive testimony, that Ilium 
was not rebuilt on the ancient site, than this threat of Juno, that the 
Capitol would only exist and that Rome would only dominate, dum Priami 
Paridisque busto Insultet armentum et catulos ferae Celent inultae :’— 

‘Dum longus inter saeviat Ilion 
Romamque pontus, qualibet exsules 


In parte regnanto beati: 
Dum Priami Paridisque busto 


‘Insultet armentum et catulos ferae 
Celent inultae, stet Capitolium 
Fulgens triumphatisque possit 

Roma ferox dare jura Medis.’ 

“We reply: Juno promises (1) that the Romans shall reign happily, 
so long as the wide sea shall roar between Ilium and Rome; and (2) that 
the Capitol shall gloriously stand, and Rome shall be victorious, so long 
as on the tumulus of Priam and Paris herds shall trample and wild beasts 
shall with impunity conceal their brood. In the first part of this prophecy 
is contained a guarantee for the eternal duration of the Capitol; for it is 
said that Rome’s happy dominion, which is unimaginable without the 
existence of the Capitol, will last as long as the sea shall roar between Ilium 
and Rome, that is, eternally. Now, Juno would have made a contradictio 
in adjecto, if she had said in the second part of her promise, that the 
eternal standing of the Capitol was uncertain; but she would have said 
this if she had designated the length of the duration of the Capitol’s 
existence, not by a thing which must last eternally, like the roaring of 
the sea, but by something which might perhaps not last eternally. She 
must therefore have thought, that the herds and wild animals must 
continue for ever to trample on the sepulchre of Priam and Paris: thus 
these graves are supposed to be at a spot, perhaps in the secluded dales 
of Mount Ida, where pasturing herds and wild animals are presumed to 
remain for ever. What has been said of the latter would therefore give 
the same sense as we might perhaps express by saying: ‘ As long as cows 
are pasturing on -the Alps, and chamois climb about on their rocks;’ thus 
this promise purports nothing else than:—the victorious power shall be 
eternal. There is nothing else, therefore, in this passage; not a trace of 
a proof against the identity of Novum Ihum with the Homeric Ilium. 
But we should impute to Horace an absurd mode of writing, if, in the 
second part of the promise—which, like the first, he introduces by dum, 
‘as long as’—he intended to express a condition which was not necessarily 
to be fulfilled, like the condition contained in the first part; that 1s, 
which was not to be fulfilled in case the Romans built a city on the site of 





7 Die Lage des Homer. Troja, pp. 42-46. 8 Horat. Carm. iii. 3. 
9. Welcker, Kleine Schriften, Band iv. p. 19. 


9 


Cuap. IV.] JUNOS PROPHECY IN HORACE 205 


those tombs, whereas it would be fulfilled if they did not do this. He 
must have supposed, however, that in the latter case herds and wild 
animals would be eternally on those tumuli. He would, therefore, use 
the image of the pasturing flocks and wild animals as an image of 
eternity. Those who pretend to find in the second part of the promise’? 
the condition that no city must ever be built on the site of ancient Troy, 
ought not to be surprised, that with owr mode of explanation, we attribute 
this meaning to Horace. 

“But our Ode contains yet more than the promise of Juno which we 
have discussed. It is said later on: 

‘Sed bellicosis fata Quiritibus 
Hac lege dico: ne nimium pil 
Rebusque fidentes avitae 
Tecta velint reparare Trojae.’ 

With reference to this we must say: If indeed these words were to be 
understood to prescribe that Troy should never be rebuilt, as the con- 
dition of the victorious grandeur of Rome, Horace’s opinion would cer- 
tainly be expressed by saying, that it had never been rebuilt—that is, the 
site of Homeric Troy had never again borne human habitations; that 
that site, therefore, was different from that on which, in Horace’s time, 
stood the great and flourishing city of Ihum. But Juno’s words are not 
necessarily to be understood as containing this condition. They may also 
be interpreted, not altogether to prohibit building again on the site of 
Priam’s Troy, but merely to enjoin that this should not be done with 
exaggerated piety (ne nimium pi), and with exaggerated confidence in the 
secure power of Rome. I believe indeed that, considering the circum- 
stances, we must say that Horace meant his words to be understood in 
this manner: because, had he been understood to make it the condition 
of Rome’s greatness, that the site of Priam’s Troy should never be again 
built upon, then every one would have concluded from this Ode, either 
that Juno had prophesied falsely, or that—by the rebuilding of Troy— 
Rome had already for centuries worked at its own perdition ; for, according 
to the popular belief as well as in the opinion of the most distinguished 
men, on the site of Priam’s Troy stood a city of Troy, which the Romans 
had with bountiful liberality for centuries been endeavouring to raise to 
a highly flourishing condition. We must therefore explain Horace only. 
to have intended to rebuke the exaggerated piety, &c. displayed in the 
restoration of Troy, and not its restoration generally. Suetonius perhaps 
gives us the explanation of the poet’s motive for saying this in such 
emphatic words. He tells us, in fact, that shortly before Caesar’s assas- 
sination there had been a strong and universally diffused rumour, that 
he intended to transfer the centre of gravity of the Roman power to 
Ilium." How much this was to the Roman taste [or rather a favourite 
idea of certain emperors] we see from the fact, that at a later time 
Constantine the Great, before establishing Constantinople at Byzantium, 





10 See above. translatis simul opibus imperii, exhaustaque 
" Suetonius, Julius Caesar, 79: “varia fama Italia delectibus, et procuratione urbis amicis 
percrebuit migraturum Alexandriam vel Ilium, permissa.” 


206 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. [Cuap. IV. 


had in all seriousness selected the environs of Ilium for his new capital. 
Such plans may also have hovered in the air at the time of Augustus, 
and may have induced Horace, who held them to be pernicious, to 
express himself in the sharpest manner.? For the rest, the adherents of 
Bounarbashi have overlooked the fact, that no one at Rome ever at any 
time thought of building a Troy outside Novum Ilium, on any site 
believed to be identical with Priam’s Troy, in opposition to Novum Ilium. 
It therefore could not occur to Horace’s mind to warn them against that 
scheme. 

“Like Horace, Aeschylus* is also most unjustly cited against Novum 
Ilium. He says no more than that Troy had been destroyed and its site 
deserted,‘ and that Athené had taken possession of the Trojan land as a 
portion of booty (λάχος) for the children of Theseus,’ Τῇ we suppose that 
by this is meant only a portion of the Trojan land, it does not follow that 
that land, as Welcker maintains, should be thought to be excluded from 
all kinds of profane use (and therefore from the building of houses). And 
which portion of the Trojan land was it? Welcker indeed knows very 
precisely that it was the region of Bounarbashi, but he does not make it 
clear to us how he knows this. 

“Just as little as the adherents of Bounarbashi can appeal to Aeschylus, 
so little can they appeal to Lucan’s Pharsalia.® It is evident that Lucan 
makes Caesar visit the Ilium of his time and hold it to be the Homeric 
city. Of this-the verse 


‘Circuit exustae nomen memorabile Trojae’ 


can hardly leave any doubt, because on the coast of Troy there existed 
only the city called Ilium or Troy, and no other of this name. But it is 
self-evident that Caesar could not have found there ruins of the ancient 
Pergamus and the wall of Phoebus Apollo, and this bears as little on the 
subject as the trees and brakes which grew on the Pergamus, as now on 
the Acrocorinthus and many another Acropolis, whilst the city which 
belongs to it lives and bears its ancient name. Let us also remember 
Caesar’s solemn yow made on the sacred precincts: ἢ 


Restituam populos, grata vice moenia reddent 
Ausonidae Phrygibus, Romanaque Pergama surgent,’ 


of which promise Lucan says* that it has been fulfilled— 


‘Votaque thuricremos non irrita fudit in ignes;’ 


which cannot refer to anything else than the numerous good acts and 





1 Gibbon, c. 17. Constantine had even begun βωμοὶ δ᾽ ἄϊστοι Kal θεῶν ἱδρύματα, 
to erect on the chosen site important and sump- καὶ σπέρμα πάσης ἐξαπόλλυται χθονῴῥξ. 
tuous buildings, which afterwards fell to pieces. _> Eumenides, 397-402 : 

2. See also Loebell, Ueber das Principat des πρόσωθεν ἐξήκουσα κληδόνος βοήν, 

Angustus, in Raumer’s Π δέον. Taschenbuch, 1834. ἀπὸ Σκαμάνδρου γῆν καταφθατουμένη, 

8 Welcker, Kleine Schriften, Band iv. p. 17. ἣν δῆτ᾽ ᾿Αχαιῶν ἄκτορές τε καὶ πρόμοι, 

4 Aeschylus, Agamemnon, vv. 524-528 : τῶν αἰχμαλώτων χρημάτων λάχος μέγα, 
ἀλλ᾽ εὖ vir ἀσπάσασθε, καὶ γὰρ οὖν πρέπει, ἔνειμαν αὐτόπρεμνον εἰς τὸ πᾶν ἐμοί, 
Τροίαν κατασκάψαντα τοῦ δικηφόρου ἐξαίρετον δώρημα Θησέως τόκοις. 

Διὸς μακέλλῃ, τῇ κατείργασται πέδον. Six. 9615 7 Lucan. Pharsal. ix. 998, 999. 


8 Pharsal. ix. 989. 


7 


Cuar IV.] LEGEND OF THE WOODEN HORSE. 207 
favours, by which—as we notoriously know from history—Julius Caesar 
endeavoured to raise the Ilium of his time to a flourishing condition.” 

I may here add that the site of Bounarbashi is in contradiction with 
the hydrographical foundations of our map, in consequence of which all 
the adherents of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory must submit to a radical 
renaming of the rivers of the plain. 

It has been argued against the identity of Novum Ilium with the 
Homeric Troy that, if the latter had been so near the ships, the Trojans 
would not have needed to encamp in the plain. But it was Hector’s 
intention to attack the Greeks the moment they should try to put their 
ships afloat and to go on board, for he supposed they had such a design.® 
By encamping at the tumulus of [lus he saved a march of a mile and a 
half, and kept his warriors under arms instead of dispersed in the city. 

When the battle is raging near Troy, Ajax is afraid that those of the 
Greeks who had remained in the camp at the ships might be discouraged 
at seeing their comrades repulsed by Hector.’° The distance appears, 
therefore, to have been so short that they could see each other. Virgil," 
the most veracious narrator of traditions, and Quintus Smyrnaeus,’ 
represent the Trojan women as looking at the Greek fleet from the walls, 
and hearing the cries of the Greeks when they rushed from the camp.. 
These are merely instances of the views of these two later authors 
with regard to the distance and the relative situation of the city and 
the camp. But it must be supposed that people at the camp and in Ilum 
perceived each other only very imperfectly, for otherwise there could 
be no reason why Polites—who, confiding in his speed, sat as scout on 
the tumulus of Aesyetes (which we may suppose to have been near Koum 
Kioi)—should have watched when the Greeks would rush forth from 
their ships.’ 

The legend of the Trojan wooden horse is undoubtedly nothing but 
a sacred symbol. Euphorion, in the rationalizing spirit of the later 
Greeks, supposed this horse to have been nothing else than a Grecian 
ship called ἵππος, “the horse.”* So too Pausanias pronounced that the 
Trojan horse must have been in point of fact a battering-engine, because 
to admit the literal narrative would be to impute utter childishness to the 
defenders of the city.* Keller’ suggests that “it probably refers to an 
oracle; let us call to mind the numerous Sibyls in Asia Minor, at Sardis, 
Erythrae, and Samos,° as well as the oracle of the wooden walls of Athens, 
which signified its ships.” But the Trojan horse, as Grote’ says, with its 





9 7). viii. 508-511 : 
ὥς κεν παννύχιοι μέσφ᾽ ἠοῦς ἠριγενείης 


Eductam tectis, unde omnis Troia videri 
τ Ἢ : BY Cee hee 
Et Danatim solitae naves et Achaica castra.’ 


καίωμεν πυρὰ πολλά, σέλας δ᾽ εἰς οὐρανὸν iki), Wie fo 
a > , \ \ OEY, 
μή πως Kal διὰ νύκτα κάρη κομόωντες ᾿Αχαιοί Τρῶες δ᾽ εὖτ᾽ ἐπύθοντο βοὴν καὶ λαὸν ἴδοντο, 
1 me 
φεύγειν ὁρμήσωνται em’ εὐρέα νῶτα θαλάσσης. θάμβησαν. 


1 7. Nits 9 7Ξ059: 
οἵ που δεῦρ᾽ ὁρόωντες ἀκηχέδατ᾽, οὐδ᾽ ἔτι φασίν 
“EKTopos ἀνδροφόνοιο μένος καὶ χεῖρας ἀάπτους 
σχήσεσθ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν νηυσὶ μελαίνῃσιν πεσέεσθαι. 


2 J]. ii. 791-794, already cited. 

3 Fragmenta, 34, ap. Dintzer, Fragmenta 
Epic. Graec. p. 59. 

4 Grote, History of Greece, i. p. 285. 


1) Aeneid. ii. 460-462 : 
“Turrim in praecipiti stantem summisque sub 
astra 


5 Die Entdeckung Ilion’s zu Hissarlik, p. 16. 
6 Aelian. Var. Hist. xii. 35. 


7 Hist. of Greece, i. p. 305. 


208 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. (Cuap. IV. 


accompaniments, Sinon and Laocodn, is one of the capital and indis- 
pensable events in the epic: Homer, Arctinus, Lesches, Virgil, and 
Quintus Smyrnaeus, all dwell upon it emphatically as the proximate 
cause of the capture of Troy. 

I mention the Trojan horse here, in order to show that those who 
invented or supported the legend can only have had the idea that it 
was dragged to a Pergamus situated at a very short distance from the 
Greek camp, but they cannot possibly have supposed that such an 
immense machine, full of warriors, could have been dragged for eight 
miles through the plain, and then for more than one mile up the steep 
rocks of the Bali Dagh to the Pergamus. ‘The adherents of the Bounar- 
bashi theory maintain that the passage in the Odyssey *—which refers to 
the consultation as to whether the great horse, which had been dragged 
into the Acropolis, should be thrown down on the stones at its foot—can 
only be referred to the little Acropolis on the Bali Dagh, with its deep 
and steep slope, and not to Hissarlik. But we see no reason for this, 
because the slope of Hissarlik is on the north, north-west, and north-east 
side at an angle of 45°; and the city had, besides, high walls. We must 
therefore understand that it was proposed to drag the horse to the 
edge of the wall and to throw it thence on the stones below; there is 
not the slightest reason to suppose that Homer must necessarily have 
meant here very high, almost perpendicular, pointed cliffs. 

At the time of Demetrius of Scepsis the little Acropolis on the 
Bali Dagh, behind Bounarbashi, was probably still standing. It was 
strategically well situated ; but nevertheless, though envious and jealous 
of Novum Ilium, he did not, like the modern explorers, dare to proclaim 
its identity with the Homeric Ilium. He preferred to instal a poor 
unfitly situated little village in the legendary rights of the ancient 
Ilium, because that name at least appeared to cling to it. Nobody 
dared in antiquity to shake the eee of a name,—an example of 
caution which should be a warning to us.® 

W. Christ *° cites B. Stark of Heidelberg,’ whose enthusiasm for his 
Troy-Bounarbashi theory goes so far that, without paying any attention 
whatever to the ancient testimonies, is puts the ᾿Ιλιέων Κώμη of 
Demetrius close to Bounarbaski. 

Grote* observes: “Theophrastus, in noticing old and venerable 
trees, mentions the φηγοί (Quercus aesculus) on the tomb of [lus at 
Ilium, without any doubt of the authenticity of the place (De Plant. 
iv. 14); and his contemporary, the harper Stratonikos, intimates the 
same feeling, in his jest on the visit of a bad Sophist to Ilium during 
the festival of the Ilieia (Athenaeus, viii. p. 351). The same may be said 
respecting the author of the tenth epistle ascribed to the orator Aeschines 





8 Od. viii. 506-509 : ® Otto Keller, Die Entdeckuny Ilion’s zu His- 
. τρίχα δέ σφισιν ἥνδανε βουλή, sarlik, p. 27. 

ae διαπλῆξαι κοῖλον δόρυ νηλέϊ χαλκῷ, 10 Die Topographie der Trojan. Ebene ; Miinchen, 

ἢ κατὰ πετράων βαλέειν ἐρύσαντας ἐπ’ ἄκρη, 1874. 

ἢ ἐάαν μέγ᾽ ἄγαλμα θεῶν θελκτήριον εἶναι. 1 Reise nach dem griechischen Orient, p. 166. 


2 History of Gage i. Ῥ. 299. 





Cuap, IV.] BELIEF OF THE GREEKS AT ILIUM. 209 


(p. 737), in which his visit of curiosity to Ilium is described-—as well 
as about Apollonius of Tyana, or the writer who describes his hfe and 
his visit to the Troad; it is evident that he did not distrust the 
apyatodoyia of the Ihans, who affirmed their town to be the real Troy 
(Philostr. Vet. Apol. Tyan. iv. 11). The goddess Athené of Ilium was 
reported to have rendered valuable assistance to the inhabitants of 
Kyzikus, when they were besieged by Mithridates, commemorated by 
inscriptions set up in Thum” (Plutarch, Lucullus, 10). 

Grote? also finds an important argument for the identity of Novum 
Thum with the Homeric Troy in the above-mentioned periodical sending 
of the Locrian maidens to Ilium, to do menial service in the temple of 
Athené, as an expiation of the sin of their hero Ajax, son of O:leus. He 
thinks that the sending of these virgins could not possibly have been 
commenced under the dominion of the Persians, as Strabo* says: but, 
on the contrary, he finds in it a proof that Ilium always existed, and, 
consequently, that it had never ceased to be inhabited. I may add that, 
according to another passage in Strabo,’ the Ilians maintained that the 
annual sending of Locrian virgins to Ilium had commenced soon after 
the capture of Troy, and that the city had neither been totally destroyed 
by the besieging Greek army nor had it ever been (entirely) deserted. 
The history of the city could not have been anywhere better preserved 
than by its inhabitants. 

As the hill of Hissarlik, under whatever essential aspect we may 
examine it, answers to the indications of the Iliad in regard to the 
situation of ancient Ilum, the fact that a city of the same name existed 
here in later times tends rather to:confirm than to enfeeble its right to be 
considered identical with the city celebrated by the poet. The identity 
of name is a strong presumption in favour of the coincidence of position. 
It must also be considered, that the interest which the ancients felt 
for the Troy of Homer was far greater even than ours; that they had 
plentiful sources of information which are lost to us; and that they 
were consequently far better prepared for a thorough examination of 
the site ube Troja fut than we are. The Ilians were Aeolic Greeks,‘ 
who had immigrated into the Troad’ and had no doubt got mixed up 
with the remaining Trojans, and who adhered with fervent zeal to the 
worship of the Ilhan Athené and to that of the heroes who had fallen 
in the war, to whom, as we have seen,® funeral services were celebrated as 


3 History of Greece, i. p. 282. 

+ xii, p. 601: τὰς δὲ Λοκρίδας πεμφθῆναι 
Περσῶν ἤδη κρατούντων συνέβη. 

5 xiii. p. 600: Λέγουσι δ᾽ of νῦν Ἰλιεῖς καὶ 
τοῦτο ὡς οὐδὲ τελέως ἠφανίσθαι συνέβαινεν τὴν 
πόλιν κατὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν, οὐδ᾽ 
ἐξελείφθη οὐδέποτε- ai γοῦν Λοκρίδες παρθένοι 
μικρὸν ὕστερον ἀρξάμεναι ἐπέμποντο kat’ ἔτος. 

6 Herodotus, v. 122: (‘Yuens) καταλιπὼν τὴν 
Προποντίδα ἐπὶ troy Ἑλλήσποντον ἦγε τὸν 
στρατόν, καὶ εἷλε μὲν Αἰολέας πάντας, ὅσοι τὴν 
Ἰλιάδα νέμονται, εἷλε δὲ Γέργιθας τοὺς ὑπολει- 
φθέντας τῶν ἀρχαίων Τευκρῶν. 

Pausanias, i. 35. 4: λόγον δὲ τῶν μὲν Αἰολέων 


τῶν ὕστερον οἰκησάντων Ἴλιον ἐς τὴν κρίσιν τὴν 
ἐπὶ τοῖς ὕπλοις ἤκουσα. 

Pausanias, vill. 12. 9: τούτου δὲ συντελοῦσιν 
és πίστιν Αἰολέων of Ἴλιον ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἔχοντες, 
es τ IN 

Grote, History of Greece, i. p. 295, also cites 
Αἰολεὺς ἐκ πόλεως Τρωάδος, the title proclaimed 
at the Olympic games (Paus. v. 8. 3): like Αἰολεὺς 
ἀπὸ Moupivas, from Myrina in the more southerly 
region of Aeolis, which we find in the list of 
victors at the Charitesia, at Orchomenus in 
Boeotia (Boeckh, Corp. Inscrip. Graec. No. 1583). 

7 See p. 128. 

® See pp. 180, 181. 


210 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER’S ILIUM. [Cuap. IV. 


late as the time of the Emperor Julian. Everything therefore here con- 
tributed to keep alive the reminiscences of the Trojan war and its locality. 


Not only did an ancient and venerable city stand on Hissarlik: this 


city was also so rich and powerful that there could not easily be in 
the Plain of Troy a second equally important city; it must therefore 
have been regarded as the capital of the Trojan dominion.® 

“The legendary faith (in the identity of Novum Ilium with the 
Homeric Ilium) subsisted before, and continued” (as Grote’ says) 
“afterwards, notwithstanding the topographical difficulties. Hellanicus, 
Herodotus, Mindarus, the guides of Xerxes, and Alexander, had not 
been shocked by them: the case of the latter is the strongest of all, 
because he had received the best education of his time under Aristotle 
—he was a passionate admirer and constant reader of the Iléad—he 
was, moreover, personally familiar with the movements of armies, and 
lived at a time when maps, which began with Anaximander, the disciple 
of Thales, were at least known to all who sought instruction. Now if, 
notwithstanding such advantages, Alexander fully believed in the identity 
of Ihum, unconscious of the topographical difficulties, much less would 
Homer himself, or the Homeric auditors, be likely to pay attention to 
them, at a period, five centuries earlier, of comparative rudeness and 
ignorance, when prose records as well as geographical maps were totally 
unknown.” Grote further cites the argument of Major Rennell:’ 
‘Alexander is said to have been a passionate admirer of the Ilad, 
and he had an opportunity of deciding cn the spot how far the topo- 
graphy was consistent with the narrative. Had he been shown the 
site of Bounarbashi for that of Troy, he would probably have questioned 
the fidelity either of the historical part of the poems or of his guides. 
It is not within credibility, that a person of so correct a judgment as 
Alexander could have admired a poem which contained a long history 
of military details and other transactions that could not physically have 
an existence. What pleasure could he receive, in contemplating as 
subjects of history, events which could not have happened? Yet he did 
admire the poem, and therefore must have found the topography consistent ; 
that is, Bounarbashi, surely, was not shown to him for Troy.” 

Grote further mentions the testimony of Arrian, “ who, though a 
native of Nicomedia, holding a high appointment in Asia Minor, and 
remarkable for the exactness of his topographical notices, describes the 
visit of Alexander to Ilium, without any suspicion that the place with 
all its relics was a mere counterfeit. Aristides, Dio Chrysostom, Pau- 
sanias, Appian, and Plutarch, hold the same language.” ” 








9. W. Christ, Die Topographie der Trojanischen 
Ebene ; Miinchen, 1874. “if not Zroy, what is 
this city but its double?” —Quarterly Revicw, 
April 1874, p. 559. 

10 History of Grecce, i. p. 305. 

1 Observations on the Plain of Troy, p. 128. 

2 Arrian. Anab. i. 11; Appian, Mithridat. c. 53 ; 
Aristides, Oratio, 43; Rhodiaca, p. 820 (Dindorf, 
p. 369). The curious Oratio xi. of Dio Chrysostom, 
in which he writes his new version of the Trojan 


war, is addressed to the inhabitants of Ilium. 
Grote adds: “ But modern writers seem for the 
most part to have taken up the supposition from 
Strabo as implicitly as he took it from Demetrius. 
They call Ilium by the disrespectful appellation 
of New ium, while the traveller in the Troad 
looks for Old Ilium as if it were the unquestion- 
able spot where Priam had lived and moved ; 
the name is even formally enrolled on the best 
maps of the ancient Troad.” 


“a 


CHAPTER V. 


THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY ON THE HILL OF HISSARLIK. 


As I have explained in the preceding pages,’ I ascertained by the 
twenty shafts sunk on the site of Novum Ilium, which are accurately 
indicated on the Plan of the Hellenic Ilium,’ that the ruins of none of 
the pre-historic cities, which succeeded each other here in the course of 
ages, exceeded the precincts of the hill of Hissarlik, which forms its 
north-west corner, and served as its Acropolis. This Acropolis, like the 
Acropolis of old Troy, was called Pergamum.* Here were the temples 
of the gods,* among which the sanctuary of Athené, the tutelary deity 
of the city, was of great celebrity. The Ilians, who firmly believed 
in the ancient tradition that their town occupied the very site of ancient 
Troy, were proud to show in their Pergamum the house of Priam as 
well as the altar of Zeus Herkeios, where that unhappy old man had 
been slain,® and the identical stone on which Palamedes had taught the 
Greeks to play at dice. They were so totally ignorant of archeology, 
that they took it as an undoubted fact, that the Trojans had walked 
on the very same surface of the soil as themselves, and that the buildings 
they showed were all that remained of the ancient city. It never occurred 
to their minds that ruins could exist except on the surface. As they had 
no cellars, so they had no excavations to make; but still they once cer- 
tainly made an excavation, because there is a well’ in the Acropolis, which 
is walled up with stones and chalk, and was evidently dug by the later 
Ilians. This well has been dug with great trouble through numbers 
of pre-historic house-walls. By a strange chance it has been pierced, 
at a depth of about 30 ft. below the surface, through the thick walls of a 
house, which is the largest house in the burnt city, and which I firmly 
hold to be the mansion of its chief or king, because, as mentioned in 
the preceding pages, in or close to it I found nine smaller or larger 
treasures. But they dug with great pains through these house-walls 
without even noticing them, for, had they noticed them, they might 
have raised pretensions to archeology; they might perhaps have 
excavated the whole mansion, and might have felt inclined to proclaim 
it as the real house of Priam, instead of the building which they showed 
28 or 30 ft. above it, on the surface of the hill. With the same in- 
difference they dug on, and, having pierced through several still more 





Δ ῈΡ. 58: 4 TheInscriptions authenticate, besides Athené, 
? The shafts are marked by the letters Ato a temple of Zeus Polieus at Novum Ilium 
V on Plan 11. (Boeckh, Corp. Inscr., No. 3599). 
% Herodotus, vii. 43: τὸ Πέργαμον. The 5 Grote, History of Greece, i. p. 298. 
form in Homer is always ἡ Πέργαμος. The 5 Polemon Perieget. Frag. xxxi.; ed. L. Preller. 


Tragic poets use also the plural, τὰ Πέργαμα. 7 This well is marked az on Plan I. (of Troy). 


212, THH FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


ancient house-walls, they at last, at a depth of 53 ft., reached the rock, 
into which they sunk their shaft deep enough to get water. The 
Ilans dug this well from above, whereas in describing the results of 
my excavations I shall commence from below. 

The rock consists of soft limestone. 

The first inhabitants of these sacred precincts did not take the trouble 
to remove the black earth which covered this rock to the depth of 8 in. ; 
but they laid on it the foundations of their houses, of which three walls, 
composed of small uncut stones joined with earth, may be seen in my 
great trench, which passes from north to south through the whole hill.® 
On some of these walls the well-smoothed clay coating, with which they 
were once covered, is still preserved. 

I have hitherto attributed the enormous layer of débris, 23 ft. deep, 
which covers the rock and precedes the burnt city, to only. one nation, 
and have called those vast ruins the First City on the hill of 
Hissarlik.? But the pottery contained in the lowest stratum, from 6 
to 7 ft. thick, is so vastly, so entirely different from that of ie subse- 
quent layer, 16 ft. thick; and further—as Professor A. H. Sayce, who 
recently visited the Troad, has ingeniously observed—the architecture 
of the house-walls in these two strata is so widely different,—that I 
cannot but acknowledge, in agreement with him, that the first city 
must have been destroyed or abandoned, and again built over by 
another people. 

To my great regret, I have been able to excavate comparatively 
little of these two lowest cities, as I could not bring them to light 
without completely destroying the burnt city, the third in succession 
from the virgin soil, the ruins of which rest upon the second city. 
For this reason also I can only give the depth of the ruins of the first 
city! approximately, as from 6 to 7 ft.: in some places it may be a little 
less, in others a little more. Thus, for instance, the depth of the débris 
of the first city is 9 ft. in two places in which M. Burnouf has most 
carefully examined them. He found them to consist of: 





1. The limestone rock: Thickness. 

2. The layer of black earth . : : : : : : - 20 centimetres deep. 

3. Dark blue plastic clay . 5 : 5 : : ἐπ 3 - Ἄ 

4. Light grey plastic clay . ᾿ ὁ ὲ : 3 : : BF. os A 

5. Dark blue plastic clay’. : ξ . 5 ° ; : ΟΣ" 9 

6. Black earth . ; : : : ξ 6 BS ΑΞ 

7. Dark blue clay υὐὐπεᾶ ὙΠ ata are : : ; 8 55 - 

8. Mixture of.the preceding earth with traces of ete) : : 20 be 99 

9. Yellowclay . : ; ‘ - : 9 a + 
10. Dark blue clay mixed mit aa Batccal. 5 13 + = 
11. Yellowish clay, much mixed with grey clay and pee ena 

traces of charcoal : Γ : 20 - τ 

12. Layer of mixed earth between Ἐπ [ἢ own ΠῚ ὙΠ : 10 a = 
13. Earth mixed with all these elements and with stones . β see δ a - 








Then follow the buildings of the Second ony. 





® See Plan III. (marked f f f in Section of the ® See my Troy and its Remains, pp. 148-156. 


Great Central Trench, x—-y), also Plan I. (of 10 These ruins of the first city are marked 
Troy), on which they are likewise marked ff N on Plan III. (Section of the Great Central 
in the Great Trench, X-y. Trench) 


7 


ὕπαρ. V.] POTTERY THE MOST ANCIENT OF IMITATIVE ARTS. 213 


M. Burnouf remarks that these layers are frequently interrupted by 
large cakes of clay (in French, galettes) or groups of them, which 
were in general use with the inhabitants of the first three, and even 
of the first four, pre-historic cities. He explains that these clay cakes 
were used to consolidate and to level the layers of débris, because as 
they dried they became so hard that the heaviest walls could be erected 
upon them. He adds that the layer of débris of the first city often 
contains single stones, small deposits of brown or black ashes, as well 
as mussels and oyster shells, but few cockles and bones. The layers of 
débris slope with the hill towards the north. 

This first city was evidently not destroyed by fire, for I never found 
there blackened shells or other marks of a great fire. 

Now, with regard to walls of defence, there are none in the excavated 
part of it which I could with any probability attribute to this first city ; 
only on the north-east side of the hill, at a distance of 133 ft. from 
its slope, I brought to light a retaining wall of white stones,’ which, 
in agreement with Burnouf and Sayce, I can attribute only to this first 
city, because at a depth of 50 ft. it ascends, at an angle of 45°, 6 ft. 
below the ruined city wall built of large blocks joined with small stones,’ 
and it must, therefore, have been built a very long time before the latter, 
which we ascribe, with every probability, to the second city. 

It appears-that this first city had either no regular walls of defence, 
or, as is more likely, its walls appeared not strong enough for the 
second nation, which built, not only its walls, but even its houses, of 
much larger stones, Professor Sayce suggests that the entrance to this 
first city was not on the south-west side, where the second settlers 
built their gate, but that it must have been on the west side, where 
the hill slopes gently at an angle of 70° to the plain. I think this 
highly probable. 

In treating of the objects of human industry found in the deébris, I 
begin with the most important—Pottery,—because it is the cornucopia 
of archeological wisdom for those dark ages, which we, vaguely groping 
in the twilight of an unrecorded past, are wont to call pre-historic. 
Indeed, “the art of making pottery seems,” as Mr. A. W. Franks? 
judiciously observes, “to have been practised by mankind from very 
early times. It is. even a question whether it was not known to the 
primitive inhabitants of Europe, in those early ages when the mammoth 
and reindeer still lived in the plains of France. The invention of pot- 
tery in China is referred by native writers to the legendary Emperor 
Hwang-ti, who is stated to have commenced his reign of 100 years in 
2697 s.c. A subsequent emperor, Yu-ti-shun (2255 8.0.), is stated to 
have himself made pottery before he ascended the throne. The potter’s 
wheel was known in Egypt at an early period, having probably been 
invented as early as the 6th Egyptian dynasty.” 

Of all the imitative arts the working in clay was naturally the most 





See on the engraving, No. 2, the retaining 3 Introduction to his Catalogue of a Collection 
wall marked a. of Oriental Porcelain and Pottery; London, 


? See the wall B on the same engraving. 1878. 


214 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


ancient, as modelling of course precedes casting, carving, or painting. 
The pre-historic peoples, who inhabited the hill of Hissarlik, made of 
baked clay all utensils for everyday life and for depositing the remains 
of the dead. Instead of wooden or stone coffins they used funeral urns 
of terra-cotta. Instead of cellars, chests, or boxes, they had large jars 
(7/00), from 4 to 7 ft. high, which were dug into the ground, so that only 
the mouth was visible, and were used either for the preservation of food, 
or as reservoirs for oil, wine, or water. Instead of wash-tubs, they used 
large terra-cotta bowls; of terra-cotta were all their vessels used for cook- 
ing, eating, and drinking; of terra-cotta even were their hooks for hanging 
up clothes, the handles of their brushes, their ex-votos, and the weights 
of their fishing-nets. Thus we cannot be astonished at finding in the 
débris of their cities such large masses of broken pottery, among which, 
however, there is no trace of tiles. It therefore appears certain that, 
just like the houses of the present inhabitants of the Troad, the houses 
of all the five pre-historic cities, which succeeded each other here, were 
covered with fiat roofs of beams on which was heaped a thick layer of 
clay as protection against the rain. 

If, as we judge of the degree of civilization of a country by its 
literature, and particularly by its newspapers, it were possible to judge 
of the degree of civilization of a pre-historic people by the greater or 
less perfection of their pottery, then we might conclude, that of all 
the peoples which have succeeded each other here, that of the first 
city was by far the most civilized, because its pottery shows, both in 
fabric and shape, by far the most advanced art. But I am far from 
maintaining this theory; I shall only cite facts. To this early people 
the potter’s wheel was already known, but it was not in common use, 
because all the bowls and 
plates, as well as all the 
larger vessels, are invariably 
hand-made. We may say 
the same of nearly all the 
smaller vases, among which, 
however, we now and then 
find one which has most un- 
doubtedly been turned on 
the potter's wheel, as, for 
instance, the vase No. 23, 
which is of a dim black 
colour and globular form, so 
that it cannot stand without 
being supported.* Like most 
vases of a similar shape in 
this first city, it has on each 


side two long vertical tubular holes for suspension by a string. We 





No. 23. Globular Vase, with double tubular holes on either side 
for suspension, (About 1: 4 actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) 


4 This vase is in my collection in the South Kensington Museum, where every one can con- 
vince himself that it is wheel-made: this, however, can be also clearly seen in the engraving. 





Cuap. V.] VASE-COVERS WITH DOUBLE PERFORATIONS. 215 


see this same system on the accompanying fragments of a lustrous-black 
hand-made vase (Nos. 24 and 25). 

This system of double vertical tubular holes for suspension, which was 
in common use in the first city, has been but very rarely found elsewhere. 
The Museum of Saint Germain- 
en-Laye contains a fragment of 
a dark-brown vase, with two 
vertical tubular holes, found in 
a cavern in Andalusia, which in 
fabric resembles some of the 
pottery of the first city at His- 

No. 24. Fragment of a Vase, with two tubular holes on sarlik. There are also three 
avout EET egy  ὀδαρτηοηί of vases, with two 
vertical tubular holes, found in 
Dolmens, the locality of which is not indicated ; further, the casts of two 
more such fragments, of which the originals, preserved in the Museum 
of Vannes, were found in the 
Dolmen of Kerroh, at Loc- 
mariaker. There has also 
been found in Denmark, in 
a sepulchre of the Stone 
age, a similar vase, with two 
vertical tubular holes on 
each side for suspension; it 
is preserved in the Royal 
Museum of Nordiske Oldsager 
in Copenhagen, and is repre- 
sented among the vases of 
the Stone age, in J. J. A. 
Worsaae’s Nordiske Oldsager, 
p- 20, No. 100. This Danish 
vase is covered with a lid, 
having on each side two 
corresponding perforations, = 
through which the strings No. 25. ees of a Vase, with two tubular holes for suspension 
% x on each side. (Nearly actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) 

were passed: in this way 
the vase could be shut quite close. Similar vase-covers, with two tubular 
holes for suspension on each side, are frequent in this first city. The 
accompanying engraving represents two such vase-covers, of which the 








No. 27. 





Nos. 26, 27. Vase Covers, with vertical tubular holes for suspension, 
(About half actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) 


216 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


one standing upright has on its top four perforated projections, in the 
form of feet, and a fifth not perforated in the middle. The other, which 
stands on its head, has an equal number of such foot-like protuberances, 
of which only one on each side is perforated: this latter, therefore, belongs 
to a vase with only one vertical tubular hole for suspension on each side. 

I may add that the five fragments of vases found in French Dolmens, 
as well as the Danish vase, have only the system for suspension in 
common with those of the first city at Hissarlik; the fabric and clay are 
altogether different. 

A very great number of the bowls and some of the vases of the first 
city had, on the inner side of the rim, an incised linear ornamentation, 
which was filled up with white chalk, so as to strike the eye. To this 
class ‘of bowls belong the fragments Nos. 28 and 29, the ornamentation 
of which appears to have been borrowed from weaving patterns. The 
fragment No. 31 is the rim of a shallow basin with a perforated handle. 
Many others have an incised linear ornamentation on the outside of the 
rim, like Nos. 80, 32, 33, and 34, of which that on No. 82 appears also to 
be a textile pattern. No. 35 is the bottom of a vase decorated with incisions. 


No. 29. 


ἡ ie Ἵ \ 
ιν . ' Wi ) 
Ὁ (AN 4 























Pry 

ay 

yy ΐ | 
ffi 


χ»{ » i 






ni) 








i 














titres 


ih 

















lh ἢ ζ Kh 

Ti a ai {ι 
ὴ A Ν 

) 





Nos. 28-35. Fragments of Pottery, ornamented with linear and other patterns filled with white chalk. 
(About half actual size. Depth, 46 to 53 ft.) 


The ornamentation of No. 33, which is very common, appears to be bor- 


rowed from the fish-spine. Very curious is the incised ornamentation on 





Cuap. V.] REMNANTS OF THE ANCIENT CORD. P17 


the fragment No. 36, which resembles an owl’s face in monogram, but 
I am far from suggesting that the potter who made it intended to 
represent an owl. it is however, as M. Burnouf remarks, easy to follow 
upon the vases the series of forms gradually passing over from the owl- 
head to this monogram. He calls attention to the bundle of vertical lines 
to the right, which in his opinion are meant to represent female hair. 
Most of the bowls have on the two sides, as in Nos. 37 and 38, slight 
projections in the rim with horizontal tubular holes, which—in proportion 







ip 


᾿ i 


NMAC 


































No. 36. Fragment of a Bowl, with an ornamentation No. 37. J.ustrous-black Bowl, with two horizontal 


filled with white chalk. tubular holes for suspension. 
(About half actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 45 ft.) 














No. 38. Lustrous-black Bowl, with long horizontal tubular rings for suspension on the rim, 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 48 ft.) 


to the size of the vessel—are from 2 to 4in. long, and which likewise 
served for suspending the bowls. 

The fragments with tubular holes (on p. 218) belong to large bowls, 
on account of which the holes are much wider, as the heavy weight of 
the vessels, when filled, necessitated a strong cord. 

On some bowls these protuberances, containing the tubular holes for 
suspension, are ornamented, as in Nos. 40 and 42, with deep impressed 
furrows, so that they have the shape of a hand with the fingers clenched. 

In the tubular hole of a fragment of a bowl in my possession, my 
friend the professor of chemistry, Xavier Landerer, late of the University 
of Athens, found the remnants of the cord which had served for sus- 
pending the vase. He ascertained these remnants to be of an organic 
nature ; they burned, he says, like tinder or like the fibres of a thread 
or cord. On examination through a microscope, they proved to be the 
remains of a twisted linen cord. 


218 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


With the exception of the vase No. 23—which, as already stated, is of 
a dull black—and of Nos. 40 and 42, which are of a yellow colour—all the 


No. 39. 




















Nos. 39-42. Fragments of Pottery, with tubular holes for suspension. 
(About half actual size. Depth, 46 to 52 ft.) 


above fragments and bowls are of a lustrous black; and the larger they 
are, so much the thicker are they in many places, so that, for instance, at 
the lower end of the rim and in the base the clay is often rather more than 
half an inch thick. Although the rich shining deep black colour of these 
bowls, enhanced as it is by its contrast to the fantastic rim-ornamentation 
filled with white chalk, is really fascinating to the eye and looks like a 
mirror, yet on close examination we find the surface of the bowls, both 
outside and inside, very uneven. But this could hardly be otherwise, as 
they are all hand-made, and were polished with stones of porphyry, 
diorite, or jasper, expressly cut for the purpose, of which I found a great 
quantity in this first city as well as in all the four successive pre-historic 
cities of Hissarlik. Fair specimens of these polishing stones are seen in 
the chapter on the Third, the burnt City, under Nos. 648-651, to which 
I refer. (See p. 444.) 

The unevenness of the surfaces of the pottery may also be accounted | 
for by the ingredients of which these vessels are composed; for, when 
fractured, we see that the clay has been mixed with coarsely-pounded ; 
granite, the mica of which shows its presence by the numerous small flakes | 
glittering like gold or silver. Professor Landerer, who examined some of 
the fragments chemically, found in them, besides granite, gneiss and 
quartz. It appears therefore evident, that this most ancient and highly 
curious pottery of the first city was fabricated in the same way as the 





Cuap. V.] INTENSE HEAT FOR BAKING POTTERY. 219 


pre-historic pottery found in Mecklenburg, of which my friend the 
celebrated archeologist, Dr. Lisch of Schwerin, writes to me as follows :— 
“As to the manufacture of clay vessels in the heathen time, numerous 
thorough investigations have been made in Mecklenburg for the last fifty 
years. First, the core of the vessel was made by hand of common clay, 
which was thoroughly kneaded with pounded granite and mica. For this 
reason, there are many urns which have a rough surface, owing to the 
protruding little stones. But the interior surface of these urns was 
covered smoothly with clean clay. The pounded granite was required in 
order that the form of the vessel might be ἐὐοσοῦτθα in the fire, because 
otherwise it would have collapsed. This mode of rosa beet is also 
proved by the sparkles of mica which may be seen on the surface. Then 
the core of the vessel was dried or slightly baked. When this had been 
done, the whole external surface of the vessels was coated with clay, from 
which all the coarser particles had been separated by water, so as to 
establish a smooth surface and to fill up all the gaps. Hence we may 
explain the astonishing and otherwise inexplicable phenomenon, that 
fragments of such vessels show in the interior a granular, on the exterior 
a clean smooth surface. After this, the ornamentation was cut in or 
impressed, and the finished vessel was dried or baked at an open fire, 
in which operation many vessels were coloured coal-black by the soot or 
smoke. The black colour is vegetable, which can be easily proved if a 
fragment of such coal-black pottery is put into a potter’s oven, because it 
is evaporated by the heat and leaves no metallic residuum, whilst, by 
strong baking, the clay of the fragment becomes perfectly brick-red. For 
the rest, no trace has ever been found of a pre-historic potter’s oven. 
The surface of many vessels may finally have been polished with bones or 
smooth stones. Brick-kilns and potters’ ovens were only introduced into 
Mecklenburg in the twelfth century a.p., whilst in the Roman provinces 
on the Rhine they existed as early as the third century a.p., or earlier, as 
is testified by the numerous Roman bricks and vessels. I may add, that 
pottery which has been baked in a potter’s oven always gives a ringing 
sound when touched by a hard object, whilst pottery which has been 
baked at an open fire always gives a dull sound.” 

Professor Virchow writes to me: “The preparation of the black terra- 
cotta vessels has in our Berlin Anthropological Society been the subject 
of many and long discussions. It has been proved that the most common 
mode of preparing them is, by slow burning in shut-up places, to produce 
much smoke, which enters into the clay and impregnates it. The black 
colour can be made of any intensity that is desired. The Hissarlik vessels 
have certainly been made in this way.” 

M. Burnouf remarks to me that for baking pottery thoroughly a great 
heat is required, generally as much as 800—1600° Celsius = 1472- 2944 
Fahrenheit, a heat which can never be attained in the open air. 

Be fea as it may, the rich lustrous deep black colour of the bowls 
of the first city must have been produced by a peculiar process. M. 
Landerer is of opinion that it must have been produced by an abundance 
of pine-soot, with which the vessels were coloured at the second baking 


220 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


in the open fire. On examining with a microscope the white chalk 
with which the incised ornamentation is filled, he found in it the remains 
of linen cords. 

Professor Landerer calls my attention to the fact, that the colour of 
the Hellenic terra-cotta vases is coal black, which was produced in the 
following manner :—‘ Before the baking, the vases were oiled over with tar 
(πίσσα), or perhaps with the pissa asphalt of Herodotus,’ which occurs 
on the island of Zacynthus. In the baking the rosin was changed into 
the finest coal, which got attached to the exterior layer of clay of the 
vases and produced their black varnish.” 

There are also terra-cotta vessels in the first city with four perfora- 
tions for suspension on each side in the rim, as is illustrated by the 
accompanying engraving No. 49. 























No. 43. 


Fragment of a Vase of polished black 
Eartheaware, with incised pattern filled with No. 44. Tripod Vase, with four tubular holes 
and four holes in the rim for suspension. 


(Actual size. Depth, 52 ft.) 


white chalk, 


(About half actual size. Depth, 
46 ft.) 


Another fine specimen of this sort is represented by the little hand- 
made globular tripod No. 44, which has not been covered over with fine 
clean clay, and has its surface therefore very rude and unequal. Gold- 
like or silver-like sparkles of the mica contained in the clay may be seen 
glittering on the outside as well as on the inside. The fracture at its base 
is surrounded by an incised circle, which can leave no doubt that, after 
the vase was made, a piece of clay on which three feet were modelled 





5 iv. 195: εἴη “δ᾽ ἂν πᾶν, ὕκου καὶ ἐν 


Ζακύνθῳ ἐκ λίμνης καὶ ὕδατος πίσσαν ἀναφερο- 
μένην αὐτὸς ἔγὼ ὥρεον- εἰσὶ μὲν καὶ πλεῦνες αἱ 
λίμναι αὐτόθι, ἣ δ᾽ ὧν μεγίστη αὐτέων, ἑβδομή- 
κοντα ποδῶν πάντῃ, βάθος δὲ διόργυιός ἐστι" ἐς 
ταύτην κοντὸν κατιεῖσι, ἐπ’ ἄκρῳ μυρσίνην 
προσδήσαντες, καὶ ἔπειτα ἀναφέρουσι τῇ μυρσίνῃ 
πίσσαν, ὀδμὴν μὲν ἔχουσαν ἀσφάλτου, τὰ δ᾽ 
ἄλλα, τῆς Πιερικῆς πίσσης ἂμείνω - ἐσχέουσι δὲ 
ἐς λάκκον ὀρωρυγμένον ἀγχοῦ τῆς λίμνης" ἐπεὰν 


the sea, and encompassed with mountains, ex- 
cept towards the bay. The spring, which is 
most distinct and apt for inspection, rises on 
the further side, near the foot of the hill. 
The well is circular, and 4 or 5 ft. in diameter. 
A shining film like oil, mixed with scum, 
swims on the top. You remove this with 
a bough, and see the tar at the bottom, 3 or 4 ft. 
below the surface. ... The water is limpid, 
and runs off with a smart current... . We 





δὲ ἀθροίσωσι συχνήν, οὕτω ἐς τοὺς ἀμφορέας ἐκ 
τοῦ λάκκου καταχέουσι. ὕ, τι δ᾽ ἂν ἐσπέσῃ ἐς τὴν 
λίμνην, ὑπὸ γῆν ἰὸν, ἀναφαίνεται ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ. 

Dr. Chandler (Travels, ii. pp. 367, 368) thus 
describes the “tar-springs” (as he calls them) 
of Zante: “The tar is produced in ἃ small 
valley, about two hours from the town, by 


filled some vessels with tar by letting it trickle 
into them from the boughs which we immersed ; 
and this is the method used to gather it from 
time to time into pits, where it is hardened by 
the sun, to be barrelled when the quantity is 
sufficient.” (George Rawlinson, JZistory of 
Herodotus, iii. pp. 169, 170.) 





Cuap. V.] VASES WITH TUBULAR HOLES. ἢ 


was attached here. This supposition is also confirmed by the circular 
depression in the middle of the fracture. The vase before us, therefore, 
has been a tripod. ound the body we see, at equal distances from each 
other, four vertical tubular holes for suspension, and four perforations in 
the rim in the same direction. I have not found the cover to this vase, 
but it must naturally have been similar to that represented under No. 26. 
As these lids have four perforations, they could well be fastened on by 
means of four strings, one of which was passed through each of the 
tubular holes and the corresponding holes in the rim and in the cover; at 
the other end of each string a knot had previously been made, which 
remained at the lower end of the tubular holes and prevented the strings 
from slipping. A similar contrivance is seen in the gold boxes found by 
me in the royal sepulchres at Mycenae.® A similar contrivance is also 
presupposed in the box which Areté, wife of king Alcinoiis, fills with 
presents for Ulysses, for she recommends him: “ Look now thyself to the 
lid and tie quickly a knot on it, lest any one should rob thee on the way, 
when thou reposest again in sweet slumber, sailing in the black ship.”? 
Homer says in the verses immediately following :—“ Moreover when the 
much-enduring divine Ulysses heard this, he forthwith fitted on the lid, 
and quickly put upon it a manifold knot, which venerable Circe had once 
prudently taught him.” ® 

Telemachus, preparing for his voyage to Sparta, bids his nurse 
Kuryclea fill twelve amphorae with wine and fit them all with lids; but 
these would need to be very close-fitting for liquors.? Such lids for 
amphorae were also found by me in the royal tombs at Mycenae.’” 

Fragments of similar vases with four holes at each side for suspension 
were found in the caves at Inzighofen, on the Upper Danube.’ There are 
other vases with only one perforation on each side in the rim, lke No. 45, 
which has all round it an ornamentation forming five ovals filled up with 
dots. Again, other vases have on each side of the body only one ver- 
tical tubular hole for suspension, like No. 46, which has also two female 
breasts. This vase is also hand-made, but of green colour; its clay is 
only 2-10ths in. thick, and therefore finer than that of the larger vases 
or bowls. The pretty little vase No. 47 is also hand-made, and has only 
one perforated projection on each side. 

In the collection of pre-historic antiquities found in Thera, below 
three layers of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes, and preserved in the 
French School at Athens, there are two very rude hand-made vases of 
cylindrical form, with one vertical tubular hole on each side for suspen- 





δ See my Mycenae, p. 205, No. 318; p. 206, 
No. 319; p. 207, Nos. 321, 322. 

7 Odyss. viii. 445-445 : 
αὐτὸς viv ἴδε πῶμα, θοῶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ δεσμὸν ἴηλον, 
μή τίς τοι καθ᾽ ὁδὸν δηλήσεται, ὅππότ᾽ ἂν αὖτε 
εὕδῃσθα γλυκὺν ὕπνον, ἰὼν ἐν νηΐ μελαίνῃ 

8 Odyss. viii. 440--448 : 
αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ τό γ᾽ ἄκουσε πολύτλας δῖος ᾿Οδυσσεύς, 
αὐτίκ᾽ ἐπήρτυε πῶμα, θοῶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ δεσμὸν ἴηλεν 
ποικίλον, ὅν ποτέ μιν δέδαε φρεσὶ πότνια Κίρκη. 


9. Odyss. ii. 349-353 : 
pat’, ἄγε δή μοι οἶνον ἐν ἀμφιφορεῦσιν ἄφυσσον 
ἡδύν, ὅτις μετὰ τὸν λαρώτατος, ὃν σὺ φυλάσσεις 
κεῖνον ὀϊομένη, τὸν κάμμορον, εἴ ποθεν ἔλθοι 
διογενὴς ᾿Οδυσεὺς θάνατον καὶ κῆρας ἀλύξας. 
δώδεκα δ᾽ ἔμπλησον, καὶ πώμασιν ἄρσον ἅπαντας. 

10 See my Mycenae, p. 256, Nos. 373 and 374. 

1 Ludwig Lindenschmit, Die Vaterldndischen 
Alterthiimer der Hohenzollerschen Sammlungen ; 
Mainz, 1860. Plate xxvi., Nos. 7, 8. 


222 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [CHar. V. 


sion; and a pear-shaped vase in the same collection has an identical 
system for suspension. These Thera antiquities are thought by arche- 
ologists to date from the sixteenth or seventeenth century B.c., but it 





























No. 45. Cup with an incised ornamenta- 
tion. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 43 ft.) 











































































































No. 47. Lustrous dark-brown 
Vase, with tubular rings for sus- 
pension. (About 1: 4 actual No. 46. Globular Vase, with two breasts and two perforated 
size. Depth, 48 ft.) projections for suspension. (1: 4 actual size. Depth, 45 {t.) 





deserves attention that most of the Thera pottery has rudely-painted 
ornaments, whilst there is no trace of painting at Hissarlik. 

In the Assyrian Collection of the British Museum there are three 
vases, found at Nimroud, which have the same system of one vertical 
tubular hole on each side. There is also, in the collection of Babylonian 
antiquities, the fragment of a hand-made slightly-baked vase, which 
has the same vertical tubular holes for suspension. The same system 
also exists on a vase from Cyprus in the Louvre, as well as on a vase 
in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye, found in a Dolmen; again, on 
a fragment of a vase in the coliection of Count Szechenyi Bela in 
Hungary,” and on a small vase marked No. 1094, in the Grand Ducal 
Antiquarium of Schwerin. This latter vase was found in a conical tomb 
(Hiinengrab) near Goldenitz, in Mecklenburg. Professor Virchow calls 
my attention to an urn with three vertically perforated excrescences on 
the sides and at the foot,—having thus, properly speaking, three double 
tubular holes for suspension with a string. This urn was found at 
Dehlitz, near Weissenfels, on the river Saale, in Germany.* But I have 
not found this system anywhere else. 

It must be distinctly understood that I speak here solely of vases 
with vertical tubular rings or holes for suspension, and moé of vases 





2 Dr. Joseph Hampel, Catalogue de 0 Exposi- 3 See the Sessional Report of the Berlin Society 
tion préhistorique des Museées de Province et des of Anthropology, Ethnology, and Pre-historic 
Collections particuliéres de la Hongrie; Buda- Archeology, of Nov. 28, 1874, p. 7. 

Pesth, 1876, p. 71, fig. 55. 


Cuap. V.] FEET OF .CENSERS. 223 


haying projections with horizontally placed rings, because these occur 
on a vase found in the Lake-dwellings of the Stone age at the station 
of Estavayer ;* on four vases found in Dolmens in France, and preserved 
in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye ; on some fragments of vases in 
the same Museum ; on vases in the Egyptian Collection in the British 
Museum ; on two vases of the Stone age in the Museum at Copenhagen ;® 
on several vases in the Collection of German Antiquities in the British 
Museum; on one from Cyprus in the South Kensington Museum; on 
several vases found in the excavations at Pilin in Hungary;° and on 
many vases in the Grand Ducal Antiquarium of Schwerin. Similar 
yases with horizontal tubular holes for suspension are frequently found in 
Germany, and the Markisches Museum in Berlin contains many of them. 
Professor Virchow also has in his own collection some fine specimens of 
such vases found in the extensive excavations he has made, in company 
with his accomplished daughter Adele and his son Dr. Hans Virchow, in 
the vast pre-historic graveyard of Zabordwo, in the province of Posen. 

I lay stress on the fact, that vases with vertical tubular holes for 
suspension are a very great rarity except at Hissarlik, where they occur 
by thousands in all the five pre-historic cities, whilst vases with hori- 
zontal tubular holes only occur here on bowls in the first city and in 
none of the subsequent. ones. 

On the other hand, Mr. Calvert and I found in our excavations in 
the tumulus of Hanai Tepeh, only three miles to the south of Hissarlik,’ 
vases with horizontal tubular holes exclusively; also bowls with the 
same system as those in the first city on Hissarlik: but the horizontal 
tubular holes are not in the rim itself, as here, but much below it; and 
thus the people to whom the Hanai Tepeh antiquities belonged must 
have been altogether different from the inhabitants of any one of the 
five cities at Hissarlik, for it is impossible that one and the same people 
could make such perfectly different pottery. 

Nos. 48 and 49 represent the feet of hand-made lustrous-black vessels ; 
they are hollow, and have three and sometimes four round holes, I 


No. 48. 








δ Νὰ 


Ξ LD No. 49. 
ZAK 
Ἧ ν ᾿ » ; 5 ἮΝ Tt bet] 


ΠΠΠ 
᾿ ἂν 


Νὴ 


ten ων 


| 


SS. 
ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΙΞΕΞΞΞΞΞΕΞΞΞΞΞΣ 


i 


Nos. 48, 49. Two feet of Terra-cotta Vessels. (About half actual size. Depth, 47 to 52 ft.) 


gathered many similar vase-feet, but never an entire vessel of this kind. 
I call particular attention to the great resemblance of these feet, 


J Dr. Ferd. Keller, Etablissements Lacustres ; fig. 130, and p. 41, fig. 28: and Antiquites 
Ziirich, 1876, Pl. xviii. No. 5, décrits par Dr. V. —prehistoriques de la Hongrie ; Esztergom, 1877, 


Gross. Plate xviii. figs. 2, 5, 8, 9, 11) 12; Platexix., 
* J.J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager (1859), fig. 11; Pl. xx., figs. 4, 8, 19; Pl. xxi, fig. 9; 
Pl. 19, Nos. 95 and 98, and Pl. 20, No. 99. P). xxii, ofigss 25.0: 


ἡ Dr. Joseph Hampel, Catalogue, &. p. 130, 7 See Mr. Calvert’s Paper in his Appendix. 


224 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. (Cua. V. 


Nos. 48 and 49, to those of the censers found in German tombs, of which 
there are many in the Markisches Museum in Berlin, and some, found 
in the graveyard of Zaboréwo, in the collection of Professor Virchow. 
The lower part of No. 50 is a similar foot, on which I have glued the 
fragment of another object of cylindrical form which does not belong 
to it. This latter object is of terra-cotta and of unknown use; the top of 
it is also restored: and it has a striking resemblance to two objects of 
terra-cotta found at Pilin in Hungary.* Feet of vessels like Nos. 48 
and 49, but without holes, are very frequent. 

No. 51 represents a very pretty 
lustrous hand-made red goblet with one 
handle; it was in fragments, but I have 
been able to put it together. Fragments 
of another such goblet, which I have 





No. 50. Curious Vessel, use unknown (perhaps No. 51. Pretty lustrous red Cup with one bandle. 
a Censer), placed on the foot of another vessel. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 45 ft.) 


under my eyes whilst writing this, show precisely the same mode of 
manufacture as that which I have described above for the large bowls, 
with the sole difference, that here red clay was used, and that, as 
M. Landerer explains to me, the cup, immediately before its second 
baking in an open fire, was repeatedly dipped in a wash of fine red clay 
containing much peroxide of iron, which has produced the varnish-like 
glazing. 

I would here call particular attention to the fact, that the goblet 
No. 51 represents more or less exactly the form of all the goblets of 
terra-cotta found by me at Mycenae and Tiryns.? Those found there in 
the royal tombs, and which are the most ancient, are of a light-green 
colour, with curious black painted ornaments; those found in the lowest 
strata outside the tombs are of a single colour, light green; a little 
higher up follow the same kind of goblets of a uniform bright-red colour ; 
and others which, on a light-red dead ground, have an ornamentation 
of numerous painted parallel dark-red circular bands; these, again, are 
succeeded by unpainted goblets of white clay. These latter must have 
been in use for ages, for they occur in such large masses, that 1 could 





8 Dr. Joseph Hampe!, Antiquités préhistoriques ® See my Mycenae, p..70, No. 83; p. 71, Nos. 
de 11 Hongrie ; Esztergom, 1877, Plate xx., Nos. 84 and 88. 
18 and 20. 


Cuar. V.] PAINT: NOT KNOWN AT HISSARLIK. 225 


have gathered thousands of such goblet-feet. Except the light-green 
goblets with the black ornamentation, I found all these kinds of goblets 
of the same shape also in my excavations at Tiryns.’ But in the sepul- 
chres of Mycenae I found five golden cups of exactly the same form as 
that before us (No. 51) from the first city of Hissarlik.? Now, it 
deserves very particular attention, that fourteen goblets of exactly the 
same form were found in a sepulchre at Ialysus in Rhodes, and are now 
in the British Museum. The only difference is, that these latter have a 
painted ornamentation representing mostly the cuttle-fish (sepia), though 
spirals are also depicted, as well as that curious sea-animal which so 
frequently occurs on the other pottery of Mycenae,’ but never on the 
Mycenean goblets. While speaking of painting, 1 may make the im- 
portant remark: that nedther the inhabitants of the first city, nor those of 
the four succeeding pre-historic cities at Hissarlik, had any idea of pigments, 
and that,—except a single terra-cotta box found in the third city, on which 
the keen eye of my honoured friend, Mr. Chas. T. Newton, has recognized 
a cuttle-fish, painted with dark-red clay on a light-red dead ground, and 
two small bowls of terra-cotta from the fourth city, in which a large cross 18 
painted with dark-red clay ;—except also the small rude idols of white marble 
on which the face of an owl is roughly drawn with black clay ;—there 8 
no trace of painting on any object ever found in any one of the five. pre- 
historie cities at Hissarlik. 

Of similar goblets found elsewhere I can only mention a cup found 
in Zaboréwo in Professor Virchow’s collection and another found at Pilin,* 
which have some resemblance to this in shape; but the difference is that 
the cups from Zaboréwo and Pilin have not the wide foot which 1s 
peculiar to the goblet before us, as well as to all those found at Mycenae. 
Besides, their handles are much longer. 

No. 52 represents a very small pitcher with one handle; it has 
neither been covered inside nor outside with prepared clay, and is, 
therefore, very rude. 








Miniature Pitcher. 
(Half actual size. 
Depth, about 50 ft.) 





Nos. 53, 54. Fragment of a lustrous dark-grey Vessel. No. 53, outside; No. 54, inside. 
(About 1:4 actual s'ze. Depth, 50 !t.) 


— 


* See my Mycenae, p. 70. 3 See my Mycenae, No. 213, a, ὃ, p. 138. 
* See my Mycenae, p. 233, No. 343, and p. 350, 4 Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de 
No. 528, la Hongrie ; Esztergom, 1877, Plate xix. fig. 3. 


Q 


226 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuar. V. 


I further show under No. 53 the outside, and under No. 54 the inside, 
of a fragment of a large hand-made vase, which has impressed wave- 
patterns on both sides. 

No. 55 is a fragment of black terra-cotta, probably part of a box, 
to which it served as an ornament; it is decorated with lines and three 
or four rows of dots, which are filled with white chalk. As appears from 





No. 55. Fragment of Terra-cotta, perhaps part of a box, found on the primitive rock. ~ 
(About half actual size. Depth, 53 ft.) 


the upper and the lower side, and from the two perforations, 1t may 
have been the setting and decoration of a wooden jewel-casket. It is 
made with so much symmetry, and looks so elegant, that I at first thought 
it was of ebony inlaid with ivory. 

Of terra-cottas from the first city I further give here, under Nos. 56 
































































































































































































































No. 56. Jug. (About 1: 4 actual size. No. 57. Jug. (About 1: 3 actual size. 
Depth, 45 ft.) Depth, 45 ft.) 


and 57, engravings of two lustrous-black pitchers; both have a globular 
base, and have been put together from fragments. No. 58 represents a 
lustrous-black pitcher of terra-cotta, with three female breasts and incised 


linear patterns, which was found at a depth of 52 ft. 


Cap. Vi] SKELETON OF AN EMBRYO. DOT 


All the terra-cottas hitherto represented are uninjured by moisture ; 
some others, however, have become soft from damp. Thus, for instance, 
I found upon the rock, at a depth 
of 514 ft., in a small tomb-lke 
recess, formed and protected by 
three stones 26 in. long and 18in. 
broad, two funeral urns of a very 
remarkable form, with three long 
feet, and filled with human 
ashes. The urns are hand-made, 
and consist, as usual, of coarse 
clay, mixed with silicious earth 
and pounded granite, containing 
much mica; they have, appa- 
rently, been baked only once 
very imperfectly at an open fire, 
and were not covered over with 
fine clay ; nevertheless, owing to 
the oxide of iron contained in 
their clay, they have a dull red No. 58. Pretty lustrous-black Biehice® οὗ Tcrra-cotta, with 
“ΠῚ ποτ Realy matanial cen Depo) 
much from moisture, that, in spite ary penne 
of every care and precaution, I could not get them out without breaking 


them up completely ; but as I had collected all the fragments, I could 
easily restore both of them. 











{SS 
\ 





The accompanying engraving, 
No. 59, represents the larger of 
the two, in which I found among 
the human ashes the bones of an 
embryo of six months, from which 
the entire skeleton has been re- 
stored by my friend, the cele- 
brated surgeon Aretaeos of Athens, 
who maintains that the preserva- 
tion of these small bones was only 
possible on the supposition that 
the mother had made a premature 
birth and died from its effect; 
that her body was burnt, and the 
unburnt embryo put with her 
ashes into the funeral urn, where 
1 found it. 








No. 59. “Tripod Urn, containing human ashes and the No. 60 is the engraving of a 
ee ΠΡ ont | : δι τε, large common hand-made vase 
Depth, 514 ft. 8 


; with two kandles, the original 
brick colour of its clay having acquired a brownish hue by age. No. 61 
is ἃ small hand-made red yase cf a very curious shape. No. 62 is a 


228 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [CHar. V. 


hand-made lustrous-black bowl, without tubular holes for suspension ; 
bowls of this description are very common in the first city. 


᾿ 


SAN : τὰ ~~ ᾿ A 
" , ᾿ "i at \ ; 
Ne UNE ay 


\ 
δ 
i . 


' 
PAN 
ΤΩΙ 

ahi 
hf " 

} 1» 


Ἷ 


) i a i 
i i : Pee a 
De Sa ua 


| ) Ky 
i "» 





No. 60. Hand-made Vase. (About 1 : 6 actual size. Depth, 493 fi.) 


I may further mention a hand-made vase of globular shape, orna- 
mented with an incised pattern of zigzag lines, similar to that on two 





No. 61. Hand-made Vase. (About1: 4 actual 
size. Depth, 50 ft.) 





he 
No. 02. Hand-made lustrous-black Bowl. (About 
1: 4 actual size. Depth, 46 ft.) 


vases of the Stone age in the Museum at Copenhagen,” with the difference 
that on this Trojan vase the zigzag lines are accompanied on each side 
by a row of deep dots. 

Of the terra-cotta whorls, of which I found many thousands in the 





* See J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, Pl. xx. Nos. 99 and 100. 


Cuap. V.J] ORNAMENTED WHORLS. 299 


débris of the third, fourth, and fifth cities, I could collect comparatively 
fow in the strata of the first and second cities, and particularly in that 
of the first, of which I am now treating. Those which I gathered in the 
first city are either unornamented, and in this case they have a uniform 
lustrous-black colour and have more or less the shape of a cone or of two 
cones: joined at the bases (see Nos. 1806 and 1807), or they are ornamented 


No. 6!. No. 65. No. 66. 








Nos. 63-66. Whorls. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 45 to 50 ft.) 


No. 70. 





Nos. 67-70. Whorls. (About half actual size. Depth, 48 to 52 ft.) 


with incisions (see Nos. 63-70); and in this case they are very flat, and 
resemble the wheels of the Turkish country-carts. Thus a whorl of 
this first city may easily be recognized from among thousands of others 
found in the subsequent cities. 

As we see on only a few of these whorls traces that they have been 
used, I suppose that they served as offerings to the tutelary deity of the 
city, who may have had the character of Athené Ergané, and may have 
been regarded as the protecting divinity of female handiwork, and par- 
ticularly of women engaged in spinning and weaving. That such a 
goddess was adored in Ilium, we may gather with all probability from 
the legend before recorded,® that the builder of the city, Ilus, was 
rewarded by Zeus with a favourable sign, consisting of the Palladium 
which fell from heaven, with a distaff and a spindle in one hand and a 
lance in the other ; for the distaff and spindle can probably mean nothing 
else than the goddess’s allegorical character as Ergané. I am far from 
maintaining that Ilus ever existed, or that he might have founded this 
first city. If he really built a city here, it would probably be the third 
in succession; but the strange coincidence of the legend of Athené with 
the distaff, and the numerous whorls found here, makes me think that the 
worship of Athené Ergané was not instituted by the builder of the third 
city, but that a goddess of an identical character, though probably of a 
different name, had a cultus here ages before the third city was built. 

The ornamentation on the whorls is incised, and, as on the vases, it 
is filled wp with white chalk to strike the eye. I abstain from discuss- 
ing whether this ornamentation may be symbolical or not; I will only 
say that the patterns of the whorls, of the shape of those represented 


ὁ See p. 153. 


230 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


under Nos 1817-1820, are found in the terramare of Italy, in Lake- 
dwellings of the Stone age. Through the kindness of my friend, Professor 
Giuseppe G. Bianconi of Bologna, I have received the drawings of ten 
such whorls, which are preserved in the Museum of Modena, having 
been found in the terramare of that district: among them are six which 
have the same ornamental carvings that I found upon whorls in my 
excavations at Hissarlik. The same friend has also sent me the drawings 
of 18 similar whorls found in the graves of the cemetery of Villanova, 
and now in the museum of Count Gozzadini at Bologna. As the Count 
found an “aes rude” in one of the graves, he thinks that the cemetery 
must belong, like it, to the time of King Numa, that is, to about 700 B.c. ; 
De Mortillet,” however, ascribes a much greater age to the cemetery. 
But at all events, 15 of the 18 drawings lying before me have a 
modern appearance, compared with the 10 whorls in the Museum of 
Modena, or with the whorls found at Hissarlik, even in the latest pre- 
historic city; for not only the ornamentation, but the forms also of 
the whorls, are much more elaborate. 

The comparison of these 18 whorls with those from Hissarlik con- 
vinces me, therefore, that Count Gozzadini is right in ascribing no greater 
age to the cemetery than 700 8.c. ‘Two terra-cotta whorls, likewise with 
incised ornamentation, now in the Museum of Parma, were found in 
the terramare of Castione and Campeggine.* From 300 to 400 terra- 
cotta whorls were found in the Lake habitations of the Stone age at 
the station of Moeringen on the Lake of Bienne in Switzerland,® some 
of which have incised ornamentation. Among these ornamented terra- 
cotta whorls are several with patterns similar to some of those found 
at Hissarlik, but in general all the whorls from the Lake of Bienne 
appear to be much more elaborate and much more modern than those of 
Hissarlik. 

A terra-cotta whorl without ornamentation was also found in the 
cemetery of Zywietz near Oliva.t| There are also a great many unorna- 
mented terra-cotta whorls in the Museum of Neu Strelitz, of which 
Mr. Carl Andres is the learned keeper, and which was kindly shown to 
me by Dr. Goetz; as well asin the Museum of Neu Brandenburg, which 
was kindly shown to me by its keeper, the high forester Julius Miller, 
Senator Gustav Briickner, and Mr. Conrad Siemerling ; and in the Grand 
Ducal Antiquarium of Schwerin, of which my honoured friend, the learned 
Miss Amalie Buchheim, is the keeper. But there are in all these three 
Museums some terra-cotta whorls in the form of discs with an incised 
ornamentation, such as we find at Troy. From the photographs which 
Dr. Joseph Hampel, the learned keeper of the archeological department 
in the Hungarian National Museum at Buda-Pesth, had the kindness to 
send me, I see that there are exhibited in that museum 11 terra-cotta 
whorls, found in the excavations at Szihalom, in the county of Borsod 





Le Signe de la Croix, pp. 88, 89. 8 Jbid. Urgeschichte, Plate iii., fig. 8. Professor Vir- 
® Ferd. Keller, Etablissements Lacustres, by chow informs me tliat terra-cotta whorls with- 

Dr. Y-. Gross, p..15, ΕἸ xu: out ornamentation are frequently found in 
1 Dr. Lissauer, Beitraége zur westpreussischen Germany. 


Cuap. V.] RUDE FIGURE OF CLAY. ᾿ 231 


in Hungary, and attributed to the Stone age. Of these 11 whorls, 
represented on Plate x. Nos. 22-32, one, No. 30, has an impressed or 
incised ornamentation.” 

The Collection of Mexican Antiquities in the British Museum contains 
a large number of similar whorls, for the most part of conical shape, 
many of them with ornaments, which may be inscriptions; but this 
ornamentation runs all round the cone, and is not on its base, as in the 
whorls of Hissarlik. Some of these whorls are more or less flat; a few 
are painted blue. So far as I know, ornamented terra-cotta whorls have 
~ never yet been found in Greece. Unornamented ones, on the other hand, 
are frequent there. At Mycenae I found about 300 whorls of stone, and 
but very few of terra-cotta. A terra-cotta whorl, ornamented with an 
incised decoration, found in the pre-historic villages below three layers 
of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes on the Island of Thera, is in the 
small collection of antiquities in the French School at Athens. 

In this first, as well as in all the four succeeding pre-historic cities of 
Hissarlik, there are also very numerous small discs of terra-cotta, from 
11 to 3in. in diameter, with a hole drilled through the centre. As they 
are slightly convex on one side, and on the other slightly concave, and as 
the edges are very rudely cut, there can be no doubt that they were cut 
out of broken pottery. ‘Those of the first city have the pretty lustrous 
dark-black colour peculiar to the pottery of the primitive settlers. There 
can hardly be any doubt that these discs were used with the distaff, in 
spinning as well as in weaving, as weights for the thread.* 

Similar discs, with the same characteristics, proving that they were 
cut out of broken pottery, have been also found at Szihalom ; two of them, 
exhibited in the National Hungarian Museum, are represented on Plate ix., 
Nos. 2 and 4 of the photographs of the collections. Another such dise, 
found at Magyarad, in the county of Hont, is represented under No. 37 on 
Plate xiii. in Joseph Hampel’s Antiquités préhistoriques de la Hongrie. 

No. 71 is the fragment of a very rude figure of terra-cotta. No. 72 


. ie 
ANY vi ᾿ 
Hi fui a 


i " ' (| . 


Ι HA Ni Ι] | 








No. 71. Fragment of a rude figure of Terra-cotta. 
(About half actual size. Depth, 46 ft.) 





No. 72. Terra-cotta Fragment, lustrous red, with 
impressed ornamentation. 
(Actual size. Depth, 52 ft.) 


? As Dr. Hampel informs me that the photo- 3 I may here call attention to the fact, that 
graphic plates are on sale, I shall always refer the spinning-wheel is a modern invention, com- 
to them, monly ascribed to the year 1530, 


232 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


represents a perfectly flat bright-red fragment of terra-cotta, 6 millimétres 
(about a quarter of an inch) thick, which I found myself, in the presence 
of M. Burnouf, in the very lowest débris of the first city, and which, I 
think, is the only specimen of perfectly baked terra-cotta I ever found at 
Hissarlik, except of course the large jars, which are always thoroughly 
baked, and the pottery of the third or burnt city, most of which has 
been thoroughly baked by the intense heat of the conflagration. In fact, 
the clay of the fine red goblet No. 51 is only 4 millimétres (about one- 
sixth of an inch) thick, and yet only 1 millimetre of it is really baked on 
either side, while in the middle there remain 2 millimetres of clay quite 
unbaked. As the fragment No. 72 is quite flat, 1t cannot belong to 
a vase. Professor Rhousopoulos suggests that it may have belonged to a 
wooden casket, on which it served as an ornament. The ornamentation 
of branches and concentric circles is very characteristic: it looks, as 
Prof. Sayce observes to me, Hittite and Babylonian. This piece exhibits 
perhaps the finest clay I ever found at Hissarlik; but nevertheless, 
when observed through a powerful lens, it is not free from small stones. 

No. 73 is a very rude flat figure of marble. I found about half-a-dozen 
figures in this first city, of the very same shape and fabric, but all of 
them without a trace of any incision. I, therefore, should 
never have thought them to be figures at all, were it not 
that more than 500, of nearly the same flat form—on 
many of which a bird-like face, female breasts, a girdle, 
or female hair, are rudely incised—-were found by me in 
the third, fourth, and fifth pre-historic cities. On a 
great many others the bird’s face is rudely drawn with 
black clay on the white figures. It is therefore highly 
probable that a similar face had once been drawn on all 
the figures on which it is not incised, but that in the 
course of ages it has been effaced by the dampness of 
the débris. As all these rude figures represent the same 

ofMarble. = form, there can be no doubt that they are idols of a 
Be Ἢ female goddess, the patron deity of the place, whether 

she may have been called Até or Athené, or have had 
any other name; nay, there appears to be the highest probability that 
all of them are copies of the celebrated primeval Palladium, to which 
was attached the fate of Troy, and which was fabled to have fallen from 
heaven (see p. 153). 

According to the legend, the feet of this Palladium were joined 
together, and they could not possibly be more joined than on these idols, 
on which the whole inferior part of the body is represented as a hemi- 
spherical lump. I may here call attention to the fact, that the form which 
the ancients commonly gave to some deities in the inferior part of the 
body, as for instance to the statues of Hermes, served to indicate their 
stability in the place where they were preserved. In like manner Victory 
was represented without wings, when the idea of its permanence was to 
be expressed. 

Mr. Gladstone calls attention to the fact, that we find in Homer 













































































Ε τ---τ ---- " 
SaaS = 
= 
= Ξ- Ὁ > ——= 
= SSE 





Cuar. V.] THE TROJAN IDOLS. 233 


but one clear instance of an image for religious worship. The solemn 
procession in the 6th Iliad carries the dedicated veil or robe to the 
temple of Athené on the summit of the hill, where the priestess Theano 
receives it, and deposits it on the knees of the goddess : 


Θῆκεν ᾿Αθηναίης ἐπὶ γούνασιν ἠὐκόμοιο." 


Thus it is evident that the poet imagined the Palladium to have been in a 
sitting posture, and of human form, just as all idols were represented in 
his time, and widely different from the hideous and barbaric idols I find 
at Hissarlik, even in the latest of the five pre-historic cities. It may be 
observed that the famous figure of Niobé on Mount Sipylus, which is 
alluded to in the 24th book of the IJdad (614-617), and which probably 
was originally intended to represent the goddess Cybelé, was likewise in 
a sitting posture. I readily believe with Mr. Gladstone,® that statues 
would have been more mentioned by the poet had they been common, and 
that they were rare or to the poet unattractive; probably of wood. 
Pausanias® mentions in certain temples wooden statues of gods (Xoana), 
as well as statues formed of other materials (including clay), less durable 
than stone and marble, or than bronze: the use of these materials pre- 
vailed especially in primitive times. Such objects were called dazdala, 
and it was from them, Pausanias thinks, that the personal name Daidalos 
afterwards arose.’ It was only by degrees that they came to represent 
’ the human form at all. Only by degrees, too, they assumed the character 
of works of art. Indeed, if we survey the world all over at the present 
day, it is singular to notice how little and how rarely marked religious 
worship and true beauty have been associated together in images. 

The idols of Hissarlik are certainly ruder than the rudest ever found 
in Greece or elsewhere. However barbarous the idols of Mycenae and 
Tiryns may be, they are nevertheless masterpieces of art in comparison 
with these Trojan idols. The conception of the human form as an 
organic whole, a conception we meet with at the very dawn of creative 
Greek art, nowhere appears. ‘The Trojan artist began,” as Mr. Newton 
ingeniously remarks, “as these primitive sculptures denote, with some- 
thing even more elementary than Shakspeare’s manikin made after supper 
out of a cheeseparing; and that which gradually converted this manikin 
into an organic form was the instinct of Greek genius trained and 
developed by the contact with more civilized races around, and imbibing 
ideas of Egyptian and Assyrian art through traffic with the Phoenicians.”° 





ὦ ᾿ “ {f 
#1 vi. 2972303. ἐκάλουν δαίδαλα. ἐκάλουν δέ, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, πρό- 


° Homeric Synchronism, pp. 65, foll. 

δ Paus. viii. 17, § 2: τοῖς δὲ ἀνθρώποις τὸ 
ἀρχαῖον, drdoa καὶ ἡμεῖς καταμαθεῖν ἐδυνήθημεν, 
τοσάδε ἦν ἀφ᾽ ὧν ξόανα ἐποιοῦντο, ἔβενος, 
κυπάρισσος, ai κέδροι, τὰ δρύϊνα, ἡ μῖλαξ, 6 
λωτός: τῷ δὲ Ἑρμῇ τῷ Κυλληνίῳ τούτων μὲν 
ἀπὸ οὐδενός, θύου δὲ πεποιημένον τὸ ἄγαλμά 
ἐστιν. 

1 Paus. ix. 3, § 2: ἐπὶ ταύταις ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς 
Δαίδαλα ἑορτὴν ἄγουσιν, ὅτι οἱ πάλαι τὰ ξόανα 


τερον ἔτι ἢ Δαίδαλος 6 Παλαμάονος ἐγένετο 
᾿Αθήνησι" τούτῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἀπὸ τῶν δαιδάλων 
ἐπίκλησιν γενέσθαι δοκῶ καὶ οὐκ ἐκ γενετῆς 
τεθῆναι τὸ ὄνομα. 

8 Preface of Siebelis to Pausanias; Leipzig, 
1822, pp. xii. seqq. 

9 Mr. C. T. Newton’s Lecture on the 30th 
April, 1874, before the Society of Antiquaries in 
London. 


234 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuar. V. 


Nos. 74 and 75 represent saddle-querns of trachyte, of which the 
strata of débris of all the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik contain many 


SSvr 
=== 


SSS 
SSS Ξ 
SSSsp 
SS 
᾿Ξ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ 











ΞΞΞΞΞ 
SSE 
Ξ = = 











































































































is 











———S— SS 























No. 74. Saddle-quern of 1trachyte. (About 1:5 actual 
size. Depth, 48 to 63 ft.) 





No. 75. Suddle-quern of Trachyte. (About 1:5 actual 
size. Depth, 48 to 53 ft.) 


hundreds. I found a large number of similar saddle-querns in my exca- 
vations at Mycenae. ‘They occur sometimes, but rarely, in Silesia and 
Saxony, made of trachyte; and they are, as my friend M. Alexandre 
Bertrand, Director of the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye, assures me, 
but very seldom found in the Dolmens of France. Another friend, Dr. 
Giustiniano Nicolucci, of Isola del Liri in Italy, states’ that similar 
saddle-querns have also been found in the terramare of the Stone and 
Bronze ages in Italy. A saddle-quern similar to No. 75, but of mica- 
slate, was found in the excavations at Magyarad, in the county of Hont 
in Hungary, and is in the collection of B. Nyary Jend.2 The hand-mills 
found in Mecklenburg, and preserved in the Grand Ducal Antiquarium at 
Schwerin, are of granite, from 2 to 3ft. long and 1 to 2ft. broad, with 
smaller ones of the same form for bruising the grain. Dr. Lisch believes 
that the rudely-cut stones of globular form (like Nos. 80 and 81, on 
Ῥ. 236) were used as pestles for the same purpose. 

The Trojan saddle-querns are either of trachyte, like the two above, 
or of basaltic lava, but by far the larger number are of the former 
material. They are of oval form, flat on one side and convex on the 
other, and resemble an egg cut longitudinally through the middle. Their 
length is from 7 to 14 and even as much as 251in.; the very long ones are 
usually crooked longitudinally ; their breadth is from 5 to 14in. The 
grain was bruised between the flat sides of two of these querns ; but only 
a kind of groats can have been produced in this way, not flour; the 


1 Armi ed Utensili in Pietra della Troade ; 2 Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de 
Napoli, 1879, p. 16. la Hongrie ; Plate xiii., No. 38. 


Cuar. V.] MORTAR AND PESTLE. 235 


bruised grain could not have been used for making bread. In Homer we 
find it used for porridge,’ and also for strewing on the roasted meat.* 






























































































































































No. 77. Pestle of compact Limestone. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 45 to 48 ft.) 


No. 76. Implement of Basalt; probably a Mortar. 
(About 1:5 actual size. Depth, 48 to 53 ft.) 


Pliny ° confirms the fact, that the grain was merely bruised and boiled to 
pap, or eaten in form of dumplings (offae). 

No. 76, which is of basaltic lava, has a globular 
cavity, and may probably have been used as a mortar. 
The implement No. 77 no doubt served as ἃ pestle. 
Mr. Thomas Davies, F.G.S., of the British Museum, who 
kindly assisted me at the recommendation of my friend 
Professor Nevil Story-Maskelyne, late keeper of the 
Mineral Department in the British Museum, holds the 
pear-shaped pestle No. 77 to be compact limestone ; its 
colour is greyish mixed with yellow. The instrument 
No. 78, which seems likewise to be a pestle, is of 
granite. 

A mortar of granite similar to No. 76 is in the 
Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye; it was found in Den- 
mark, M. Bertrand holds it to have been used to break 
copper ore in order to detach pieces of it for making arrow-heads. 


No. 78. Instrument 
of Granite. (Half 
actual size. 
Depth, 45 to 48 ft.) 





3 Il. xviii. 558-560: 5 H. N. xviii. 19: “Pulte autem, non pane, 


κήρυκες δ᾽ ἀπάνευθεν ὑπὸ Sput δαῖτα πένοντο, 
βοῦν δ᾽ ἱερεύσαντες μέγαν ἄμφεπον" αἱ δὲ 
γυναῖκες 
δεῖπνον ἐρίθοισιν λεύκ’ ἄλφιτα πολλὰ πάλυνον. 
5. Od. xiv. 76,77: 
ὀπτήσας δ᾽ ἄρα πάντα φέρων παρέθηκ᾽ ᾽Οδυσῆϊ 
θέρμ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὀβελοῖσιν: ὃ δ᾽ ἄλφιτα λευκὰ 
πάλυνεν. 


vixisse longo tempore Romanos manifestum, 
quoniam inde et pulmentaria hodieque dicuntur. 
Et Ennius antiquissimus vates obsidionis famem 
exprimens, offam eripuisse plorantibus liberis 
patres commemorat. Et hodie sacra prisca, atque 
natalium, pulta fritilla conficiuntur ; videturque 
tam puls ignota Graeciae fuisse, quam Italiae 
polenta.” 


236 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap, V. 


No. 79 represents a beautifully polished implement, which, according 
to Mr. Davies, consists of hematite; it was probably used for polishing 
large terra-cotta vessels. 




























































































































































































Mo. 79. Implement of Stone for polishing. (Half actual No. 80. Round Stone for bruising Corn. 
size. Depth, 45 to 50 ft.) (Half actual size. Depth, 45 to 52 ft.) 


Rudely-cut, nearly globular stone instruments, like Nos. 80 and 81, 
are very numerous in all the four lower pre-historic cities; nay, I do 
not exaggerate when I affirm 
that I could have collected 
thousands of them. They are, 
according to Mr. Davies, of 
basaltic lava, granite, quartz, 
diorite, porphyry, or other 
sorts of stone, and only in 
one instance of silex. 

Similar instruments are 
found in the cave-dwellings 
of the Dordogne, as well as 
in the Dolmens in France; 
and many specimens of these 
are preserved in the Museum 
of St. Germain-en-Laye. They 

No. 81. Round Stone for bruising can. (Halt actual size. aOR re ina a in the most 
Depth, 45 to 52 ft.) ancient Swiss Lake habita- 

tions, and particularly in those 

of the Lake of Constance, where all of them are of hard sandstone. A 
number of rudely-cut globular stone instruments, similar to Nos. 80 
and 81, were found in the excavations at Svihalom, and are exhibited in 
the National Hungarian Museum at Buda-Pesth.® In the opinion of my 
friend, Professor Ludwig Lindenschmit, founder and director of the 
celebrated Museum of Mainz, these implements were the most ancient 
























































































































































































































































































































































































































































6 See Plate x., Nos. 52-54, 57-60 of the photographs of the National IIungarian Museum at 
Buda-Pesth. 


Cuap. V.] STONE IMPLEMENTS 237 


millstones of the simplest kind, and were employed for bruising the grain 
on the plates of sandstone which abound in the Lake habitations.’ 

The same rudely-cut round stones occur also in the pre-historic 
villages in Thera. Professor Virchow, M. Burnouf, and Dr. Nicolucci® 
concur in Professor Lindenschmit’s opinion, that they served for bruising 
grain or other substances. 

Not less abundant than the round corn-bruisers are implements more 
or less in the form of Nos. 82 and 83, which are of diorite, and represent 






















































































































































































No. 82. Stone Instrument for bruising or polishing. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 45 to 50 ft.) ν : 
Nc 84. Stone Implement, with a furrow running 


lengthwise round. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 45 to £0 ft.) 


























No. 83. Rude Stone Hammer. (Half actual size. No. 85. Axeof Diorite. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 45 to 50 ft.) Depth, 45 to 48 ft.) 
7 L. Lindenschmit, Die Vaterlindischen Altcr- 8 See the small collection of Thera antiquities 
thiimer, pp. 172, 173, 178, and Plate xxvii. in the French School at Athens. 
No. 8. ® Dr. G. Nicolucci, Armi ed Utensili in Pietra 


della Troade, pp. 16, 17. 


238 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


two of the best specimens. Instruments like No. 82 may probably have 
served, as Nicolucci suggests, for smoothing the clay of the large vases, 
perhaps also for crushing the coarse particles contained in the clay, or for 
bruising the granite, with which the latter was mixed. No. 83 is a rude 
primitive hammer, both ends of which are much worn down, and testify to 
the long use which has been made of it. From its large size and heavy 
weight we are induced to think that it was merely grasped by the hand, 
and could not have been fastened in a cloven wood handle. I repeat 
that these are two of the best specimens, for there are in the first four 
pre-historic cities thousands of similar but far ruder implements, of 
diorite, granite, silicious rock, hornblende, gneiss, and other sorts of 
stone, 

No. 84 is an implement of granite, of oval form, with a deep furrow 
running lengthwise round it. It resembles a stone implement found in 
Denmark which is in the Museum of Copenhagen, and is represented in 
J.J. A. Worsaae’s Nordiske Oldsager, Pl. xvii. No. 87, among the objects 
of the Stone age. These objects appear to have served as weights for 
looms or fishing-nets. 

tL now come to the axes or celts,!° of which I have been able to collect 
more than 500 in the first four pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. 

Mr. Thomas Davies, who examined them carefully, declares them to 
consist of blue serpentinous rock, green gabbro-rock, black slaty rock, 
dark-green hornstone, black or grey diorite, jadeite and jade (nephrite). 
Of the five celts of the first city of which I here give the engravings, 
No. 85 consists of black diorite ; No. 88, of jadeite; Nos. 86, 87, and 89, 
of jade (nephrite). 





Nos. 86-89. Axes of Jadeite and Jade (Nephrite). (Abvut balf actual size. Depth, about 45 to 52 ft.) 


“The axe was,” as my honoured friend the celebrated anthropo- 
logist, Sir J. Lubbock, rightly remarks,’ “ pre-eminently the implement of 
antiquity. It was used in war and in the chase, as well as for domestic 
purposes, and great numbers of celts have been found in the Lake- 


dwellings at Wangen (Lake of Constance) and Concise (Lake of Neuf- 


10 Readers not conversant with archeology 
may be informed that this word is not derived 
from the Celtic people, but from celtis, “‘ a chisel.” 
“This word, however,” as Mr. John Evans 
(Ancient Stone Implements of Great Britain, p.50) 
observes, “‘ is an ἅπαξ λεγόμενον in this sense, 
being only found in the Vulgate translation of 
Job, chap. xix. v. 24. It also occurs in a quota- 
tion of the passage by St. Jerome, in his Zpist. ad 
Pammachium. (See Atheneum, June 11, 1870.) 


The usual derivation given is a coclando, and it is 
regarded as the equivalent of coclum. The first 
use of the term that I have met with, as applied 
to antiquities, is in Beger’s Thesaurus Branden- 
burgicus (vol. iii. p. 418), 1696, where a bronze 
celt, adapted for insertion in its haft, is described 
under the name of Celtes.” 

1 Pre-historic Times; London, 1878, 4th edit. 
pp. 95-97 and 194. 


Cuar. V.] STONE AXES. 239 


chatel). With a few exceptions they were small, especially when compared 
with the magnificent specimens from Denmark; in length they varied 
from one to six inches, while the cutting edge had generally a width of 
from fifteen to twenty lines.” 

This is also the usual proportion of the axes at Hissarlik, but there 
are a few whose cutting edge, like that of No. 87, is only about four 
and a half lines. The manner in which these axes were made is de- 
scribed in a masterly way by Sir John Lubbock :’—“After having 
chosen a stone, the first step was to reduce it by blows with a hammer 
to a suitable size. Then grooves were made artificially, which must 
have been a very tedious and difficult operation, when flint knives, 
sand, and water were the only available instruments. Having carried 
the grooves to the required depth, the projecting portions were re- 
moved by a skilful blow with a hammer, and the implement was then 
sharpened and polished on blocks of sandstone. The axes were then 
fastened into the handles. To us, accustomed as we are to the use of 
metals, it seems difficult to believe that such things were ever made use 
of; we know, however, that many savages of the present day have no 
better tools. Yet with axes such as these, and generally with the assist- 
ance of fire, they will cut down large trees and hollow them out into 
canoes. The piles used in the Swiss Stone age Lake-habitations were 
evidently, from the marks of the cuts on them, prepared with the help of 
stone axes; and in the Danish peat-bogs, several trees have been found 
with the marks of stone axes and of fire upon them; and in one or two 
cases, stone celts have even been found lying at the side. In the exca- 
vations known as Grimes’ Graves, again, a basalt hatchet was found, 
which had evidently been used for excavating the gallery, as shown 
by the marks still distinctly visible on the walls. One use of the 
American tomahawk was to crush bones for the sake of the marrow; 
and it is most probable that the ancient stone axes also served the 
same purpose. In many cases the axes themselves bear ample marks 
of long-continued use. That they were also weapons of war is probable, 
not only on ὦ priori grounds, but also because they have frequently been 
found in the graves of chiefs, associated with bronze daggers. About the 
year 1809, a large cairn in Kireudbrightshire, popularly supposed to be 
the tomb of a King Aldus M‘Galdus, was removed by a farmer. When 
the cairn had been removed, the workmen came to a stone coffin of very 
rude workmanship, and, on removing the lid, they found the skeleton of a 
man of uncommon size. The bones were in such a state of decomposition, 
that the ribs and vertebree crumbled into dust on attempting to lift them. 
The remaining bones, being less decayed, were taken out, when it was 
discovered that one of the arms had been almost separated from the 
shoulder by a stroke of a stone axe, and that a fragment of the axe still 
remained in the bone. The axe was of greenstone, a material which does 
not occur in this part of Scotland. There were also found with the 
skeleton a ball of flint, about 3in. in diameter, which was perfectly round 








2 Pre-historic Times; London, 1878, 4th edit. pp. 95-S7 and 194, 


240 THE FIRST PREH-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. Υ͂. 


and highly polished, and the head of an arrow, also flint, but not a particle 
of any metallic substance. We know also the North American stone axe 
or tomahawk served not merely as an implement, but also as a weapon, 
being used both in the hand and also as a missile.” 

I am indebted to my friend Professor H. Fischer of Freiburg, for 
the discovery that I have thirteen axes of jade in my Trojan collection, 
Having read in my former publication’ that I had found axes of very 
hard transparent greenstone, he insisted upon my getting them carefully 
examined. Professor Maskelyne, to whom I applied, was good enough to 
have the specific gravities of the different specimens determined for me 
in the usual way; namely, by weighing them successively in air and in 
water, so as to determine the ratio of the weight of the stone to that of an 
equal bulk of water. This was done by his assistant, Mr. Thomas Davies. 
The result was that the specific gravity of twelve of my green transparent 
axes and of one white transparent axe lies between 2°91 and 2°99, and that, 
consequently, all thirteen are of jade (nephrite). Myr. Davies remarked to 
me at the same time that, “in association with the implements or arms 
of jade found in Brittany, some turquoise beads have been discovered.* 
This mineral is not at present found in situ in Kurope, and thus we have 
here additional evidence of the probability of these substances having 
been procured from Eastern countries.” 

Professor Maskelyne writes to me: “ Now I tell you that your thirteen 
Hissarlik jade implements are to me of the highest interest. They are 
so for the reason that now for the first time have I seen true white jade 
as the material of a stone implement, and that too in association with the 
regular green jade, which is not so rare a material. This is interesting ; 
and so is the Hissarlik locality, altogether apart from the Homeric 


bearings of it, and 
‘Immortal dreams that could beguile 
The blind old man of Scio rocky isle.’ 


The presence of the white jade is interesting as pointing to the locality 
whence it came; its association with its green brother is interesting as 
helping to confirm this indication. In fact, it is a very great probability 
that the Kuen-lun mountains produced the mineral of which these 
implements are made, and that they came from Khotan by a process of 
primeval barter, that must have nursed a trade capable of moving onward 
over the ‘roof of the world’ perhaps, or less probably by Cashmere, 
Afghanistan, and Persia, into the heart of Europe. If the Pamir and the 
region north of the Hindoo Kush was the route, this primitive stream of 
commerce may have flowed along the course of the Oxus before that great 
artery of carrying power had become diverted by the geological upheaval 
of Northern Persia from its old course to the Caspian. I have always 
wondered why jade ceased to be a prized material and an article of com- 
merce so soon as civilization laid hold of our race. The Assyrians and 





3. Troy and its Remains, p. 21. mariaker in Morbihan, Brittany. 

* For example, the pendant of a necklace 5 Professor Maskelyne informs me that he has 
made of callais (turquoise) found in a Dolmen since met with another celt of white jade (@n 
called “ Maneer-H’roék,” in the locality Loc- Mr. Franks’s hands), found in Crete. 





Cuap. V.] JADE AXES. 941 


Egyptians hardly, if the latter at all, knew jade. Yet jade implements 
have been dug up in Mesopotamia of primeval type, and the commerce 
that transported these implements in far distant times bore them as far 
as Brittany. The Assyrians and the Egyptians, like all other peoples, 
have valued green stones. Green jasper and Amazon stone, and even 
plasma, were known and appreciated ; why not then jade also? My answer 
would be, that they could not get it. Unlike the Chinese, who have 
always kept it in honour because they had it at their gate, the Mesopo- 
tamian and Egyptian artists did not know jade, or only knew it as coming 
accidentally to hand, perhaps as the material of a pre-historic weapon.® 
We need to know more than we do of the pre-historic movements of the 
human race, to be able to say whether the region of the Pamir and of 
Eastern Turkestan was once more densely peopled, was in fact more 
habitable, than to-day is the case; but I am strongly inclined to believe 
that a geological change is at the bottom of the disappearance of jade 
from among the valued materials of the archaic, the ancient, and the 
medieval ages, down to within three hundred or four hundred years 
from this time. If the upheaval of the regions, along which this com- 
merce flowed, has rendered them less habitable, has planted deserts 
where once men dwelt with flocks, has made regions of ice where once 
winter was endurable,—has, finally, diverted from its course a great river, 
that bore a commerce, or at least fertilized the route of a commerce,— 
there may be an explanation of the drying up of the stream of that 
commerce itself. 

“The Hissarlik locality for such an interesting find of so many and 
such beautiful jade implements has an interest also in this, that the 
geographical importance of the Hellespont, as the Bridge from Asia to 
Europe, seems to have brought to that spot the opportunity of selection 
and an abundance of material. I am writing to you perhaps some dreams 
more dreamy, you will think perhaps, than any of the dreams I wrote of 
in my first page. At any rate, while you are giving realistic life to the 
ancient tale of Troy, strive to do something, too, for this more venerable 
witness to the brotherhood and the intercommunication of the human race 
in the age rather of Kronos than of Zeus. Was it the jade-stone that 
Kronos swallowed ?” 

Professor Fischer writes to me, that “as far as my knowledge goes 
jade (nephrite) axes only occur in South Italy (Calabria), in the Lake- 
dwellings of Switzerland and the Lake of Constance, the Lake of Starn- 
berg near Munich, and the ancient settlement of Blasingen (between 
Freiburg and Basel, and therefore far from Lake-dwellings); further a 
small chisel of jade (nephrite) is said to have been found in the district 
of Nordlingen.” He adds that “ Professor Damour, who made most active 
researches in France, could discover there only one jade (nephrite) axe, 
of which the locality where it was found is unknown; it was sold in 


* With reference to this remark of Prof. together with weapons and armour of bronze, and 
Maskelyne, I may mention that, according to works of art in gold and silver, from the highly 
Brugsch-Bey, battle-axes with stone heads were civilized states of Western Asia. (Hist, of Egypt, 
among the spoils brought home by ThutmesIII., νοὶ]. i. p. 405, Engl. trans., 2nd ed.) 


R 


242 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


Rheims, and the quality of the jade resembles that of the Swiss Lake- 
dwellings.” 

Professor Fischer is amazed at hearing that among my thirteen His- 
sarlik jade axes there is a white one,’ for he had as yet only seen axes of 
green jade; he knows raw white jade abundantly from Turkestan (at 
least, yellowish, greyish, and greenish white), besides perfectly white 
from China; but no trace of axes was discovered by the travellers of his 
acquaintance who explored the jade quarries of Turkestan. The Siberian 
jade has a bright grass-green colour; the New Zealand jade for the most 
part a more dark green colour. There is besides a very dark green jade 
in Asia, which must be native somewhere in Asia (perhaps in Turkestan), 
and of which Timur’s tombstone in Samarkand is made. Professor 
Fischer received fragments of the latter from the late Professor Barbot 
de Marny of St. Petersburg, who knocked them off with his own hand in 
the mosque, of course at the danger of his life. 

Professor Fischer says in conclusion that my thirteen Hissarlik jade 
axes come from the farthest eastern point at which polished jade axes 
have been found, and expresses the wish that before the end of his life 
the fortune might be allotted to him of finding out what people brought 


them to Europe.® 





7 This white jade axe, of which I shall have 
to speak later on, was found at a depth of 6} ft. 
below the surface, and must therefore belong to 
the latest pre-historic city of Hissarlik; for in 
the subsequent settlement, which from the pot- 
tery I hold to be an ancient Lydian one, I never 
found stone implements. 

8 Mr. Thomas Davies kindly gave me the 
following note, which he had communicated to 
the translator of Keller’s Lake Dwellings, and 
which appeared in the Appendix to the second 
edition of that work issued by Messrs. Longmans. 
It has been reproduced in the Geological Maga- 
zine, Decade II. vol. v. No. 4, April 1878. 1 
deem it too interesting not to give it here. 


“Norz oN, ‘JADEITE’ AND ‘JADE. By 
Tuomas Davies, F.G.S. 
« JADEITE (Damour). 

“Specific gravity, 3°28 to 3-4; hardness, 6°5 
to 7. Colours milky-white, with bright green 
veins and splotches, greenish-grey, bluish-grey, 
clear grey and translucent as chalcedony, orange- 
yellow, smoky-green passing to black, apple- 
green, sometimes emerald-green, all the green 
tints as a rule much brighter than in the Ori- 
ental jade, also, but rarely, of violet shades. 
Texture from compact to crypto-crystalline, and 
distinctly crystalline, sometimes coarsely 80: 
fibro-lamellar, opaque to translucent and some- 
times ἄγ αν ent. 

“Thin splinters will fuse in the Marae of a 
spirit-lamp. Damour, from analyses made by 
him, suggests its affinities to the epidotes. 

Toomlities —Central Asia, and particularly 
China; also as articles worked by the Aztecs, 
Mexico. 


“ ORIENTAL JADE (Damour). 

“Specific gravity, 2°96 to 3:06; hardness, 5°5 
to 6°5. Colours white and white variously tinted, 
greenish-grey, many shades of green. Texture 
mostly compact, rarely crypto-crystalline. 

“Found chiefly in Central Asia, particularly 
in China and on its borders. Also in New Zea- 
land and the Pacific Islands generally. 

“Specific gravity of upwards of 100 specimens 
from New Zealand determined by myself have 
been within the limits of 3°00 to 3-02, by far 
the larger number giving 3-01. 


“QcEANIC JADE (Damour). 

“Specific gravity, 3°18; hardness, 5:5 to 6:5. 
Of this variety I possess no personal experience, 
the large number of objects of jade which have 
come under my observation not having yielded 
me one example. Damour, however, who exa- 
mined four specimens, states that in its aspect 
and general characters—with the exception of 
its density—it much resembles the Oriental jade. 


“It, however, possesses a somewhat silky Instre, 


due to exceedingly delicate fibres which traverse 
the mass. I have met with this structure fre- 
quently however in the jade from New Zealand, 
which possessed the density of 3°01. From an 
analysis Damour refers it to the pyroxene group, 
whereas the Oriental is referable to hornblende. 
Vars. Tremolite or Actinolite. 

“Found in New Caledonia and Marquise Island, 
Pacific. 

‘None of these minerals to my knowledge 
have been met with in situ in Europe, though 
the British Museum possesses a fragment of 
unworked Oriental jade purporting to have been 
found in Turkey ”’—probably, as Mr. Maskelyne 
suggests, an error for Turkestan. 


Cuap. V.] JADE AXKS. 243 


The mineralogist, Professor Ferd. Roemer of Breslau, writes to 
me that “in the choice of the material for stone weapons, particularly 
stone axes, the tenacity of the stone was more decisive than its hard- 
ness, and that consequently jade (nephrite), diorite, and serpentine 
were chosen by preference. In Silesia and in other parts of Germany, 
diorite and serpentine were by preference the material for stone axes. 
Serpentine has no great hardness, but it is solid, and it does not 
break into splinters when struck upon. Jade (nephrite) is the most 
tenacious of all stones. Even with very heavy hammers it is exceedingly 
difficult to crush pieces of it. For, this reason jade (nephrite) and the 
nearly related jadeite were the most appreciated material in pre-historic 
times.” 

Professor Maskelyne adds: ‘Jade being so exceedingly tough, the 
axes must have been cut with the assistance of emery. Jade may be 
approximately described as amorphous or uncrystallized hornblende, which 
is a magnesium and calcium silicate.” 

According to Sir John Lubbock,’ Professor von Fellenberg states 
that jade (nephrite) and jadeite are found only in Central Asia, New 
Zealand, and South America.’° In another passage’! Sir John Lubbock 
informs us that in the great tumulus called Mont St. Michel, at Carnac 
in Brittany, there were found, besides a large number of other stone 
axes, eleven jade celts, and 110 beads, mostly of callais, but no trace 
of metal. | 

Of my thirteen jade axes only the three represented under Nos. 86, 87, 
and 89, were found in the first city; No. 88, which has been engraved 
with them, is of jadeite, and belongs also to this first city. To those who 
wish to know more of jade (nephrite) I recommend Prof. Fischer’s cele- 
brated work.! 

There also frequently occurs in the four lower pre-historic cities of 
Hissarlik a curious implement of the same kind of stone as the axes, and 
of the same shape, with the sole difference that at the 
lower end, where the edge ought to be, it is blunt, 
perfectly smooth, and from a quarter to half an inch 
thick. Such an implement, found at a depth of 46 ft., 
is represented by No. 90. Mr. Davies, who examined 
it, finds it to be of diorite. These implements, which 
are rarely found elsewhere, are, as Professor Virchow 
of Berlin and Mr. A. W. Franks of the British Museum 
believe, thought to have been used as polishers. 

Axes are found in nearly all countries, and are almost 
everywhere of nearly the same shape.” 





No. 90. Curious Stone 
Implement. (Nearly 
half actual size. 
Depth, 46 ft.) 





δ Pre-historic Times, p. 82. 

*° Professor Virchow observes to me that jade 
(nephrite) has never been found in South 
America in a natural state, but only worked out 
into implements. 


" Pre-historic Times, p. 167. 
ὦ Heinrich Fischer, Nephrit und Jadeit nach 
thren mineralogischen Eigenschaften, sowie nach 


ihrer urgeschichtlichen und ethnographischen Be- 
deutung ; Stuttgart, 1875. 

2 Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, No. 
287, Washington, 1876; the Arch. Coll. of the 
U. 9. Nat. Museum, Ὁ. 17. 

Idem, No. 259, Explor. of Aboriginal Remains of 
Tennessee, pp. 51 and 142. See further Archivos 
do Muscu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de 


244 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [CHap. V, 


Under Nos. 91 and 92 I represent two well-polished perforated axes 
found in the first city, of which the former, according to Mr. Davies, is of 


No. 92. 





















































































































































Nos. 91,92. Two polished perforated Axes. (Ab. ut half actual size. Depth, 45 to 52 ft.) 


hematite, the latter of porphyry. Similar perforated axes, either with 
two sharp edges, or with only one, like No. 92, occur in all the four 
lowest pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. Mr. Davies, who examined a 
number of them, found them to consist of diorite, porphyry, silicious 
rock, hematite, hornblende, gneiss, crystalline limestone, blue serpentine, 
gabbro-rock, &. Whence the pre-historic peoples of Hissarlik obtained 
all these varieties of stones, I have not been able to find out. Diorite they 
may have got from the valley of the Rhodius, where, as Mr. Calvert 
informs me, it is plentiful. 

Like the axes described above, these perforated axes were evidently 
used for domestic purposes as well as for battle-axes. They are exceed- 
ingly rare in the Swiss Lake-habitations; in fact, no entire specimens 
have ever been found there. The two halves of such an axe, which 
Lindenschmit* represents, were found in the Lake-dwellings at the 
station of Wangen, in the Lake of Constance. The same author also 
represents entire perforated axes of basalt and serpentine,* one of which 
was found at Linz, the other at Hohenzollern. Similar perforated axes 
are also found in Denmark, in the settlements of the Stone age, as well 
as in England, Germany, Livonia, Courland, ἄς. Two axes like No. 92 
were found by Professor Virchow in the pre-historic graveyard at 
Zaboréwo and are preserved in his collection. They are very plentiful 


Janeiro, 1876, Pl. i.; Joseph Hampel, Antiquités more of them here. 

préhistoriques de la Hongrie, Plate iii. For the 3 Die Vaterliindischen Alterthiimer, Pl. xxvii., 
stone axes found at Szihalom, see Pl. x. of the Nos. 12 and 13. 

photographs taken of the objects exhibited in 4 Ibid., Pl. xliii., Nos. 3 and 11. 

the National Hungarian Museum. Similar stone 5 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, PI. xiii. 
axes are contained in all the collections of pre- John Evans, Zhe Ancient Stone Implements ; 
historic antiquities; I shall therefore not quote London, 1872, pp. 75, 129, 163, 164. 


4 


Cuap. V.] SAWS OF FLINT. 245 


in Hungary. Professor Roemer asks me if the pre-historic peoples of 
Hissarlik knew of the emery of Naxos, as quartz (silicious rock), onyx, 
corneol, &c., cannot be polished without emery. Professor Sayce remarks 
to me that emery is also found in the Giimush Dagh, the range of moun- 
tains which runs along the northern bank of the Maeander in the extreme 
south of Lydia. 

As to the perforations, my friend Mr. John Evans is of opinion that 
they were drilled with a stick by means of sand; whilst Professor 
Maskelyne holds that the hard stones were probably perforated with a 
drill of bronze or stone, or even perhaps of wood, worked by a bow. This, 
fed with emery and water, would gradually bore a hole. Professor Virchow 
observes to me that experiments made in drilling with a stick by means 
of sand have repeatedly been made with perfect success. 

That the perforating of the hard stones was an exceedingly difficult 
operation for the pre-historic inhabitants of Hissarlik, could not be 
better proved than by the great number of hammers, and in a few 
instances also axes, in which the operation of boring had been commenced 
on both sides (sometimes on one side only), but was abandoned when a 
hole had been bored the depth of a quarter or half an inch. In several 
instances the operation of boring had been merely begun, and was aban- 
doned when the holes were only a line or two deep. But nearly all the 
hammers of this kind were found in the débris of the third and fourth 
pre-historic cities. In the first city, which now occupies us, only one 
hammer of a whitish limestone was found, in which the boring had been 
commenced but abandoned. Similar hammers, in which the drilling of 
holes had been commenced and abandoned, are found in Denmark in the 
settlements of the Stone age;’ they are also, as Professor Virchow 
informs me, frequently found in Germany, and he has one from Zabordéwo 
in his own collection. They are further found in Hungary® and 
England.® 

Lindenschmit’ says : “ The rarity, nay the absence, of entire specimens 
of completely perforated axes (in the Swiss Lake-dwellings) may perhaps 
be rather explained by the supposition, that they were used chiefly 
as arms, which, on the destruction of the settlement at the hands of 
warriors, must have disappeared, either with them in the battle itself, or 
on their return to the forests.” 

Under Nos. 93-98 I give engravings of double-edged saws of white 
and brown flint or chalcedony. They consist of flat, sharp, indented pieces 
of these kinds of stone. Those of which one side only is indented, as in 
No. 96, were inserted into pieces of wood or of staghorn and cemented 
with pitch, of which traces still remain on one or two specimens; but 
that the double-edged saws were inserted in a like manner appears 
improbable. They seem to have been used for sawing bones. Similar 


5 Jos. Hampel, Antiquiteés préhistoriques de la No. 33. 


Hongrie, Pl. iv.; also see Pl. x. of the photo- 8 Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de 
graphs of the National Hungarian Museum, Nos. Ja Hongric, Pl. iv. Nos. 3, 4, 6. 
66, 67, representing the finds at Szihalom. ® John Evans, Stone Implements, pp. 217, 218. 


7 J.J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, Pl. xii. 1 Die Vaterlindischen Alterthiimer, p. 179. 


246 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuar. V. 


flint saws are found in the cave-dwellings in the Dordogne; some are 
preserved in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye; they are also found 


SSS 


SS — 
—S 












































































































































= 
= SSS 







































































































































































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"μ 1 
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ἢ 































































































il 


Nos. 93-98. Single and double-edged Saws of Flint or Chalcedony. (Nearly 2:3 actual size. Depth, 45 to 52 ft.) 


in the Swiss Lake-habitations of the Stone age.? Two such saw-knives 
were found at Bethsaur near Bethlehem, and are preserved in the British 
Museum, where I also noticed other saws of the same kind found in 
India, in the Collection of Indian Antiquities. Similar saws of silex, 
found in pre-historic tombs in Mecklenburg, are preserved in the Museum 
of Neu Brandenburg and in the Grand Ducal Antiquarium at Schwerin. 
The keeper of the former, Mr. Julius Muller, suggests that they may 
have been used for cutting sinews, hides, and bones. Similar flint saws 
are also found in Denmark.’ 

At Hissarlik these double or single edged saws of silex or chalcedony 
are so plentiful in all the four lower pre-historic cities, that I have been 
able to collect nearly a thousand of them. In the latest pre-historic city 
I only found two such, of very large size. Double-edged flint saws, of 
the shape of No. 98, occurred only twice or three times. They may 
probably have been used as arrow-heads; for regularly-shaped arrow- 
heads, such as I found in the Royal Sepulchres at Mycenae,* do not exist 
here. Abundant at Hissarlik, but less frequent than the saw-knives, are 
the knives of silex or chalcedony, of the same size as the saws, having 
either only one or two sharp edges. Such knives are also found 
abundantly in the habitations of the Stone age in Scandinavia,® in the 
Swiss Lake-habitations,® in the cave-habitations in the Dordogne,’ in 
Mecklenburg as well as elsewhere in Germany, and in many other places 
and countries; as, for instance, in Hungary.® Flakes of silex or chalce- 
dony are still used to the present day in immense quantities all over 
Asia Minor for the corn-shellers or threshing-boards (in modern Greek, 





Lindenschmit, Die Vaterlindischen Alterthi- 
ner, p. 179, Plate xxvii. No. 18; Sir J. Lubbock, 
Pre-historic Times, p. 107; V. Gross, Etablisse- 
ments Lacustres, Pl. i. No. 4. 

3 A. P. Madsen, Antiquités préhistoriques du 
Danemarc ; Copenhagen, 1872, Plate xxiv. Nos. 
5-8, 12-15. 

4 See my Mycenac, p. 272, No. 435. 

5 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, Pl. xv. 


No. 61; A. P. Madsen, Antiquités préhistoriques 
du Danemarc, Pl. xviii. Nos. 25-28; Lubbock, 
Pre-historic Times, p. 89. 

6 Lindenschmit, Die Vaterldndischen Alterthii- 
mer, p. 179, Pl. xxviii. Nos. 19-23. 

7 Large masses of these are preserved in the 
Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye. 

8. Josepn Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de 
la Hongrie, Pl. i. 


Cuar. V.] POTSHERD WITH OWL’S FACE. 247 


Soxavt). These are in the form of sledges, and consist of two heavy 
wooden planks 63 ft. long, and at one end-2 ft., at the other 1 ft. 4 in., 
broad. In the lower side of these corn-shellers an immense number of 
holes are made, about 2 in. long, in which the flint flakes are fastened 
lengthwise, so that all are in the direction of the boards. These flints 
have the length of those I find at Hissarlik, but they are much thicker, 
and none of them has a sharp or an indented edge. These machines 
are drawn by a horse over the ears of corn spread on the threshing-floor ; 
they are also used for chopping up straw. 

Much less abundant are the flakes or knives of obsidian, though 
they occur in all the four lowest pre-historic cities at Hissarlik. All 
of them are two-edged, and some are so sharp that one might shave 
with them. Such obsidian flakes or knives are sometimes found together 
with the common flint flakes, but only in those countries where obsidian 
occurs in a natural state. That such knives of flint or obsidian were 
once in general use, seems to be proved by the fact, that here and there 
the Jews to the present day circumcise their children with such knives. 

Now, as to the place whence the pre-historic peoples of Hissarlik 
obtained their silex and chalcedony. These stones, as Mr. Calvert assures 
me, are found near Koush-Shehr at Sapgee, about 20 miles to the east of 
-Hissarlik, where they are still worked for the manufacture of the Turkish 
threshing-boards. The same friend informs me that he found obsidian 
of a coarse nature near Saragik; he further calls my attention to the 
statement of Barker Webb (De Agro Troiano, p. 42), that he observed the 
mineral near Mantescia, on the road from Assos to Aivajik—one hour 
from the former place. Professor Virchow found chalcedony contained 
in the voleanic layers near the Foulah Dagh ὃ in the Troad. 

It deserves particular notice that, except the little knives and saw-knives, 
no implements or arms of silew were ever found at Mssarlik. 

No. 99 represents a pretty little disc of greenish sandstone, with a 
projecting border and a round hole in the centre; its use is unknown. 














ee 
Sas 


No. 99, Flat perforated Stone. (Half actual size. No. 100. Fragment of a Bowl, with 
Depth, about 48 ft.) a pair of eyes. (About half actual size. 
Depth, about 48 ft.) 


No. 100 represents in outline a fragment of a lustrous-black bowl, which, 
like No. 36, seems to represent an owl’s face in monogram. Prof. Sayce 


asks, “Ts it not for warding off the evil eye? Compare the Etruscan 
vases.” 





δ See Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie ( Berliner Anthropolog. Geselischaft, Band xi. 5. 272). 


248 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuar, V. 


Of whetstones, such as Nos. 101 and 102, only a few were found in 
the first city; they are much more frequent in the three following cities. 


No. 101. 
No. 102. 





Nos. 101, 102. Whetstones of Green and Black Slate. (Half actual size. Depth, 40 to 52 ft.) 


Nearly all are perforated at one end for suspension. Mr. Davies pro- 
nounces them all to consist of indurated slate. Two similar whetstones 
have been found in Egyptian sepulchres ; one of them is in the Egyptian 
Collection in the Louvre; the other appears in the Egyptian Collection in 
the British Museum, with the notice that it was found in a tomb of the 
Twentieth Dynasty. Many such whetstones, found in England, are also 
in the British Museum, where the ancient Peruvian Collection likewise 
contains some specimens of them. Two such whetstones, found at 
Szihalom, are in the Hungarian National Museum at Buda-Pesth.® Prof. 
Virchow informs me that similar whetstones also occur in Germany. 

The accompanying mould No. 103 
consists, according to Prof. Landerer, 
of mica-slate.. It forms a trapezium 
3 in. long, 14 in. broad at one end and 
1:8 in. at the other, and half an inch 
thick. It has three moulds for cast- 
ing pointed instruments of a kind 

such as have never yet occurred any- 

\ where, and which, in my opinion, can 

ὴ WEN be nothing else than arrow-heads, 

: though the only species of arrow- 

heads I discovered in this first city 

as well as in the two succeeding ones 
are vastly different. 

My friend Mr. Carlo Giuliano, the 

No. 103. A Mould of Mica-slate fur casting arrow- celebrated London goldsmith and 

heads of a very curious form. : : 

(About half actual size. Depth, 46 ft.) jeweller of antiques — who showed 

me the great kindness of repeatedly 
visiting my Trojan collection and explaining to me, for three hours at a 
time, how all the metallic work, and particularly how the jewels, were made 
by the pre-historic peoples—holds it to be impossible that the objects to 
be cast in these moulds could have been intended for breast- or hair-pins. 
He agrees with me that they were intended for arrow-heads : this view 
appears also to be confirmed by the barbs on one of them. It seems 
still more difficult to explain the use of the triangular object represented 
by the fourth mould. Professor Sayce asks me, “ Was it not intended 
for a bead?” For casting all the objects represented here, two such 


AWW 
NAW 


\ 


Ν 
N 








10 See Pl, x., Nos. 82 and 83, of the photographs of the collection. 


Cuap. V.] PUNCHES AND BROOCHES. 249 


mould-stones, each of them haying exactly the same beds, were fastened 
together by means of a small round stick, which was put into the round 
hole; then the metal was poured through the openings on the small sides 
of the stones into the beds, and was left there till it had become cold. 
Under Nos. 104-111 I represent curious objects of pure copper. The 
head of No. 104 is in the form of a spiral; that of No. 105 is quite flat. 











- SP 
ae ne νοῦ 
Teer SI ear Sere δὴ 
ΓΛ - 12 A S&S ὃ 
ae 3 


Ss 
3 
te ΤῊΣ 
= ae 






Rees 


τὰ CS 


ees 








Bees 


Bz. 









ee 
as 


eS 


es 
ee 





PEE 
Ss 






LE 


ae τε ν τα 


eae 







πΞΞ ΞΞΙς 


SS; 





=e 





106 112 104 108 107 


Nos. 104-112. Punches, Brooches, and Arrow-head of Copper, also a Silver Brooch. 
(Half actual size, Depth, 45 to 53 ft.) 


Nos. 106 and 107 have heads of globular form, and are in the form of 
nails; but they can of course never have been used as such, being far 
too long and thin and fragile to be driven into wood. One of those 
found in this first city is 7in. long. They can consequently only 
have served as brooches and hair-pins, and were the ancient predecessors 
of the fibule invented ages later. Similar primitive brooches are very 
numerous in the first four pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, but only in the 
first two cities are they of copper; in the two later cities they are of 
bronze. They are also of bronze in the ancient Lake-habitations in 
the Lake of Bourget. A certain number found in that lake are pre- 
served in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye, the director of which, M. 
Alexandre Bertrand, attributes to them the date of from 600 to 500 Buc. 
Brooches of bronze of the same shape, but much more elaborate, were 
found in the Lake-dwellings at Moeringen and Auvernier.! Needles with 
two pointed ends, like No. 108, were found at Szihalom in Hungary ;* 
they are also very plentiful in Germany, Denmark, and elsewhere. There 
are a great many such primitive brooches of bronze, both of the form of 
No. 104 with a head in the form of a spiral, and of that of Nos. 106 and 
107, in the Grand Ducal Antiquarium of Schwerin; they were all found in 
the Mecklenburg sepulchral mounds called “ Hiinengraber,” and in many 
other ancient sites in Germany. Miss Adele Virchow has collected a 


* Victor Gross, Deus Stations Lacustres ; 
Neuveville, 1878, Pl. viii., Nos. 12 and 13. 


7 See Pl. x., Nos. 7 and 16, of the photographs 


of the Pre-historic Collection of the National 
Hungarian Museum. 


250 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuar. V. 


number of brooches, like Nos. 104 and 107, in her excavations in the 
graveyard of Zaborowo. 

Nos. 109 and 110 are declared by Mr. Giuliano to be punches, the 
lower ends of which were inserted in wooden handles. No. 111, 1°6 in. 
long, is in the usual form of the arrow-head, such as I have found in the 
débris of the three lower cities; indeed, I never found a differently shaped 
arrow-head there. A similar arrow-head appears to have been found in 
the excavations at Szihalom in Hungary.* 

All these brooches, punches, and arrows have evidently been cast, 
though only in the third city have I found a mould for such arrows, never 
one for brooches or punches. No. 112 is a fragmentary brooch of silver. 

In the accompanying group the copper punch, No. 113, as well as the 
copper brooches, Nos. 114 and 115, are from the second city.* The rest 


No. 118. 


























































































































Nos, 113-115. Copper Punch and Nos. 116-122. Objects of Metal from the Lowest Stratum: four Copper 
Brooches from the Second City. (3:4 Knives (one gilt), and various ornaments. (3:4 actua size, 
actual size. Depth, 35 to 42 ft.) but No. 119, 2:5. Depth, 43 to 50 ft.) 








3 See Plate x., No. 20, of the photographs of 4 They are given here, as they happen to 
the Collection in the National Museum at Buda- have been engraved on the same block with 
Pesth. the other objects. 


Cuar. V.] - ANALYSIS OF METALS. 251 


of the metal objects are from the first city. No. 116 represents a copper 
bracelet, but it is so small that it can only have fitted the arm of a 
little child. Nos. 117, 118, and 119 are copper knives; the first is much 
broken; in the larger end of the two latter may be seen the two or 
three holes of the pins with which they were fixed in the handles of 
wood or bone. 

My friend Mr. W. Chandler Roberts, F.R.S., assayer at the Royal 
Mint, and Professor of Metallurgy in the Royal School of Mines, kindly 
analysed the metals of this first city, and wrote for me the following 
valuable report on the subject :— 

“T also analysed with much care small portions of implements found 
at depths of over 40 ft. 

“No. 120 is a knife-blade (depth 45 ft.) on the surface of which there 
are thin flakes of metal that cupellation showed to be gold. The knife 
had evidently been gilded, a fact which proves that the artificer who made 
it possessed much metallurgical knowledge and technical skill. 

“Analysis showed that copper was present to the extent of 97°4 per 
cent. in the metallic state, the rest of the metal being in the form of 
green carbonate and red oxide of copper; for the blade was so corroded 
at the end that it was impossible to entirely eliminate these substances. 
Tin, however, was certainly nof present in appreciable quantity ; so that 
the implement must be regarded as having been originally formed of 
unalloyed copper. 

ite wnal or “pin, Νο. 105 “A portion from the end of 
(depth 46 ft.), was also much cor- No. 115 (depth 42 ft.), also a nail 
roded, but a cleaned portion gave or pin, contained :— 


on analysis :— 
y 98:20 per cent. copper. 











97°83 per cent. copper. OF 75, “ss tron. 
0:21 " ἢ ae 0.18... fo) sulphur, 
Ὁ SONA) OL et iron: Trace of tin. 
Traces of nickel and cobalt. 99-08 
98-94 





“The metal in the three last cases is much harder than modern com- 
mercial copper, a fact which may be accounted for by its impurities not 
having been removed by refining.» There is every probability that the 
presence of a small quantity of tin in No. 105 is accidental, more espe- 
cially since specimens of commercial copper have been found to contain 
such an amount. 

“Tf then we may assume that the several implements were used as 
nails and knives, it would appear that they belong to a pre-Bronze age, 
aad that the makers of them were not familiar with the fact that copper 
is hardened by the addition of tin.” 





° While this book is passing through the alloy of rhodium, for an account of which I 
press, I have received information of a most am deeply indebted to the discoverer, Mare Α. J. 
interesting discovery in America of weapons Duffield. (See his Appendix.) 
and implements of copper hardened by a natural 


252. THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuar. V 


It deserves particularly to be remarked that No. 120 is the only gilded 
object I ever found in any one of the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, 
whereas the art of gilding bronze was in general use at Mycenae.6 But 
the Mycenean goldsmith was not able to gild silver; whenever, therefore, 
objects of silver were to be plated with gold, he first plated them with 
bronze and then gilded the latter.’ 

No. 121 represents a silver brooch, the head of which is ornamented 
with flutings; but it is much deteriorated by the chloride, and must have 
been originally much longer. Of silver also is the curious pendant of an 
ear-ring, No. 122, which in form resembles a primitive ship, and which 
was suspended in the ear by means of a thin wire. I should not have 
thought it to be an ear-ring at all, had it not been for the number 
of similar pendants of gold found by me in the third city, Certainly 
this object (No. 122) looks much lke a fibula, of which only the pin 
is missing. But for that purpose the silver leaf is far too thin, and this 
is still much more the case with the gold ear-rings of a similar shape 
found in the third or burnt city, all of which are made of very thin 
gold leaf. There was found, besides, in the stratum of the first city, a 
silver wire. : 

Of copper lances or battle-axes no trace was discovered ; I only found 
a quadrangular copper bar 10 in. long, which runs out into an edge at one 
end, and may have been used as a weapon. Of other objects of copper 
worth enumerating, | may mention a plain ring. Of other metals, lead 
was now and then found in small quantities. 

We, therefore, find in use among these primitive inhabitants of the 
most ancient city on Hissarlik, together with very numerous stone imple- 
ments and stone weapons, the following metals: gold, silver, lead, copper, 
but no iron; in fact, no trace of this latter metal was ever found by me 
either in any of the pre-historic cities of Troy, or at Mycenae. 

Nothing, I think, could better testify to the great antiquity of the 
pre-historic ruins at Hissarlik and at Mycenae, than the total absence of 
iron. It is true that Hesiod distinctly states that iron was discovered 
later than copper and tin, for, in speaking of the peoples who were 
ancient even in his day, he says that they used bronze, and ποῦ το." But 
still, in order to show how old the knowledge of iron and steel was, he 
represents Gaea as making a sickle for Kronos of greyish glittering steel,° 
and he gives to Herakles, besides armour of gold and greaves of bronze, a 
sword of iron and a helmet of steel.’° Lucretius distinctly confirms the 
three ages :— 

“ Arma antiqua, manus, ungues, dentesque fuerunt 
Et lapides, et item sylvarum fragmina rami, 


Posterius ferri vis est aerisque reperta, 
Sed prior aeris erat, quam ferri cognitus usus. 


331 





6 See my Mycenae, p. 283. ® Hesiod., Theogonia, vv. 161, 162: 
7 Ibid. pp. 216, 217, Nos. 327, 328; p. 240, αἶψα δὲ (Tata) ποιήσασα γένος πολιοῦ ἀδάμαντος, 
No. 348, and many others. τεῦξε μέγα δρέπανον καὶ ἐπέφραδε παισὶ φίλοισιν. 
8 Hesiod., Opp. et Dies, vv. 149, 150: 10 Hesiod., Scut. Heracl. vv. 122-138. 
τοῖς δ᾽ ἣν χάλκεα μὲν τεύχεα, χάλκεοι δέτε οἶκοι, 1 Vy. 1282-1285. 


χαλκῷ δ᾽ εἰργάζοντο" μέλας δ᾽ οὐκ ἔσκε σίδηρος. 





GOLD, SILVER, AND COPPER MINES. 253 


Cuapr. V.] 


Hostmann? also cites Terentius Varro* and Agatharchides* as adopt- 
ing the same theory. But it deserves attention that before the Deluge, 
in the seventh generation from Adam, according to the Book of Genesis,° 
Tubal Cain was simultaneously master in various kinds of work of bronze 
and zron.6 According to Hostmann, iron is only mentioned thirteen 
times in the whole Pentateuch, whereas brass, by which is here at all 
events to be understood bronze (that is to say, the mixture of tin and 
copper), is mentioned forty-four times. 

The question now arises: Whence did the early inhabitants of His- 
garlik obtain their metals? The answer is, first, that they must have 
had an abundance of gold, since the Troad borders on Phrygia, where 
mythology localized the legend of Midas and his treasures, and it nearly 
touches the valley of the Pactolus, which was so famous for its auriferous 
sands. 

Besides, there were, according to Strabo, gold mines in the Troad 
itself, nay in the immediate neighbourhood of Ilium, for he says: “ Above 
the territory of the Abydians in the Troad lies Astyra, a ruined city, now 
belonging to Abydos; but formerly the city was independent and had 
gold mines, which are now poor and exhausted, like those in Mount 
Tmolus around the Pactolus.” ἴ 

Homer mentions among the auxiliary troops of the Trojans the 
Halizonians (οἱ “AAifwvor), who came from Alybé (ἡ ᾿Αλύβη), “ where is 
the birth-place of silver ;’* that is to say, where there are silver mines. 
Strabo holds these Halizonians to be the later Chalybes on the Pontus 
called in his time Chaldaeans; he thinks that either the reading has been 
changed from ἐκ Χαλύβης into ἐξ ᾿Αλύβης, or that the Chalybes had been 
formerly called Alybans.? Other silver mines appear to be indicated by 
Strabo in the Troad to the right of the Aesepus, between Polichna and 
Palaescepsis.?° 

Copper mines are mentioned by Strabo in the Troad near Cisthené on 
the Gulf of Adramyttium,! where now stands Cidonia or Cythonies. 
Strabo also mentions a stone found near Andeira in the mountains of Ida, 


2 Chr. Hostmann, Zur Geschichte und Kritik 
des Nordischen System’s der drei Culturperioden ; 
Braunschweig, 1875, p. 18. 

3 Fragm. ap. Augustin. de Civ. Dei, vii. c. 24. 

4 De Mari Erythr. ap. Phot. c. 29. 

5 Gen. iv. 22, 

5 This must not be pressed too far. The 
natural meaning is that Tubal Cain was the first 
who worked in metals in general, and the metals 
specified indicate only the knowledge of the 
writer's age. 

7 xiii. p. 591: Ὑπέρκειται δὲ τῆς τῶν ᾿Αβυδηνῶν 
χώρας ἐν τῇ Τρῳάδι τὰ Αστυρα, ἃ νῦν μὲν 
Αβυδηνῶν ἔστι, κατεσκαμμένη πόλις, πρότερον 
δὲ ἦν καθ᾽ αὗτά, χρυσεῖα ἔχοντα ἃ νῦν σπάνιά 
ἐστιν, ἐξαναλωμένα, καθάπερ τὰ ἐν τῷ Τμώλῳ 
τὰ περὶ τὸν Πακτωλόν. 

8 JI. ii. 856, 857: 
αὐτὰρ “Αλιζώνων ᾽Οδίος καὶ ᾿Ἐπίστροφος ἦρχον 
τηλόθεν ἐξ ᾿Αλύβης, ὅθεν ἀργύρου ἐστὶ γενέθλη. 

* Strabo, xii, p. 549: οἱ δὲ νῦν Χαλδαῖοι 


Χάλυβες τὸ παλαιὸν ὠνομάζοντο : and τούτους 
οἶμαι λέγειν τὸν ποιητὴν ᾿Αλιζώνους ἐν τῷ μετὰ 
τοὺς Παφλαγόνας καταλόγῳ. Further: ἤτοι τῆς 
γραφῆς μετατεθείσης ἀπὸ τοῦ “ τηλόθεν ex Χαλύ- 
Bns,” } τῶν ἀνθρώπων πρότερον ᾿Αλύβων λεγο- 
μένων ἀντὶ Χαλύβων." 

10 Strabo, xiii. p. 603: ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ τοῦ Αἰσήπου 
μεταξὺ Πολίχνας τε καὶ Παλαισκήψεως ἢ Νέα 
κώμη καὶ ᾿Αργυρία. Νον,, 1 believe with For- 
biger (Real Encycl. s. v. Nea) that instead of 
n νέα κώμη we have, according to the parallel 
passage (in Strabo), p. 552, to read Αἴνεα or”Evea 
κώμη καὶ ἀργύρια, and not ᾿Αργυρία. Forbiger 
identifies this Atvea κώμη with the present town 
of Iné, where silver mines afe mentioned by 
Chandler, i. p. 142 ; Pococke, iii. p. 160. 

1 xiii. p. 606: ἔξω δὲ τοῦ κόλπου (τοῦ ’Adpa- 
μυττίου) καὶ τῆς Πυῤῥᾶς ἄκρας ἥ τε Κισθήνη 
ἐστι πόλις ἔρημος ἔχουσα λιμένα. treo αὐτῆς 
δ᾽ ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ τό τε τοῦ χαλκοῦ μέταλλον, 
K. τ. λ. 


254 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


which when burned became iron; when melted with a certain earth, zine 
(yrevdapyupos) flows forth from it; whilst, copper being added to it, it 
becomes brass (κρᾶμα), called by some people dpe/yadxos. Zine is also 
found in the neighbourhood of Tmolus.? 

Phrygia was also the country of the Idaean Dactyli, the fabled sons 
of Rhea, who in her flight to Mount Ida in Crete rested her hands on the 
mountain and so gave birth to her child (Zeus); and from the impression 
of her hands sprang the Curetes or the Corybantes, who were called Idaean 
Dactyli.* This tradition is also mentioned by Nonnus.* These Phrygian 
Dactyli were celebrated as metallurgists, and were said to have discovered 
iron in Crete. According to the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, 
Sophocles also called the Dactyli Phrygians.® Diodorus Siculus also, who 
seems to have copied largely from Ephorus, says that there are many, and 
among them Ephorus, who affirm that the Idaean Dactyli dwelt around 
Mount Ida in Phrygia and passed over to Europe with Mygdon. They 
were enchanters, and practised spells, religious ceremonies, and mysteries ; 
and, residing in Samothrace, they greatly excited the astonishment of the 
inhabitants by these arts... The Phrygian origin of the Dactyli is also 
confirmed by Clemens Alexandrinus, who calls them Phrygians and 
barbarians.2 Strabo says: ‘As some say, the first inhabitants of the 
slopes of Ida were called Dactyli, because the slopes of the mountains are 
called their feet, and the summits are called the crowns of their heads, 
and thus all the spurs of Ida which are sacred to the mother of the 
gods are called Idaean Dactyli or ‘toes.’ But Sophocles believes the 
first Dactyli to have been five men, who discovered iron and _ first 
worked it, and invented many other things useful for life: they had 
five sisters, and from their number they were called Dactyli (ae. 
‘toes’). But others relate other fabulous stories, heaping absurdity on 
absurdity ; but they also state the names and number (of the Dactyli) 
differently: calling one of them Celmis and the others Damnameneus, 
Heracles and Acmon (the anvil). Some say that they were natives of Ida, 
others report that they were immigrants, but all maintain that by them 
iron was first worked in Ida: all suppose them to have been enchanters 
employed in the service of the Mother of the Gods, and residing in 





2 xiii. p. 610: ἔστι δὲ λίθος περὶ ra” Avdeipa, 
ds καιόμενος σίδηρος γίνεται" εἶτα μετὰ γῆς τινος 
καμινευθεὶς ἀποστάζει ψευδάργυρον, ἣ προσλα- 
βοῦσα χαλκὸν τὸ καλούμενον γίνεται κρᾶμα, ὅ 
τινες ὀρείχαλκον καλοῦσι" γίνεται δὲ ψευδάργυρος 
καὶ περὶ τὸν Τμῶλον. 

3 Diomed. p. 474, ed. Putch : “ Aiunt Opem in 
Idam montem insulae Cretae fugiendo delatam 
manus suas imposuisse memorato monti, et sic 
infantem ipsum edidisse, et ex manuum impres- 
sione emersisse Curetas sive Corybantas, quos a 
montis nomine et a qualitate facti Idaeos Dac- 
tylos appellant.” 

4 Dionys. xiv. 25 seq. : 

; τῶν ποτε Ῥείη 
ἐκ χθονὺς αὐτοτέλεστον ἀνεβλάστησε γενέθλην. 
5 Plin. H. N. vii. 57: “ Aes conflare et tem- 


perare Aristoteles Lydum Scythen monstrasse ; 
Theophrastus Delam Phrygem putat; aerariam 
fabricam alii Chalybas, alii Cyclopas; ferrum 
Hesiodus in Creta eos qui vocati sunt Idaei 
Dactyli.” 

6 Ad Argonaut. i. 1129: Σοφοκλῆς δὲ αὐτοὺς 
Φρύγας καλεῖ ἐν Κωφοῖς Σατύροις. 

7 Diod. Sic. v. 64: ἔνιοι δ᾽ ἱστοροῦσιν, ὧν 
ἔστι kal Ἔφορος, τοὺς ᾿Ιδαίους Δακτύλους γενέ- 
σθαι μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἴδην τὴν ἐν Φρυγίᾳ, διαβῆναι 
δὲ μετὰ Μύγδονος εἰς τὴν Εὐρώπην ὑπάρξαντας 
δὲ γόητας ἐπιτηδεῦσαι τάς τε ἐπῳδὰς καὶ τελετὰς 
καὶ μυστήρια, καὶ περὶ ΣΣαμοθράκην διατρίψαντας 
οὐ μετρίως ἐν τούτοις ἐκπλήττειν τοὺς ἐγχωρίους. 

8 Stromat. i. p. 860, ed. Pott: Φρύγες δὲ ἦσαν 
καὶ βάρβαροι of ᾿Ιδαῖοι Δάκτυλοι. 


METALLIC WEALTH OF PHRYGIA. 200 


Cap. V.] 


Phrygia in the district of Ida; for they call the Troad Phrygia, because 
the neighbouring Phrygians took possession (of it) after the destruction 
oft ΤΠ τον..." 

The Cabiri, who were likewise celebrated metallurgists, came also from 
Phrygia, and were said to owe their name to the mountains of Phrygia, 
whence they passed over to Samothrace.!? According to Pausanias,! the 
country inhabited by the Pergamenes was anciently Darel to the Cabiri. 
Strabo informs us that, according to Pherecydes, from Apollo and Rhytia 
sprang nine Corybantes, who lived in Samothrace, but from Cabiro, 
daughter of Proteus, and Hephaestus, three Cabiri and three Cabirian 
nymphs; both brothers and sisters enjoyed divine worship. They were 
especially venerated in Imbros and Lemnos, but also in some places in 
the Troad.2 Though there is no tradition that the Cabiri were also sons 
of Rhea, the tutelary deity of Phrygia, we see them in the service of 
that goddess* in Samothrace. 

We have seen that they were sons of Hephaestus, who, according to 
Diodorus Siculus, was the inventor of all works in iron, copper, gold and 
silver, and in all other substances which are wrought by means of fire.‘ 
We have also seen (p. 253) that there were mines of gold, copper, and ἡ 
silver, in the Troad, and no doubt there were still richer ones in 
Phrygia, because it is to Phrygia that tradition attributes the discovery 
of the art of fusing metals by the accidental melting of them in a 


forest fire.° 


Strabo quotes the opinion of Posidonius, who believed in the story that, 
the forests having once caught fire, the earth beneath, containing silver and 
gold, became liquefied, so that these metals boiled forth to the surface.® 





® Strabo, x. p. 473: Δακτύλους δ᾽ ᾿Ιδαίους 
φασί τινες κεκλῆσθαι τοὺς πρώτους οἰκήτορας 
τῆς κατὰ τὴν Ἴδην ὑπωρείας: πόδας μὲν γὰρ 
λέγεσθαι τὰς ὑπωρείας, κορυφὰς δὲ τὰ ἄκρα τῶν 
ὀρῶν: αἱ οὖν κατὰ μέρος ἐσχατιαὶ καὶ πᾶσαι τῆς 
μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν ἱεραὶ περὶ τὴν Ἴδην. . . . 
Σοφοκλῆς δὲ οἴεται πέντε τοὺς πρώτους ἄρσενας 
γενέσθαι, οἱ σίδηρόν τε ἐξεῦρον καὶ εἰργάσαντο 
πρῶτοι καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ τῶν πρὸς τὸν βίον χρη- 
σίμων, πέντε δὲ καὶ ἀδελφὰς τούτων, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ 
ἀριθμοῦ δακτύλους κληθῆναι, ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἄλλως 
μυθεύουσιν ἀπόροις ἅ ἄπορα συνάπτοντες, διαφόροις 
δὲ καὶ τοῖς ὀνόμασι καὶ τοῖς ἀριθμοῖς χρῶνται, ὧν 
Κέλμιν ὀνομαζουσί τινα καὶ “Δαμναμενέα καὶ 
Ἡρακλέα «καὶ "Ακμονα" καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπιχωρίους 
τῆς Ἴδης of δὲ ἐποίκους, πάντες δὲ σίδηρον. εἰρ- 
γάσθαι ὑπὸ τούτων ἐν Ἴδῃ πρῶτόν φασι, πάντες 
δὲ καὶ γόητας ὑπειλήφασι καὶ περὶ τὴν μητέρα 
τῶν θεῶν καὶ ἐν Φρυγίᾳ φκηκότας περὶ τὴν Ἴδην, 
Φρυγίαν τὴν Τρῳάδα καλοῦντες διὰ τὸ τοὺς 
Φρύγας ἐπικρατῆσαι πλησιοχώρους ὄντας τῆς 
Τροίας ἐκπεπορθημένης. 

10. Apoll. Rhod. ad Argonaut. i. 917: Κάβειροι 
δὲ δοκοῦσι προσηγορεῦσθαι ἀπὸ Καβείρων τῶν 
κατὰ Φρυγίαν ὀρῶν, ἐπεὶ ἐντεῦθεν μετηνέχθησαν 
εἰς Σαμοθράκην. 

1 Pausanias, i416: Ἢν δὲ νέμονται οἱ Περγα- 
μηνοί, Π βείρων ἱ ἱεράν φασιν εἶναι τὸ ἀρχαῖον. 

* Strabo, x. p. 473: Φερεκύδης δ᾽ ἐξ ᾿Απόλ- 


Awvos καὶ Ῥητίας Κύρβαντας ἐννέα, οἰκῆσαι δ᾽ 
αὐτοὺς ἐν Σαμοθράκῃ: ἐκ δὲ Καβειροῦς τῆς 
Πρωτέως καὶ Ἡφαίστου Καβείρους τρεῖς καὶ 
νύμφας τρεῖς Καβειρίδας, ἑκατέροις δ᾽ ἱερὰ γίνε- 
σθαι. μάλιστα μὲν οὖν ἐν “IuBpw καὶ Λήμνῳ 
τοὺς Καβείρους τιμᾶσθαι συμβέβηκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ 
ἐν Τροίᾳ κατὰ πόλεις. 

3 A grammarian in the Lexicon of Gude, 5. v. 
Κάβιροι, cited by J. P. Rossignol, Les Métaux 
dans 1 Antiquité, p. 47: Κάβιροι δέ εἰσι δαίμονες 
περὶ τὴν Ῥέαν οἰκήσαντες THY Σαμοθρᾷκην. 

4 v.74: “Ἥφαιστον δὲ λέγουσιν εὑρετὴν γενέ- 
σθαι τῆς περὶ τὸν σίδηρον ἐργασίας ἁπάσης καὶ 
τῆς περὶ τὸν χαλκὸν καὶ χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον, καὶ 
τῶν ἄλλων ὅσα τὴν ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἐργασίαν ἐπι- 
δέχεται. 

5 Lucretius, 1240-1243: 

“Quod superest, aes atque aurum ferrumque 
repertum est, 

Et simul argenti pondus, plumbique potestas, 

Ignis ubi ingentes silvas ardore cremarat 

Montibus in magnis.” 

6. Strabo, iii. p. 147: Ποσειδώνιος δὲ τὸ πλῆθος 
τῶν μετάλλων ἐπαινῶν καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν ovK ἀπέ- 
χεται τῆς συνήθους ῥητορείας, ἀλλὰ συνενθουσιᾷ 
ταῖς ὑπερβολαῖς. οὐ γὰρ ἀπιστεῖν τῷ μύθῳ 
φησὶν ὅτι τῶν δρυμῶν ποτε ἐμπρησθέντων ἡ γῆ 
τακεῖσα, ἅτε ἀργυρῖτις καὶ χρυσῖτις, εἰς τὴν 
ἐπιφάνειαν ἐξέζεσε. 


256 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. 


[Cuar. V. Ἶ 


Rossignol’ also cites Clement of Alexandria, who, in establishing a 
synchronism among the events of sacred history and Greek history, says, 
“From the deluge of Deucalion to the burning of Mount Ida and the 
discovery of iron, and to the Idaean Dactyli, 73 years elapsed according 
to Thrasyllus; and from the burning of Ida to the rape of Ganymedes, 65 
years.”* He further cites Strabo, who mentions that the Titans gave to 
Rhea, as armed servants, the Corybantes, who, as some said, had come 
from Bactria; according to others, from Colchis.2 The reason why they 
were said to have come from the one or the other of these two countries 
is, that both were celebrated for the number and the richness of their 
mines. Rossignol’? further mentions that “Servius in his Commentary 
on Virgil, in stating the etymologies which were given of the word 
Corybantes, says that according to some it was derived from Κόρη, the 
surname of Proserpine, according to others it is derived from copper, 
there being in Cyprus a mountain rich in copper, which the Cypriotes 
0811 Corium.”* M. Burnouf mentions to me that Eugene Burnouf has 
proved the word Corybantes to be identical with the Zend word gérévanté, 
which means “mountaineers,” and that Orthocorybantes is identical with 
Erédhwagérévant6, which means “inhabitants of the high mountains.” 2 

Like the Cabiri and the Corybantes, the Curetes passed over from 
Phrygia to Samothrace. This is evident, as Rossignol’ says, from the 
Orphic hymn addressed to the Curetes, in which it is assigned to them, as 
a claim to veneration, that they should make the bronze resound, wear 
martial arms, and inhabit Samothrace, the sacred land.* Some verses 
further on, the poet, confounding the Curetes with the Corybantes, calls 
them even kings of Samothrace.* 

In a long and learned discussion, Rossignol proves beyond all doubt 
that the Telchines were also famous artists and metallurgists, who passed 
over to Samothrace; and further that the Dactyli, Cabiri, Corybantes, 
Curetes, and Telchines, differed, as some believed, merely in name, and 
formed one identical class of Gene ; while, according to others, they were 
related to one another, presenting only slight differences; that, finally, 
they are nothing else than the representatives of an identical metallic 
industry, symbolized in its progressive developments; that the religion 
of Samothrace was in the beginning nothing but a simple institution of 
mysteries founded on metallurgy, and presided over by Rhea, whose 
priests were in fact metallurgists. These ministers, having transmitted 
the blessing of the goddess to other men, were deified from gratitude. 
In this manner Samothrace became the isle of pious priests, and the 
sacred asylum against revenge for bloodshed. But it was not every 





7 Les Métaux dans 1 Antiquité, p. 50. 

8 Strom. i. 21, p. 401, ed. Pott. 

® Strabo, x. p.472: of δ᾽ ὑπὸ Τιτάνων Ῥέᾳ 
δοθῆναι προπόλους ἐνόπλους τοὺς Κορύβαντας 
ἐκ τῆς Βακτριανῆς ἀφιγμένους, οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ Κόλχων 
φασίν. 

10 Les Metaux dans l Antiquité, p. 77. 

1 Ad Aen. iii. 111: “ Alii Corybantes ab aere 
appellatos, quod apud Cyprum mons sit aeris 


ferax, quem Cyprii Corium vocant.” 

? See Eugéne Burnouf, Commentaires sur le 
Yagna. 

3 Les Métaux dans I Antiquité, p. 88. 

4 Hymn. Orphic. xxxviii. 4: 

of τε ΣΣαμοθρήκην, ἱερὴν χθόνα, ναιετάοντες. 

5 21, 22: Κουρῆτες Κορύβαντες, ... ἐν Σαμο- 
θρήκῃ ἄνακτες. 


Cuap. V.] IMPLEMENTS OF PURE COPPER. ΟΝ 


homicide that could obtain absolution there; for the cases were heard, 
justice was administered, and he who had maliciously done a wicked 
deed was condemned and cast out. Ancient metallurgy gives us an 
insight into the life of the men of bygone times; the metals are the 
material and instrument of the arts, the spring of all political activity, 
the soul of civilization.® 

According to Sir John Lubbock :" “Tt is probable that gold was the 
metal which first attracted the attention of man; it is found in many 
rivers, and by its bright colour would certainly attract even the rudest 
savages, who are known to be very fond of personal decoration. Silver 
does not appear to have been discovered until long after gold, and was 
apparently preceded by both copper and tin; for it rarely, if ever,® occurs 
in tumuli of the Bronze age. But, however this may be, copper seems to 
have been the metal which first became of real importance to man; no 
doubt owing to the fact that its ores are abundant in many countries, and 
can be smelted without any difficulty; and that, while iron is hardly 
ever found except in the form of ore, copper often occurs in a native 
condition, and can be beaten at once into shape. Thus, for instance, the 
North American Indians obtained pure copper from the mines near Lake 
Superior and elsewhere, and hammered it at once into axes, bracelets, and 
other objects. 

“Tin also early attracted notice, probably on account of the great 
heaviness of its ores. When metals were very scarce, it would naturally 
sometimes happen that, in order to make up the necessary quantity, some 
tin would be added to copper, or vice versa. It would then be found that 
the properties of the alloy were quite different from those of either metal ; 
a very few experiments would determine the most advantageous propor- 
tion, which for axes and other cutting instruments is about nine parts of 
copper to one of tin. No implements or weapons of tin have yet been 
found, and those of copper are extremely rare, whence it has been inferred 
that the art of making bronze was known elsewhere before the use of erther 
copper or tin was introduced into Europe. Many of the so-called ‘ copper ’ 
axes, &c., contain a small proportion of tin; and the few exceptions 
indicate probably a mere temporary want, rather than a total ignorance, 
of this metal.” 

But this I must most decidedly deny, for implements and weapons of 
pure copper are found all over Hungary, and M. Pulszky Ferencz,’ pre- 
sident of the committee of organization of the Pre-historic Exhibition 
of 1876 at Buda-Pesth, had all their different types represented in two 
large glass cases, in order that they might serve as proofs of the 
existence of a Copper age, which he authenticated in his lecture before 
the Congress.!° 


δ᾽ Rossignol, Les Metaux dans [ Antijuité, pp. 10 Joseph Hampel, Catalogue de VE'xposition 
99-148. préhistorique des Musées de Province et des 

7 Pre-historic Times, pp» 3, 4. Collections particuliéres de la Hongrie; Buda- 

8 A. W. Franks, Horae ferales, p. 60. Pesth, 1876, pp. 138-140: and Joseph Hampel, 

® This is the Hungarian name, which would be  Antiquités prehistor. de la Hongrie; Esztergom, 
in English, Francis or Frank Pulszky. 1876, Pl. vail, ται: 


5 


258 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V, 


If among numerous bronze implements there had been found one of 


copper, this latter might indeed indicate a mere temporary want of tin; 
but all the objects from the first and second cities of Hissarlik being 
proved, upon Professor W. Chandler Roberts’s highly important analysis, 
to consist of pure copper, we must naturally infer a total ignorance of 
tin on the part of their inhabitants. 

Sir John Lubbock repeatedly states that silver and lead do not 
occur in the Bronze age,'! which appears to imply that still less can 
they be found in the Stone age. But I found these metals, in smaller or 
larger quantities, in all the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. It is true 
that in the first and second cities lead only occurred in small shapeless 
lumps, but these are sufficient to attest that the primitive inhabitants 
were acquainted with it. In the third pre-historic city we shall pass in 
review an idol and several other objects of lead. In the gilded knife, 
No. 120, we have the proof, that even the inhabitants of the first city of 
Hissarlik were acquainted with gold, and knew how to work it. Homer 
mentions the plating of silver with gold: “But as when gold is fused 
around the silver by an experienced man, whom Hephaestus and Pallas 
Athené have instructed in all kinds of arts, that he may execute graceful 
works, so did the goddess pour gracefulness around his head and 
shoulders.” ? 

According to Pliny,’ one ounce of gold could be beaten out to more 
than 600 leaves, each being four fingers square. In our own days the 
same quantity could be beaten into three times that number of leaves. 

My friend, Professor A. Sprenger of Berne, endeavours to prove, in 
his famous work Die alte Geographie Arabiens, that in remote antiquity 
the bulk of the gold was brought by the Phoenicians from Arabia, 
which had twenty-two gold mines,* and was the ancient Eldorado and 
proverbial for its wealth of gold in all antiquity down to the Middle Ages. 
“Thus William, the biographer of Thomas a Becket, uses the expression 
‘Arabia sends us gold.’ Is this only a fiction, or was Arabia indeed 
the California of antiquity, and was especially Dzahaban (Dzahab 


2 


_ Cd, ‘ gold’), which is only at a distance of 500’ from Berenice, 


the port where gold was bartered?” He goes on to prove that the 
famous Ophir, which scholars have for a long time past identified with 
Abhira in India, is nothing else than the Arabic word for “red.” “ By 
the Hebrews the ‘ gold of Ophir’ was especially valued. Agatharchides 
states that the gold nuggets found in the district of Debai consisted of 
pure metallic gold, and did not need to be purified by fire, in consequence 
of which this gold was called ἄπυρον, ‘untouched by fire. This word, 
therefore, would answer to the Arabic ¢ibr ; for while dzahab means gold 
generally, unmelted gold is called tibr and tibra, a ‘gold nugget.’ The 
greater part of the gold existing in antiquity was derived from nuggets, 





1 Pre-historic Times, pp. 21, 38. τέχνην παντοίην, χαρίεντα δὲ ἔργα τελείει, 
1 Od. vi. 232-235 : ὡς ἄρα τῷ κατέχευε χάριν κεφαλῇ τε Kal dois. 
ὡς δ᾽ ὅτε τις χρυσὸν περιχεύεται ἀργύρῳ ἀνήρ 2-H. Nexen, 


ἴδρις, ὃν “Ἥφαιστος δέδαεν καὶ Παλλὰς ᾿Αθήνη 8. Paragraphs 53, 54-58. 


4 


Cuapr. V.] ARABIA THE LAND OF GOLD. 209 


which were sometimes of enormous size. Idrysy (1. 2) reports that the 
king of Ghana preserved as a rarity a nugget weighing 30 radi (75 Ibs.). 
It is very probable that the Greeks had also a special word for tibr, 
‘nugget.’ Nevertheless, I do not believe in the assertion of Agathar- 
chides ; I hold ἄπυρον to be a bastard word of Semitic origin, which has 
been grecized. The finest gold is designated by Hamdany and Abilfida, 


p. 157, as red gold, \ Cog δ, and the Persians call the gold pieces 


which are coined therefrom Dyndrisurch, ‘red Aurei.’ In Iklyl (vin. p. 77), 
it is related that on the corpse of a woman, exhumed at Dhahr, there 
were found gold ankle-rings weighing 100 mithgdl, and that the metal 
was ved gold. Such ‘treasure trove’ was so frequent, that this fine sort 


of gold was also called ‘tomb gold’ ( (sant Geis Ol Sand 4 ). 


It is reported in Iklyl (viii. p. 52), that especially in iis ruins in and 
between Gauf and Marib much tomb gold was discovered. In Pliny* 
apyron has the signification of ‘red gold. If Magi is the subject 
of vocant, then the expression apyron was also in use among the Per- 
sians. At all events, the Apyron is hardly different from the gold 
of Ophir, qualified in the Bible as ‘good.’ According to a well-known 
phonetic change, éfir must be pronounced dfir in the Central Arabian 
dialect ; but according to Ibn Martf (apud Golius) afira signifies tran- 
sitively, ‘splendidum clarumque effecit,’ and intransitively, ‘ manifestus 
evasit.’ The participle of this verb is afir. In the South-Arabic dialect 
this word, differently pronounced, is the common word for red. Accord- 
ing to a vocabulary,’ red is called ophir (sic!) in Socotra. In other 
dialects the word for ‘red’ is pronounced, according to Maltzan,° dfer, 
ohfar, afir, and so forth. Now I imagine that, according to their 
custom, the Greeks have given a Greek origin to the word dfir, éfir. 
In Job (xxii. 24) Ophir is used for ‘gold’ without the additional word 
zahab ; and the passage from Pliny warrants the conclusion that apyron 
was used in the same manner. Besides, Ophir occurs in the Bible as 
the name of a people and a country. Where this half-mythic land was 
first thought to exist is a point on which I have no doubt. In Genesis 
(x. 29) Ophir is mentioned between Sheba and Havilah. In the story 
of Solomon, the narrator passes twice or thrice backwards and forwards 
to and from the Queen of Sheba and the Ophir expedition, and in 
1 Kings x. 15 ‘all the kings of Arabia’ come between. Ophir was con- 
sequently thought to be on the coast of Arabia, or rather the Hebrews 
called the Litus Hammaeum Ophir. In the famous question about Ophir, 
far too little weight is laid on the fact that, in many passages in the 
Bible, Ophir appears as the California of antiquity, and far too much 
importance is given to Solomon’s expedition to Ophir. I neither doubt 
that the Phoenicians navigated the Red Sea, nor that Solomon associated 





* H, N. xxi. 11, p. 66: “Heliochrysos florem __ pertinere arbitrantur.” 
habet auro similem.... Hoc coronare se Magi, 5 Journ, As. Soc. Beng. B. iv. p. 165, 
si et unguenta sumantur ex auro, quod apyron 62. Dy MiG 21 pa 290. 
vocant, ad gratiam quoque vitae gloriamque 


260 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


with King Hiram and bartered gold in Dzahaban; but the story, as it 18. 


told, is not free from fictions invented to glorify the great king. In 
1 Kings ix. 28 it is stated that the servants of Hiram and Solomon fetched 
420 talents of gold; here Ophir is still simply the land of gold. In x. 11, 
again, the result is spoken of, and then it is said that the gold-ships also 
brought sandal-wood and precious stones. We cannot object to this, for 
the narrator confines himself here at least to Arabian articles. Precious 
stones are also mentioned elsewhere in the Bible, as articles of trade with 
the Arabian merchants. The genuine sandal-wood, it is true, does not 
occur in Arabia, but Hamdany (333) speaks of Mount Hanim as situated 
near Chaulan, on which also the Chaulanites live, and says: ‘ There grows 
a plant which resembles the white sandal-wood, and comes near to it 
in smell. The wood serves instead of the Indian sandal-wood.’ In 
1 Kings x. 22, the produce fetched from Ophir is mentioned for a third 
time, with the addition of silver and ivory, and of rarities such as monkeys 
and peacocks.’ Here it is also stated that the ships came once in three 
years; and in this way Ophir is removed to an endless distance and made 
a fairy-land. ‘This version, as well as the story of the Queen of Sheba, 
I hold to be a fiction of later origin. The idea that Ophir also 
exported silver is by no means happy, this metal having always been 
dear in Arabia. Even in Mohammed’s time, when the gold mines were 
for the most part exhausted, only seven and a half pounds of silver were 
given for one pound of gold. If, with Lassen, we relegate Ophir to India 
(of whose natural wealth in gold I never heard), we do not gain much; 
because here also the value of silver in proportion to that of gold was 
always greater than in the West.” 

Sprenger further points to a passage in Strabo, which corroborates his 
opinion that the Phoenicians, in times of remote antiquity, lived on the 
Arabian coast of the Persian Gulf, whence they emigrated to the coast of 
the Mediterranean ; and this view is now very generally accepted. After 
having spoken of the city of Gerrha, which, he says, lies in a deep bay of 
the Arabian coast on the Persian Gulf, Strabo goes on: ‘Those who 
proceed with their ship see two other islands—Tyrus* and Aradus,? whose 
temples resemble those of the Phoenicians ; the inhabitants at least main- 
tain also that the islands and cities of the Phoenicians, called by the same 
names, are their colonies.” *° 

My friend the Assyriologist, Professor Julius Oppert, informs me that 
in the Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions, the island of Tyrus (in cuneiform 
writing, T%/vun) is mentioned as the seat of a very ancient worship. The 
island of Tylus (for Tyrus) is mentioned by Arrian’ and Pliny* as pro- 
ducing pearls and cotton. 





7 IT might here call attention to the fact that 10 Strabo, xvi. p. 766: Πλεύσαντι δ᾽ ἐπὶ πλέον 
in the Bible the names of the monkeys and pea- ἄλλαι νῆσοι Τύρος Kat” Apados εἰσίν, ἱερὰ ἔχουσαι 
cocks ave Sanscrit and Tamil. The monkey is τοῖς Φοινικικοῖς ὅμοια - καὶ φασί ye of ἐν αὐταῖς 
called in Sanscrit Aapi, the peacock in Tamil ὀϊκοῦντες τὰς ὁμωνύμους τῶν Φοινίκων νήσους 


Togei. kal πόλεις ἀποίκους ἑαυτῶν. 
® According to Sprenger’s map, this is now 11 Anab. vii. 20, § 6. 
called Owal (Bahrayn). 1 HN σα. 22, 1. 


® According to Sprenger’s map, Moharrag. 


q 


Crap, Wal PINS, AWLS, AND NEEDLES OF BONE. 261 


Mr. Philip Smith observes to me that: “In the ancient Egyptian 
records we have accounts of immense quantities of gold levied by the 
great king Thutmes III. of the Eighteenth Dynasty (in the sixteenth 
century B.¢.), a8 tribute from the land of Zaha (that is, Phoenicia). Gold 
is also named among the tributes of Punt, the Egyptian Ophir, which 
Brugsch-Bey holds to be on the African coast of Somauli, opposite to 
Arabia. But the chief supply was derived from the southern lands of 
Kush (Nubia), which Brugsch-Bey calls the Egyptian California. Gold 
was obtained from this region as early as the Twelfth Dynasty, and 
the gold-washings in the desert valley of Akita (Wady Alaki) were the 
objects of special care to the great kings of the Nineteenth Dynasty, 
Ramses II. and his father Seti.’? 


Under No. 123 I represent a needle of bone with a perforated head. 


No: 124, Νο. 125. No. 126: No. 127. No. 130. No. 131. 
ANI) Ἶ 
















































































































































































































































































































































No. 139. 


ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ-Ξ. 


=, 































SS 
= 








Et 
Ss 






















= 





EE 


























































































































































































































































































































Nos, 123-140. Pins, Awls, and Needles of bone and ivory, from the lowest stratum. 
(Half and 3:4 actual size. Depth, 40 to 52 ft.) 


2. Brugsch’s Hist. of Egypt under the Pha-  ductions brought from Punt furnish a remark- 
raohs, vol. i. pp. 379, 383; vol.ii. pp. 81f., Eng. able parallel to the account of the Ophir-voyages 
trans., 2nd ed.—The Egyptian records of the pro- οἵ Solomon’s fleet (op. cit. vol. i. pp. 352 f.). 


262 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Cuap. V. 


Nos. 124, 125, 126, 127, and 128 are rudely-ornamented bone needles 
without holes; Nos. 129, 130, 131, 182, 133, 134, 135, and 136 are pointed 
instruments of bone, which may have been used as awls, with the excep- 
tion perhaps of Nos. 129 and 136, which are quite flat. The objects 
Nos. 137 and 138 are of ivory; as the latter is in the shape of a nail, it 
may probably have been used as a brooch. Nos. 139 and 140 are carved 
implements of bone, probably for female needle-work. Similar awls and 
needles of bone occur in large numbers in the débris of the four lowest 
pre-historic cities at Hissarlik. Awls and needles of bone, even needles 
with perforated heads, are found plentifully in the cavern-habitations in the 
Dordogne, and may be seen in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye, where 
are also exhibited a number of them found in French Dolmens. They 
were, as Prof. Virchow informs me, in use in Germany in every period 
down to the twelfth century A.p., and are found there in abundance. 
They are also frequent in the Swiss Lake-dwellings,? in the Lake- 
dwellings in the Lake of Constance,* in the caverns of Inzighofen,® in 
the pre-historic settlements in Hungary,° on ancient sites in the Aleutian 
Islands, in Kentucky, in San Miguel Island, California, &c. ;7 in Denmark 
on sites of the Stone age,® and elsewhere. The object No. 141 represents 





( 


δ 


: 


No. 143, Huckle-bone 
(Astragalus). (Half actual size. 
Depth, about 50 ft.) 



























No. 141. Object of Ivory. 
(Half actual size. 
Depth, 48 1.) 






































No. 142. Curious Object 

of Ivory, probably an Idol. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 46 ft.) 
a flat trapezium of ivory, almost in the shape of a playing card, with 
eight little stars or small suns. We see a similar ornamentation on each 
side of the very curious object of ivory No. 142, which, in my opinion, 
is a primitive female idol, of which the two barb-like projections may 
indicate the arms, and the stroke across the body the girdle. I call 
attention to the similarity of the little stars or small suns to the breasts 
with which the whole body of the Ephesian Diana was covered ; and have 
not the horn-like projections on the head the shape of the crescent ? 





3 Ferdinand Keller, Mittheilungen der anti- Plate ii. 


quarischen Gesellschaft, Pfuhlbauten, 7ter Bericht ; 7 Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, No. 
Ziirich, 1876, Plate ii. 987, The Archeological Collection of the U.S. 
4 L. Lindenschmit, Die Vaterldndischen Alter- National Museum; Washington, 1876, pp. 63 
thiimer, p. 180, and Plate xxviii. and 64. Ρ 
5 Ζρϊα. p. 180, and Plate xxv. 8 J, J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, Pl. xvii. 


6 Joseph Hampel, Antizuités prehistoriques, 


Cuar. V.] THE GAME OF ASTRAGALS. 163 


As huckle-bones (ἀστράγαλοι), like that represented under No. 143, 
occur in this first city, as well as in all the other pre-historic cities of 
Hissarlik, I think there can be no doubt that they were used by children 
for playing, the more so as most of them are much worn, and appear 
as if they had been in use for a long time. The game of astragals is 
mentioned by Homer, who makes Patroclus appear to Achilles in a 
dream, and say that he had to fly from his native land, having involun- 
tarily killed a boy in anger when playing with astragals.? This game was 
practised by children throughout antiquity."° I call attention to the beau- 
tiful sculpture of an ἀστραγαλίζουσα in the Museum of Berlin; also, to the 
famous group of sculpture in the palace of Titus, representing two boys 
playing with astragals,’ probably a copy of the celebrated bronze group 
by Polycletus, the subject of which was no doubt taken from the fatal 
quarrel of the young Patroclus with his playfellow. 

A fractured marble group of the same kind, in the Townley Collection 
of the British Museum, represented (when perfect) two boys quarrelling 
over the game. The figure of one is gone, except the fore-arm, which the 
other is biting; the huckle-bones are seen lying on the ground. 


Pit. xxii. 87, 88: 10 See, for example, Pseudo-Plat. Alcib. i. p. 110, 
Ἤματι τῷ ὅτε παῖδα κατέκτανον ᾿Αμφιδάμαντος, B.: ὅπότε (παῖς ὧν) ἀστραγαλίζοις ἤ ἄλλην" τινα 
νήπιος, ovk ἐθέλων, ἀμφ᾽ ἀστραγάλοισι χολωθείς. παιδίαν παίζοις. 

“In the day when I slew the son of Amphi- Pliny, i. JV. .xxxiv., 8. 193, Pauly s: eal 
damas, fool that I was, not wilfully, flying into Lncyclopddie, 5. ν. Polycletus. 

a passion about huckle-bones.” 


CHAPTER VI. 
THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. 


Wnuetuer the inhabitants of the first city quietly abandoned their 
homes and emigrated, or whether their city was captured and destroyed by 
an enemy, we are unable to discover from the ruins; at all events, the 
first town was not destroyed by fire, for I found no marks of a general, or 
even of a partial, conflagration. It is further quite certain that the first 
settlers were succeeded by a different people: this is proved by the 
architecture as well as by the pottery, both of which are totally different 
from what we see in the first city. 

I have already said that these second settlers built both their houses 
and their walls of large stones. The remains we now see of these dwell- 
ings are, of course, only the substructions, but the really enormous masses 
of loose stones contained in the strata of this second city testify to the 
fact, that the walls of the houses were built of stone. Not all the houses, 
however, were built of this material, for we see here and there the débris 
of houses which must have had walls of clay. | 

It is only to these second settlers that we can attribute the wall 8 
represented in the engraving No. 2 (see p. 24), which I brought to light 
on the north side of the hill. It is 10 ft. high and 63 ft. thick, and 
is built in the so-called Cyclopean manner, in regular layers of large 
but slightly wrought quadrangular blocks of limestone, which are joined 
together by small ones. As already stated, its top is just 34 ft. below 
the surface. As is attested by the layers of débris which extend in an 
oblique direction below it, it was originally erected on the steep slope 
of the hill. It is therefore evident that, since its erection, the hill 
has here increased 44 ft. in height; but it has also increased at this 
point 131 ft. in width, such being the distance in a horizontal line from 
the wall to the present slope. The quantity of similar blocks lying beside 
this wall seem to prove that it was at one time much higher. It was 
much longer when I first brought it to light at the end of July, 1872. 
I removed part of it in February, 1873, in order to bring to light the 
curious retaining wall’ already described, which rises at an angle of 45°, 
6 ft. below it, and served to sustain an isolated sandhill which reaches to 
within 20 ft. of the surface and appears to be 20 ft. high. This retain- 
ing wall we may, as I have before explained, attribute with all proba- 
bility to the first city. 

To these inhabitants of the second city we may further, with every 








1 See the wall Α in the engraving No. 2, p. 24. 










ὧν oo τ th ὟΝ 
ero: agate ere oe 


er er 


᾿ 
a! ὌΝ τ ν 

ἬΝ παν ἘΦ 3 
ews a f 
T- ἌΝ 


"πη ΒΕ δι 































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































ἰ 
) ἣ 





















































































































































































































































No. 144. GREAT TRENCH FROM WEST TO EAST, SEEN FROM THE W! 


a. Road leading up to Troy. ὃ. External Wall. c. Interior Wall. d. Projecting external Wall. e. Jars. f,. Ruins 










































































































































































re ne a 
i Aig Ὰ 


NG 
MW 





ἢ 
i 
" 
fi ἢ 
H ‘ 
(i 
ἢ 





: To face page 265 
E ENTRANCE OF THE EXCAVATIONS LOOKING TO THE EAST. 


le of Athené. g, g. Hellenic Walls. ἃ, ἢ. Mounds of débris outside Troy. k. Entrance to the Excavations. 


ThA 
Bee. 


14 ey 5 
᾿ eA Ἢ 
», ὁ ae 


ν 





Cuar. VI] ‘WALLS AND STREET. 265 


probability, attribute the great internal wall marked ¢ on the accompany- 
ing view, No. 144 and a on the little sketch No. 145. This wall also 





No. 145. The great External and Internal Walls, called together the Tower. 


consists of large blocks of stone, and slopes to the south at an angle of 
45°. But it is only on the south side that it consists of solid masonry ; 
on the north side it is built of stone for only four or five courses deep, 
and is supported here by a large rampart of loose stones and deébris 
marked r, of which also its interior, to a great extent, consists. Imme- 
diately south of this large wall is a wall of equal size marked ὦ on the 
accompanying view (No. 144) and ὁ d on the sketch (No. 145), which was 
evidently built by the third settlers, and of which I shall speak here- 
after. After having proceeded for some distance in an easterly direction, 
the great internal wall shrinks to a wall of solid masonry 11? ft. high, 
6 ft. thick at the top, and 12 ft. thick at the base, which turns at a 
certain point abruptly to the north north-west.? Its builders did not 
take the trouble to clear the rock of soil, for the wall is erected on a 
layer of earth from 1 ft. 9in. to 2 ft. deep, with which the rock is 
covered. To the inhabitants of this second city evidently belongs also 
the erection of the Gate (marked a on Plan I.), with its paved street, which 
runs down to the plain in a south-westerly direction ; for the lower part of - 
this gateway, as well as the walls which I brought to light in removing 
some of the flags of the street, show precisely the same kind of architecture 
of large blocks of white limestone. As the keen eye of my sagacious 
friend, Professor Sayce, discovered at once, this street was made by the 
second settlers, by heaping a mound of débris against what had until then 
been a steep slope; and the walls which cross the street beneath its 
pavement can have had no other object than to consolidate this mound of 
débris. All the fragments of pottery contained in the mound belong to 
the second city; I have not found a single potsherd there of the thick 
lustrous-black terra-cottas of the first city, nor any fragment of the pottery 
of the subsequent “ burnt city.” 

The street was paved by the innabitants of the second city with large 
flags of white limestone, in which, however, I failed to discover any ruts 
of chariot-wheels. For this reason I think that the strect only served 
for pedestrians, the more so as it slopes to the plain at an angle of a little 
less than 70°, and is, therefore, too steep for chariots. But still the flags 
are much worn and denote long use. For this reason they were covered 
by the builders of the following, the third or burnt city, with new flags of 
a reddish sandstone, which may still be seen in situ on the lower part of 





? See Plar I. (of Troy) at the place marked f A, close to the wall marked 6. 


266 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VI. 


the street as far as it is uncovered. Those of the upper part, near the 
gateway, looked quite as fresh as the rest when I brought them to light at 
the beginning of May 1873; but, when exposed to the sun, they speedily 
became decomposed and crumbled away, which circumstance can leave no 
doubt that they had been exposed to an intense heat. The parapets of 
the gate must have been almost completely destroyed on the arrival of the 
third settlers, the builders of the burnt city, for—as a glimpse at the 
accompanying view (No. 144) will show—only the lower part of them 
denotes by its large slabs of white limestone the architecture of the 
second settlers; whereas all the upper part of them, and the whole of 
the masonry of small stones of reddish colour to the right of the Turk 
with his spade, are the work of the third settlers, by whom were also 
built the quadrangular projections of the parapets, between which were 
the wooden gates. These projections stand in pairs opposite each other. 
Those of the first gate, in ascending from the plain, project, the one 23 ft., 
the other 27 ft.: both are 3} ft. high and 33 ft. broad; the wooden gate 
between them was 12} ft. broad. The street paved with the large flags of 
limestone ends at this first gate, and the road from this to the second gate, 
which is situated a little more than 20 ft. further to the north-east, is 
very roughly paved with large unhewn stones. The pavement has pro- 
bably become uneven through the masses of burning débris which fell upon 
it during the great conflagration of the third city. 

The two following projections, between which was the second gate, 
are 2ft. high, above 3 ft. broad, and project about 23 ft. A few yards 
further to the north-east a wall of large stones, with a recess on its 
south-east side, crosses the street, protruding only slightly above the 
. pavement. This wall undoubtedly marks the site of the third gate with 
a wicket. This third gate is 171 ft. broad; beyond it the parapets of the 
road continue 10 ft. further in a north-easterly direction. That these 
three gates really existed, every visitor acknowledges ; but how they were 
put up—that, I think, nobody can explain, there being no holes for the 
hinges either in the projections of the parapets or in the stones between 
them. But, as the masonry of the parapet has a smooth surface and has 
evidently never been higher than it now is, we may take it as certain that it 
only served as a substruction to a large and high tower of but slightly-baked 
bricks, and that wood entered largely into its construction. Only in this 
way are we at all able to explain the intense heat which destroyed the 
flags of the street before the gates, and to which every stone in the 
parapets bears witness, as well as the enormous masses of reddish or 
yellow or black wood-ashes and broken bricks, which obstructed the street, 
to a depth of from 7 to 10 ft., when I brought it to hght. It was in the 
masonry of this tower, through which the street passed, that the gates 
must have been fastened. 

But the inhabitants of the second stone city, which now. occupies us, 
used no bricks at all; besides, the three gates, of which I have spoken, 
evidently belong to the third settlers. It would, therefore, be out of 





8. See the engravings No. 10, p. 35, and No. 13, p. 37, as well as Plan I. under the letter a. 


Cuar, VI.] THE GATE AND LARGE WALL. 267 


place to speak of them here were it not that, by giving my opinion as to 
the architecture of the gates, when in use by the third settlers, I hope to 
convey to the reader an idea of their condition in the time of the second 
settlers. In fact, the courses of large white stones in the lower parts of 
the parapets, as well as of the same sort of stones in the lower part of 
their four quadrangular projections, can leave no doubt that the architec- 
ture of the substructions to the gate-tower was identical with that used 
in the second city; besides that the wall, which denotes the existence of 
the third gate with its wicket, belongs evidently to the second settlers, 
who in all probability built their gate-tower of wood. As the masonry 
of large blocks built by the second settlers is far more solid than that of 
small stones or slightly-baked bricks used by the third people, the latter 
would undoubtedly have taken care to preserve the parapets of the street 
and their projections, had they found them entire. Moreover, had these 
structures been destroyed in a siege and capture of the second city, the 
large stones at least would have remained on the spot or near at hand, 
and they would have been used by the third settlers for restoring the 
destroyed masonry. But as this has not been done, we may conclude, 
with all probability, that the second city must have been abandoned for a 
long time ere it was colonized by the third settlers. M. Burnouf has 
come to the very same conclusion, from the large funnel-shaped holes and 
deep ravines filled with stones, which so frequently occur in the layers 
of debris, from 12 to 16 ft. deep, of the second city, and of which visitors 
will see many in my trenches, particularly in my great northern trench.* 
He thinks that these large -funnel-shaped hollows or ravines in the débris 
could only have been produced in the course of ages by rain-water, and 
that they were filled with stones by the third settlers, who completely 
levelled the area of the city before they began to build their own town. 
Professor Virchow does not admit that these hollows could have been pro- 
duced by the action of the rain-water in the midst of the débris ; but 1 
think it most likely, considering the really enormous masses of loose 
stones contained in the layers of débris of the second city. Only I am not 
of M. Burnouf’s opinion, that ages would necessarily be required to pro- 
duce such ravines. I even think that the rains of a single winter might 
possibly be sufficient to produce large and deep funnel-shaped holes in 
such huge masses of débiis, consisting of loose stones and clay. 

To this second city evidently belongs also the large wall which 
continues from the gate in a north-westerly direction, and which is 
but a prolongation of the great internal wall marked ¢ on the view, 
No. 144, and ἃ on the little sketch, No. 145. Like the internal wall ὁ, 
this is more like a rampart than a mere wall: in general its western and 
north-western slope consists of solid masonry to a depth of 3 or 4 ft.; 
but it is intersected by a number of regular walls, which can have had 
no other object than to consolidate it. This rampart wall, which is in 
some places 30 ft. thick, is paved with small flags or irregularly shaped 





* These funnel-shaped hollows, filled with stones, are marked by the letter 4 on Plan IIL, 
Section X-Y. 


268 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuapr. VI 


stones ; but this pavement was covered 3 ft. deep with débris when the 
third city was built, for all the fragments of pottery contained in it are of 
the second city, to which also belong all the potsherds contained in the 
débris below the pavement. Now, this rampart resembles an esplanade; 
but cities so small as the pre-historic towns of Hissarlik can have no 
esplanades. Neither did it look as it does now when I first brought it 
to light; for it was encumbered with crumbling brick walls, mournful 
remnants of the towers and other works of fortification of the third city. 
But the masses of saddle-querns, pottery, shells, &c., contained in the 
débris, can leave no doubt that these Trojan works were many storeys 
high, and served both as fortifications and dwelling-houses for the inha- 
bitants. We must probably presume, that the works erected on these 
ramparts by the inhabitants of the second stone city served a like pur- 
pose; but, as they certainly were not of brick, they must have been of 
stone. This seems also to be proved, with all probability, by the stu- 
pendous masses of loose stones which occur at the foot of the walls, as 
well as in and on the ruins of the houses, and which are sometimes 12 
or 14 ft. deep. The following settlers found these masses of stones ready 
at hand, but they did not care to use them: only here and there they 
built the substructions of their houses with them; all the rest, and in 
fact generally even the substructions of their houses, they built of 
slightly-baked brick. 

As to habitations on city walls, my dear; my honoured, my learned, 
my deeply-mourned friend, Dr. Edward Moss, of Arctic celebrity—who, 
when Staff-surgeon on board H.M.S. Research, lying in the autumn of 
1878 in Besika Bay, came daily to visit my works at Troy, and who later, 
as Staff-surgeon on board H.M.S. Atalanta, perished with that unfortunate 
vessel—called to my remembrance that in this respect Troy resembled 
several cities in Scripture: thus, for example, the Book of Joshua (11. 15) 
describes the house of Rahab as situated on the wall of Jericho. 

As I have said, the great internal wall °—which, on the south side, 
was the external wall of the inhabitants of the second stone city—(the 
wall marked ὁ on No. 144, and ὁ d on the sketch No. 145, having been 
subsequently built by the people of the third city)—slopes at an angle 
of 45°, and its western prolongation from the gate at an angle of about 
15°; consequently these walls could easily be scaled, and they can only 
have served as substructions to the works of defence erected upon them. 

To this second city also belongs the irregular wall on the north side 
to the left of the entrance to my great northern trench (marked V on 
Plan ITI., Section X-Y). M. Burnouf, who carefully examined this wall, 
made the following observations on it:—‘ At the north angle, close 
to the large ruined brick wall, we see again for a distance of 12 metres 
or 40 ft. the more or less damaged courses of blocks of the great wall of 
the second city, which, like the wall ¢ on No. 144 and a on the gketch 
No. 145, consists only on the outside of real masonry, and for the rest 
of loose stones. In the ditch dug at the foot of the rampart, visitors may 





5 See No. 144 ¢, and sketch No. 145, a, p. 265. 





Cuar. VI.) THE MODE OF BUILDING. 269 


see the lower courses of this wall, which consist of very large blocks of 
limestone.” 

On this rampart, as on the two which we have already passed in 
review, were no doubt built the works of fortification, which served at the 
same time as habitations. Visitors will see there a number of substruc- 
tions of large stones belonging to this second city, to which belongs 
also the large building (marked R on Plan LI, Section X—Y), whose 
slightly dislocated thick walls will be seen further on to the left in my 
great northern trench, at a depth of from 33 to 40 or 43 ft. below the 
surface of the hill. I call particular attention to the layers of débris 
(marked P on the same plan), which slant at an angle of 45° from the 
top of this building towards the great internal wall (6 on No. 144), and 
which go far to prove that this building is much more ancient than the 
latter, and that the rampart-like walls were not built till ages after the 
foundation of the second city. What has this large building been? This 
edifice seemed to me important to preserve; but as all the stones of its 
walls are slightly dislocated, just as if shaken by an earthquake, I could 
not possibly excavate it ; for, unless supported, its walls would have fallen 
at once. I was therefore forced to leave it embedded as it was, with only 
the edges of its walls peeping out from the east side of my trench. I call 
the attention of visitors to the ponderous blocks composing what appears 
to be its flat roof. 

The inhabitants of this second city, lke their predecessors and 
successors, used to a large extent cakes of clay (galettes), in order to 
level the ground and consolidate it for their ponderous stone buildings. 
In this second city I found the débris of three houses, which had 
evidently been destroyed by fire. One of them, which is immediately to 
the north-west of the well,® may be easily examined by visitors, in accord- 
ance with the following description of M. Burnouf :" --- 

“J. The Area.—The substratum is formed of superposed compact 
strata containing earth, ashes, bones, shells, stones, and other débris 
belonging to the first city. This substratum is from 8 to 10 ft. deep in 
the great trench. The area established on this substratum is made solely 
of bruised and compressed brick matter; its thickness is 0°05 τη. (2 in.). 
The burning material which in the conflagration has fallen on this soil 
has, first, vitrified the surface of the area from 1 to 2 millimétres (1-25th 
to 2-25ths in.) deep (this thin layer is of a greenish colour) ;* secondly, 
it has completely baked the brick-stratum to a depth of 0:02 m. = 
0°8 in. (this layer is light yellow); lastly, it has burnt the layer below 
black to a depth of from 10 to 15 centimétres = 4 to 6 in. 

“TI. The Débris.— Over the area we see: (1) a uniform stratum 
of very light charcoal, 0:01 to 0:02 m. deep: (2) a stratum of brick- 
earth, which has in the centre a depth of half a metre=20 in.: this proves 
that in the middle of the house there has been much more of this matter 





§ Marked a Z on Plan I. (of Troy). the millimétre (0. "001 τη.) = 0°04 in., or 1-25th 
* See the Section, No. 146, p. 270. in. See the Table of French and English 
δ The centimetre (0'01m.) = 0°4 in. nearly; Measures. 


270 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VI, 


than elsewhere ; it is the base of this stratum of brick-earth which, by its 
heat, has vitrified the soil of the area. Above it are strata of a brownish 
or light colour, forming the are of a circle; of which the upper layer (a) 
is of a brown colour; it contains small yellow clay-cakes (galettes) which 
have fallen almost without breaking: (8) a sporadic stratum of pretty 
large flat pieces of charcoal, 0010 to 012 τη. Ξε 4 to 48 in. long and 
broad: (4) a thick party-coloured stratum, from 0°70 to 0:80 m.= 
28 to 32in. deep of clay-cakes (galettes), and blackish, brown, grey or 





4.6} 80. lL  ᾿ 
— variegated en el 
= aN, 


ex 
= See | as : 


@ - Ἐς ...-Ψ 


= 


ce ἘΞΕΣ ΞΞΕΕΥΙ ΞΕΕΣΈΕΗΣΕΞ coal 
TMammvvwrvwovlvyv aia 
Ground Floor 
No. 146. Section of a burnt House on the north-west side ot uae Well (a Z on Plan). 














reddish substances more or less mixed with straw. This stratum contains 
fragments of pottery, shells, bones, &. This last stratum appears to 
be derived from the terraced roof; the large pieces of charcoal are from 
the beams and joists. The inferior strata of light earth have fallen first 
through the burning timber-work; they appear to be derived from the 
floor, the light wood of which has produced the first stratum of deébris. 
Thus the house appears to have had probably a ground-floor and one 
upper storey. Contrary to the general architecture of the second city, 
there is no trace of walls in this house. Were they perhaps of clay ?” 

I would further call the particular attention of visitors to the several 
house-walls of this second city, which peep out from below the large 
house of the third city to the north-west of the gate (see the engraving 
No. 188, p. 325). As nine out of the ten treasures which I discovered 
were found in or close to that house, I hold it to be the house of the 
town-chief or king; and so the walls, which we see below it, may perhaps 
belong to the mansion of the chief or king of the second city. As they 
are below the level of the rampart wall, they may perhaps claim a greater 
antiquity than the latter. 

To the north of the great wall c, in excavating the great trench, 
I struck, on the 2nd of August, 1872, a stone house of the second city, 
which had evidently also been destroyed by fire, because it was filled, to 
the depth of 6 or 7 ft., with yellow or brownish wood-ashes, in which I 
found the tolerably well-preserved skeleton of a human being. Thecolour 
of the bones, as well as the strange position in which the body® was found, 
can leave no doubt that the person had been overtaken by the fire and 
burnt to death. This seems to be the more certain, as all the pre-historic 
peoples, who succeeded each other in the course of ages on the hill of 
Hissarlik, used cremation of the dead. The smallness of the skull led me 
at once to think that it was that oi a woman; and this opinion seems to 


® The body was found nearly standing, and but slightly inclined backward. 


Ἰ 


Cua. VI.] SKELETON FOUND IN A HOUSE. 271 


be corroborated by the gold ornaments which I picked up by the side of 
the skeleton, and which I shall presently describe. 





No, 147. Different Views of the Skull of a Girl, whose skeleton was found in a burnt house at a depth of 42 ft. 
a. Front. ὃ. Back. ὁ. Side. d. Top. 


The skull was unfortunately broken in the excavation, but it has been 
recomposed. Professor Virchow, who made the accompanying geometrical 
drawing (No. 147) of it, writes to me as follows on the subject :-— 


“Length of the skull : : : : : ‘ : : . 180°5 
Greatest breadth of the skull. : : é : : : : 110 
Auricular height. : : : ; : 5 : : 110 
Lower frontal breadth : 99 
Height of the face . et BS 
Breadth — do. : : : ο 5 ο ο . - 90 

Do. of the lower jaw : : : 5 . . . 82°9 
Eye-hole, height . : : : : ἢ : 5 ers 

Do. breadth . : Ἶ ‘ 5 : : : : ὙΠ ae 
Nose, height . : : ; i : : ‘ 5 ἐν. 4 8 
Do. breadth : ‘ : : 3 : : ‘ : . | 2073 
Height of the alveolar apophysis of the upper jaw . : - τ Τῇ 
Horizontal circumference of the skull ; : : 522 

“From this the following indices may be calculated :— 

“Longitudinal index ‘ : ‘ ὃ ; : : «ty S20 
Auricular index. : é : ‘ : : - . > ὦ 
Nasal index . : - 4 : . : : ὃ : "48:0 
Orbital index 4 : : : : . : : : eked 


272 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VI. 


“This skull is brachycephalic, and decidedly a female one; it is par- 
ticularly distinguished by strongly-developed prognathism. Though it 
is badly recomposed, yet it is so far reconstructed, that the above 
measures may be considered as approximately accurate. The teeth, 
particularly the upper incisors, are large; the enamel is everywhere 
very white and furrowed lengthwise; the crowns are but little wasted, 
and the wisdom teeth not yet cut. It belonged, therefore, to a girl. 
As the basis cranii 1s missing, nothing more can be said of the age. 
On the whole, the skull is broader and higher than it is long; the 
frontal and parietal protuberances are well developed; the forehead ig 
full; the occiput is broadly expanded. The face is somewhat broad, 
with low eye-holes and moderately broad nose. The chin is retracted; 
the middle of the lower jawbone is low, the processes steep and broad. 
When looked at from behind, the skull appears low and flattened.” 


No. 148. No. 149. No. 150. 




















Nos. 148-151. Gold Rings and Brooch of Electrum, of very primitive workmanship. 
(Actual size. Depth, about 42 ft.) 


With regard to the jewels found by the side of the skeleton, the two 
ear-rings, Nos. 148 and 149, are of a very primitive kind, consisting of 
simple gold wire 0°0015 m. thick; in fact, it is impossible to imagine any- 
thing ruder or more primitive. The finger-ring, No. 150, is of the same 
rude workmanship; it consists of a treble gold wire 0°0025 m. thick. 
Compared with these, the third gold ear-ring, like No. 694, is a 
real work of art; it is composed of six gold wires of equal thickness, 
which form a leaf. The electrum brooch, No. 151, has that primitive 
form of which we have passed several specimens of bronze in review (see 
Nos. 106, 107), in discussing the objects found in the first city, and which 
existed before the invention of the fibula. The body must have worn 
some more female ornaments, for I collected by its side several plain gold 
beads, only 1 millimetre in diameter (like Nos. 913-915), as also a very 
thin oval gold ring, only 1-4th of an inch long. 

Electrum occurs several times in the third Trojan city. It is men- 
tioned by Homer together with bronze, gold, silver, and ivory as an 
ornament of walls: “Consider, O son of Nestor dear to my heart, the 
gleam of the bronze, the gold, the electrum, and the ivory in the 
resounding hall.”? In this instance electrum certainly means an alloy 





᾿ Od 19.47 I= tau χαλκοῦ τε στεροπὴν κατα δωματα ἤχήεντα, 
φράζεο, Νεστορίδη, τῷ ἐμῷ κεχαρισμένε θυμῷ, χρυσοῦ τ᾽ ἠλέκτρου τε καὶ ἀργύρου ἠδ᾽ ἐλέφαντοϑ. 


Cuar. VI.] NATURE OF ELECTRUM. 273 


of gold and silver. But the word occurs twice more in Homer, where 
nothing else than amber can be meant by it.” 

In speaking of the ingots which Croesus sent to the Oracle of Delphi, 
Herodotus says: ‘The number of ingots was 117, four being of refined 
gold, in weight 14 talents each; the others were half-tiles of pale gold, 
and in weight 2 talents each.”* There seems to be every probability that 
by the pale gold electrum is meant; for we cannot suppose that the 
pale gold was inferior to that of the Lydian coins, which are certainly 
of electrum, though the quantity of silver contained in them seems to 
exceed the proportion indicated by Pliny in the following most interesting 
passage :*—“ Omni auro inest argentum vario pondere, alibi decuma, 
alibi nona, alibi octava parte. In uno tantum Galliae metallo, quod vocant 
Albicralense, tricesima sexta portio invenitur: ideo caeteris praeest. 
Ubicumque quinta argenti portio est,. electrum vocatur. Scobes eae 
reperiuntur in Canaliensi. Fit et cura electrum argento addito. Quod 
si quintam portionem excessit, incudibus non resistit. Et electro auc- 
toritas, Homero teste, qui Menelai regiam auro, electro, argento, ebore, 
fulgere tradit. Minervae templum habet Lindos, insulae Rhodiorum, in 
quo Helena sacravit calycem ex electro. Adyjicit historia, mammae suae 
mensura. llectri natura est, ad lucernarum lumina clarius argento 
splendere. Quod est nativum, et venena deprehendit. Namque discur- 
runt in calycibus arcus, caelestibus similes, cum igneo stridore ; et gemina 
ratione praedicunt.” 

We gather from this passage of Pliny that the ancients gave the name 
of “electrum” particularly to a natural alloy, containing the requisite 
proportions, which, according to another passage, they found out by the 
touchstone:° “Auri argentique mentionem comitatur lapis, quem coti- 
culam appellant, quondam non solitus inveniri, nisi in flumine Tmolo, ut 
auctor est Theophrastus: nunc vero passim: quem ali Heraclium, ali 
Lydium vocant. Sunt autem modici, quaternas uncias longitudinis, binas- 
que latitudinis non excedentes. Quod a sole fuit in his, melius quam 
quod a terra. His coticulis periti, quum e vena ut lima rapuerunt 
experimentum, protinus dicunt quantum auri sit in ea, quantum argenti 
vel aeris, scripulari differentia, mirabili ratione, non fallente.” 

Strabo had apparently only a confused idea of electrum, for, speaking 
of the gold of Spain, he says: “When gold is melted and purified with 
a certain aluminous earth, there remains a residue which is electrum. 
If this residue, which contains gold and silver, is remelted, the silver 
is consumed and the gold remains as a residue.” ® Pausanias mentions 
the two kinds of electrum in speaking of a statue of Augustus of amber: 
“That electrum of which the statue of Augustus has been made, inasmuch 





2 Od. xv. 460: 
χρύσεον ὅρμον ἔχων, μετὰ δ᾽ ἠλέκτροισιν ἔερτο" 
and xviii. 296; 

χρύσεον, ἠλέκτροισιν ἐερμένον, ἠέλιον ὥς. 

51, 50: ἀριθμὸν δὲ ἑπτακαίδεκα καὶ ἑκατόν" 
καὶ τουτέων ἀπέφθου χρυσοῦ τέσσαρα, τρία ἡμι- 
τάλαντα ἕκαστον ἕλκοντα, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἡμιπλίνθια 
λευκοῦ χρυσοῦ σταθμὸν διτάλαντα. 


Spe = χα τη. 2). 

5 Tbid. xxxiii. 43. 

6 ili, p. 146: ἐκ δὲ τοῦ χουσοῦ ἑψομένου καὶ 
καθαιρομένου τυπτηριώδει τινὶ γῇ τὸ κάθαρμα 
ἤλεκτρον εἶναι" πάλιν δὲ τούτου καθεψομένου, 
μῖγμα ἔχοντος ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ, τὸν μὲν 
ἄργυρον ἀποκαίεσθαι τὸν δὲ χρυσὸν ὑπομένειν. 


ἊΝ 


274 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VI. 


as it 18 only found native in the sands of the Eridanus, is exceedingly 
scarce, and is, highly prized by man; but the other kind of electrum ig 
gold alloyed with silver.” * Eustathius, who mentions three sorts of elec- 
trum, declares the alloy of gold and silver to be the principal one.® 

From a depth of 26 to 40 ft. below the surface I excavated a third house, 
destroyed by fire and belonging to this second city, just in front of the 
long marble slab marked f on No. 144 (p. 265). It is built entirely of small 
stones joined with clay; an architecture exactly such as we see in the 
pre-historic buildings found beneath three layers of pumice-stone and 
volcanic ashes on the Island of Thera (Santorin), The horizontal row of 
large holes, at a certain height all round its four walls, marks the places 
of the beams, and proves that the house was at least two storeys high, 
The walls are still partially covered with a coating of yellow clay, which 
had been whitened with a wash of white clay. Every stone of its walls, 
nay, every particle of débris contained between them, bears traces of the 
intense heat to which it has been exposed, and which has so completely 
destroyed everything that was in the rooms, that we only occasionally 
found charred fragments of pottery among the yellow and brownish wood- 
ashes and débris, with which the spaces were filled. 

In digging down in the centre of this house, below the level of the 
base of its walls, we found, curiously enough, other house-walls, which 
must certainly be still more ancient; and these, too, showed indications 
of having been exposed to a terrible heat. But, owing to the fragile 
condition of the upper walls, I could bring to light hardly more than the 
surface of these lower walls. I must, therefore, leave it undecided whether 
the house, to which these more ancient walls belong, was destroyed by 
fire, or whether the marks of intense heat, which were conspicuous upon 
its walls, were produced by the conflagration of the upper house, which 
might. certainly have been the case if the surface of the more ancient 
walls had protruded just below the wooden floor of the upper house. 
That this lower floor really was of wood is apparent from the charred 
remains of it, in a horizontal line all along the four walls of the upper 
house. But these calcined remains clearly show that the whole floor 
consisted of beams, and not of planks. The people must have had very 
great difficulty in cutting down the trees with their stone axes and 
getting rid of their branches. They must have had still greater difficulty 
in cleaving them, as no tree has a straight cleavage so that planks can be 
cloven out of it. With their silex saws, only 2 or 3 in. long, they could 
only saw bones or small pieces of wood, not beams. They had no bronze 
axes; for if such had existed I should have found them, especially in the 
third, the burnt city, which, as the ten treasures found in it go far to 
prove, was suddenly and unexpectedly destroyed by fire. They had no 
bronze saws for sawing wood; for in all the five pre-historic cities only 
the fragment of one thin bronze saw was found (83in. long and nearly 





7 Paus. v. 19,86: τὸ δὲ ἤλεκτρον τοῦτο οὗ τῷ πολλῶν ἐστὶν ἕνεκα’ τὸ δὲ ἄλλο ἤλεκτρον 
Αὐγούστῳ πεποίηνται τὴν εἰκόνα, ὅσον μὲν αὐτός ἀναμεμιγμένος ἐστὶν ἀργύρῳ χρυσός. ; 
ματον ἐν τοῦ Hpidavod ταῖς ψάμμοις εὑρίσκεται, ὁ Ad Odyss. iv. 73, Ῥ. 1483: μάλιστα δὲ 
σπανίζεται τὰ μάλιστα καὶ ἀνθρώπῳ τίμιον μῖγμα χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου. 


Cuar. VI] BROOCHES, BRUISERS, AXES, AND HAMMERS. 279 


2 in. broad), which I at first thought to be a sword. It was contained in 
the large treasure found by me in May 1873, which circumstance seems 
to prove that it was a rare object. It is to be seen in my Trojan 
collection in South Kensington Museum. 

The floors were covered with clay, which filled all the interstices and 
hollows between the beams, so as to make a smooth surface. As the walls 
of this third burnt house have been so much deteriorated by the confla- 
gration, they would soon crumble away if they remained exposed to the 
air. I have therefore thought it in the interest of science to fill this 
excavation up again, in order to preserve the house for future times. But 
whoever wishes to see it may easily excavate it with ten workmen in one 
day. I repeat, it is in the large trench, just below the marble block 
marked f on No. 144. 

As, in speaking of the objects found in this Second City, I began with 
metals, I may say that I found there the same kind of rude brooches 
with a globular head or with a head in the form of a spiral of copper, 
as well as the same kind of needles of that metal, as in the First City 
(see Nos. 104, 105, 107, and 108).° I have not noticed in the second 
city either lead or silver; but, as gold and electrum were found, those 
metals were undoubtedly known and in use there. 

I also collected there an abundance of saddle-querns of trachyte, as 
well as globular corn-bruisers and rude hammers of gneiss, granite, diorite, 
&c.; the same kind of axes of blue serpentine rock, gabbro-rock, diorite, 
&e.; also two small axes, which Mr. Thomas Davies found to consist 
of green jade (nephrite). I may here add that, according to Dr. William 
Humble’s Dict. of Geology and Mineralogy (Lond. 1860), 5. v. ‘ Nephrite,’ 
“This name of the mineral 15 derived from νεφρίτης (from vedpos, a 
‘kidney’), because it was formerly worn from an absurd notion that 
diseases of the kidney were relieved by its presence. It is a sub-species 
of jade, possessing the hardness of quartz, combined with a peculiar 
tenacity, which renders it difficult to break, cut, or polish. It is unctuous 
to the touch; fracture splintery and dull; translucent. Colours green, 
grey, and white. Specific gravity from 2°9 to 3:1. Constituents, silex 
53°80, lime 12°75, soda 10°80, potash 8°50, alumina 1:55, oxide of iron 
Ὁ Ὁ, oxide of manganese 2:0, water 2°30.” 

Under the word ‘Jade,’ Dr. Humble says: “It is the Nephrit of 
Werner; Nephrite of Jameson ; called also nephrite stone, nephrite, and 
axe-stone. Brochant states its fresh fracture to present a paler green 
than that of its surface. Before the blow-pipe it fuses easily, and with 
a slight ebullition, into a bead of white semi-transparent glass. In con- 
Sequence of its tenacity, it has been wrought into chains and other 
delicate work.” 

The perforated stone hammers of this second city are also identical 
with those of the first city. I represent here one of them under No. 152. I 
did not find here entire long stone axes, only two halves, which I represent 





Nos. 113, 114, and 115, which belong to this second city, have been engraved with those 
belonging to the first city, at p. 250. 


276 
under Nos. 153 and 154. 


THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY 


[Cuap. VI. 


The upper one shows the perforation, of which 


there is no trace on the lower one; besides, the upper one consists of 
































No. 152. J erforated Stone 
Hammer. (Half actual size. 


Depth, about 35 ft.) Nos. 153, 154 











Stone Axes. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 35 ft.) 






































No. 155. Object of Stone: a phallus. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 42 ft.) 


grey diorite; the lower one of gabbro-rock: therefore these two frag- 


ments belong to different axes. 


There was also found in this second city the object No. 155, of grey 
granite, which, by its shape, I hold to represent a phallus, the more so 
as objects of an identical shape are frequent in the subsequent cities; 


while, further, the god Priapus was fabled to have 


been born of 


Aphrodité and Dionysus in the neighbouring city of Lampsacus,’® where, 
as well as in his homonymous city, Priapus, he had in historical times 
a celebrated cultus, and was venerated more than any other god. It 
deserves, however, particular notice that this god is not mentioned either 
by Homer or by Hesiod, or by any of the other poets. According to 


Strabo, Priapus was the son of Dionysus and a nymph.’ 


Athenaeus 





10 Paus. ix. 31, § 2: Ἐνταῦθα καὶ Τηλέφῳ τῷ 
Ἡρακλέους γάλα ἐστὶν ἔλαφος παιδὶ μικρῷ δι- 
δοῦσα, καὶ βοῦς τε παρ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ ἄγαλμα Πριά- 
που θέας ἄξιον. τούτῳ τιμαὶ τῷ θεῷ δέδονται 
μὲν καὶ ἄλλως, ἔνθα εἰσὶν αἰγῶν νομαὶ καὶ προ- 
βάτων ἢ καὶ ἑσμοὶ μελισσῶν" Λαμψακηνοὶ δὲ ἐς 
πλέον ἢ θεοὺς τοὺς ἄλλους νομίζουσι, Διονύσου 
τε αὐτὸν παῖδα εἶναι καὶ ᾿Αφροδίτης λέγοντες. 

Diodor. Sic. iv. 6: μυθολογοῦσιν οὖν οἱ παλαιοὶ 
τὸν Πρίαπον υἱὸν εἶναι Διονύσου καὶ ᾿Αφροδίτης, 
πιθανῶς τὴν γένεσιν ταύτην ἐξηγούμενοι" τοὺς 
γὰρ οἰνωθέντας φυσικῶς ἐντετάσθαι πρὸς τὰς 


ἀφροδισιακὰς ἡδονάς" τινὲς δέ φασι τὸ αἰδοῖον 
τῶν ἀνθρώπων τοὺς παλαιοὺς μυθωδῶς ὀνομάζειν 
βουλομένους Πρίαπον προσαγορεῦσαι. ἔνιοι δὲ 
λέγουσι τὸ γεννητικὸν μόριον, αἴτιον ὑπάρχον 
τῆς γενέσεως τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ διαμονῆς εἰς 
ἅπαντα τὸν αἰῶνα, τυχεῖν τῆς ἀθανάτου τιμῆς. 

Tibull. 1, 4, 7; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. 
Argonaut. 1, 932. 

1 Strabo, xiii. p. 587: ἐπώνυμος δ᾽ ἐστὶ τοῦ 
Πριάπου τιμωμένου παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, εἴτ᾽ ἐξ ᾽Ορνεῶν 
τῶν περὶ Κόρινθον μετενηνεγμένου τοῦ ἱεροῦ, 
εἴτε τῷ λέγεσθαι Διονύσου καὶ νύμφης τὸν θεὸν 


THE PHALLIC WORSHIP. Pied 


Cuar. VI.] 


says that “Priapus was with the Lampsacenes originally an epithet of 
Dionysus, like θρίαμβος and διθύραμβος, and that he is identical with 
him.” * 

According to Eduard Meyer,® “ Priapus, the principal god of Lampsacus, 
was a Bebrycian deity. This is evident from the fact that as a native 
god he is (6.6. in historic times of antiquity) still found in Bithynia. 
The primitive inhabitants of Bithynia were Bebrycians; the Bithynians 
were later Thracian immigrants: we must, therefore, presume that they 
took Priapus from the religion of the primitive Bithynians. Lucian 
relates that, according to the Bithynian legend, Priapus was a warlike 
god, to whom Heré gave Ares to educate; and he taught him dancing 
before teaching him fighting. Arrian related, in his Bithynian history, 
that Priapus (whom he calls Ipéezros) signifies the Sun, on account of 
his generating power.* This is undoubtedly right. Priapus is by his 
origin undoubtedly an ithyphallic sun-god, like Amon (Chem) and the 
Horus bull of the Egyptians. On the other hand, the Sun-god easily 
becomes a warlike deity. The poets relate a legend, according to 
which, at the feast of the Mother of the Gods, Priapus lay in wait for 
Vesta (who is she?); but that the ass of Silenus betrayed him by 
his bray. For this reason the Lampsacenes used to sacrifice an ass to 
Priapus.° The Greeks explained the worship of Priapus on the coast of 
the Hellespont by the abundance of wine in the country.® From his 
worship at Lampsacus he had the epithet ‘ Hellespontiacus.’ ”* 

He was the protector of the fields,* the dispenser of fertility, the 
tutelary deity of shepherds and goatherds, of the rearing of bees, of hor- 
ticulture, the cultivation of the vine, and of fishery.° 

I may here add, that the phallus (φαλλός) was the symbol of the 
procreating power of nature, whose worship extended, according to Witz- 
schel,’® “through all natural religions from their rudest beginning until 
the decay of heathenism. In the Egyptian sculptures we frequently see 
ithyphallic gods. At the feasts of Dionysus-Osiris the women carried 
round to the villages puppet-like figures a cubit high, with a not mach 


shorter phallus, which they pulled by strings.’ 


Herodotus adds, that the 





ὁρμησάντων ἐπὶ τὸ τιμᾶν αὐτὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, 
ἐπειδὴ σφόδρα εὐάμπελός ἐστι» ἣ χώρα καὶ αὕτη 
καὶ [ἢ] ἐφεξῆς ὕμορος, ἥ τε τῶν Παριανῶν καὶ ἣ 
τῶν Λαμψακηνῶν. 

? Athenaeus, i. 54: τιμᾶται δὲ παρὰ Λαμψα- 
κηνοῖς ὃ Πρίαπος 6 αὐτὸς dy τῷ Διονύσῳ, ἐξ 
ἐπιθέτου καλούμενος οὕτως, ὡς θρίαμβος καὶ 
διθύραμβος. 

° Geschichte von Troas ; Leipzig, 1877, p. 43. 

* Lucian. de Saltat. 21: τὸν Πρίαπον δαίμονα 
πολεμιστήν, τῶν Τιτάνων οἶμαι ἕνα ἢ τῶν ᾿Ιδαίων 
Δακτύλων (2); Arrian, Frag. 32, edit. Miiller ex 
Eustath. ad J/. vii. 459: Πρίεπος παρὰ ᾿Αῤῥιανῷ 
ἐν Βιθυνιακοῖς, map’ @ καὶ eis Ἥλιον ἀλληγορεῖ- 
ται διὰ τὸ γόνιμον. 

° Ovid. Fast. vi. 319-346; Lactant. de falsa 
Rel. i. 21; differently Ovid. Fast. i. 391-440. 

ὁ Strabo, xiii. p. 587; Thucydides, i. 138: 
ταύτης γὰρ ἦρχε τῆς χώρας, δόντος βασιλέως αὐτῷ 


Μαγνησίαν μὲν ἄρτον, ἣ προσέφερε πεντήκοντα 
τάλαντα τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ, Λάμψακον δὲ οἶνον 
(ἐδόκει γὰρ πολυοινότατον τῶν τότε εἶναι); 
Μυοῦντα δὲ ὄψον. 

7 Ovid. Fast. i. 440; vi. 341. 

8 Voss, Myth. Briefe, ii. p. 344 ff. 

® Paus. ix. 31, §2; Ovid. Fast.i. 415; Anthol. 
Pal. x. 7, 8; Voss, ad Virg. Hcl. vii. 333; Georg. 
i. 110; Voss, Myth. Brr, ii. p. 37; Pauly, Real 
Encyclopddie, 5. v. Priapus. 

10 Pauly, op. cit. 5. v. Phallus. 

1 Herodot. ii. 48: τὴν δὲ ἄλλην ἀνάγουσι 
ὁρτὴν τῷ Διονύσῳ οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι, πλὴν χορῶν, κατὰ 
ταὐτὰ σχεδὸν πάντα “Ἑλλησι" ἀντὶ δὲ φαλλῶν, 
ἄλλα opt ἐστι ἐξευρημένα ὅσον τε πηχυαῖα 
ἀγάλματα νευρόσπαστα τὰ περιφορέουσι κατὰ 
κώμας γυναῖκες, νεῦον τὸ αἰδοῖον οὐ πολλῷ τέῳ 
ἔλασσον ἐὸν τοῦ ἄλλου σώματος. 


278 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VI, 


seer Melampus was said to have transplanted to Greece? the worship 
of Dionysus with the phallic processions. But, according to another 
passage of the same author,’ the worship of the phallus was practised by 
the Pelasgians in the remotest antiquity, and from them the Athenians 
learned to make ithyphallic Hermae.* For this reason the phallus is not 
only found on the islands inhabited by Pelasgians,® Lemnos and Imbros,® 
but also on the cyclopean walls of Alatri and Terni,’ on the βαρ τα σε Ὁ 
of a house in the Pelasgian (afterwards Samnite) Saepinum, and else- 
where. On the tomb of Alyattes in Lydia there stood a colossal phallus 
the head of which, 40 ft. in circumference and 12 ft. in diameter, Ἢ 
still extant.* In Greece the phallic processions (φαλλαγώγια, φαλλη- 
dopa) were general.® Before the temple of Dionysus in Syria there 
stood, according to Lucian,’ two phalli, with the inscription, ‘Dionysus 
has dedicated them to his step-mother Heré. Their height is given 
(c. 28) as 300 fathoms, which number Palmerius ‘has corrected to 30. In 
the Dionysiac procession of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus at Alexandria a 
phallus figured, 120 (sic) cubits high, ornamented with a crown em- 
broidered with gold and with a gold star on the top. We see in sculp- 
tures and paintings a series of the most varied formations of the phallus, 
extending from these monstrous works to the amulets for suspension, 
2-3 in. long. At Lavinium, during the whole month which was sacred 
to Liber Pater, the phallus was carried in procession through the villages, 
for warding off enchantment from the fields." At weddings the newly- 
married woman was obliged to sit on the phallus, in order to present, as 
it were, her chastity to him.’ Considering, therefore, that this worship 
extends through the whole history of natural religion from beginning 
to end, we must see in it an originally harmless veneration of the 
generating principle.” ἢ 

Professor Sayce kindly sends me the following interesting note :— 
“Last year I discovered on the northern cliff of Mount Sipylus in 
Lydia, about half a mile to the east of the pre-historic figure of Niobe, the 
representation of a large phallus, with two artificial niches on either side 
and two pit tombs in front. It had evidently been a place of pilgrimage, 
like a similar figure in a hollow on the summit of one of the lower 
Pyrenees, near Bidarray, which I once visited, and which is still venerated 
by the Basque women.” 

In treating now of the pottery of this Second Stone City, I repeat that 
both in fabric and shape it is altogether different from that of the first 
city. It therefore gives us the most certain proof that the inhabitants 





2 Herodot. ii. 49. * Micali, Monum. per la Stor. de’? Ant. pop. 
3 Jhid. ii. 51: ταῦτα μὲν νῦν καὶ ἄλλα xiii. a; Géttling, Geschichte d. Rim. Staatsverf. 
πρὸς τούτοισι τὰ ἔγὼ φράσω, YEAAnves ἀπ’ p. 28. 
Αἰγυπτίων νενομίκασι: τοῦ δὲ Ἑ,ρμέω τὰ 8 K.O. Muller, Arch. d. Kunst. p. 304. 
ἀγάλματα ὀρθὰ ἔχειν τὰ αἰδοῖα ποιεῦντες οὐκ 9. Herodot. ii. 49; Aristoph. Acharn. 
ἀπ’ Αἰγυπτίων μεμαθήκασι, ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ Πελασγῶν, 10 De dea Syr. ο. 16. 
πρῶτοι μὲν Ἑλλήνων ἁπάντων ᾿Αθηναῖοι παραλα- 11 Augustin. de Civit. Dei, vi. 9. 8. 


βόντες, mapa δὲ τούτων ὧλλοι. 1 Augustin. Jbid. i. 6, vii. 24. 2; Lactant. i, 
4 Gerhard, de Religione Hermarum, 1845, p. 3. 20. 39; Arnob. iv. 7. 
5 Herodot. vi. 137; v. 26. 2 J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythol. ii. p. 1209. 


6 K. O. Miller, Ztrusker, i. Ὁ. 77. 


Cuar. VI] POTTERY.—THE GREAT PITHOI. 279 


of the second city were altogether a different people from those of the 
first city, for, as my friend Mr. George Dennis* observes: “ The several 
styles of art of the same race at different periods are bound to one another 
like the links of a chain; and it is impossible for a people, after having 
wrought out a style of pottery which had acquired among them a sacred 
and ritual character, to abandon it on a sudden, and adopt another style 
of a totally different character. A people may modify, develop, perfect, 
but can never utterly cast aside its own arts and industry, because in such 
a case it would deny its own individuality. When we find, therefore, 
between two styles of art so many and such strongly pronounced dis- 
erepancies, that it becomes impossible to perceive the most remote 
analogy between them, it is not enough to attribute such diversities to 
a difference of age, or stage of culture; we can only ascribe them to 
different races.” 

The large lustrous-black bowls, with long horizontal tubular holes for 
suspension on both sides in the rim, which are so very abundant in the 
first city that I was able to collect thousands of fragments of them, never 
occur in the second city; neither do the vases with double vertical tubular 
holes on each side, which are plentiful in the first city. On the other 
hand, we find in the second city those gigantic terra-cotta Jars—d or 63 ft. 
high, from 3 to 5ft. in diameter, and from 2 to 3 in. thick in the clay— 
which are altogether wanting in the first city. It is true that I found 
there now and then fragments of coarse pottery; but as they are usually 
less than half an inch thick, and as none of them has a thickness of 1 in., 
the jars (pithor) to which they belong cannot have been large. 

Certainly the large jars (pithoz) of the second city are rudely made: 
where they are broken, we see an enormous mass of pieces of silicious 
stone, or mica, many of them a quarter of an inch thick; but nevertheless, 
as his Highness Prince Otto Bismarck, the Chancellor of the German 
Empire, ingeniously remarked to me, in July 1879, at Kissingen, the 
manufacture of these large jars proves already a high degree of civiliza- 
tion, for to make them is just as difficult as to bake them, and they can, 
consequently, only have been manufactured by a people who had an 
experience of centuries in the potter’s art. The Prince thinks that they 
must have been made in the following manner :—“ The shape of a pithos 
was first made of willow rods or reeds, around which the clay was built 
up gradually, beginning with the base. When finished, the pithos was 
filled with wood; a large pyre of wood was also heaped up around it. 
The wood was simultaneously kindled inside and outside the jar, and thus, 
by the double fire from within and from without, a very great heat was 
produced. This operation being several times repeated, the jar became 
at last thoroughly baked.” I feel sure that Prince Bismarck’s opinion is 
perfectly correct ; for, whilst even the smallest and thinnest clay vessel 
are at the most only half baked, the large jars, though from 2 to 8 in. 
thick, are always perfectly baked; and as the pre-historic peoples had—as 
I have explained (p. 219)—no kilns, and had to bake all their pottery at 





3 The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria ; 2nd edit., London, 1878. 


280 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Coar, VL 


an open fire,a heat great enough to do this could, I think, only be 
produced by a double fire several times repeated. I may add that the 
thorough baking of these large jars was a necessity ; for, owing to their 
great size and ponderous weight* (sometimes nearly a ton), they could 
not have been moved without breaking to pieces had they been as im- 
perfectly baked as all the other pottery. It is from this thorough baking 


also that these large pithoi have always a pretty dark-red colour. 
In the accompanying engraving (No. 156) I represent a fragment of a 
pithos of this second city, the terra-cotta of which is 21 in. thick. It is 


No. 156. Kragment of a large Jar. (1:4 actual size. 


Depth, about 42 ft.) 


that it has been incised before the first baking of the jar. 





decorated with two pro- 
jecting bands, of which 
the upper one is com- 
posed alternately of the 
fish-spine or herring- 
bone ornament and a 
row of circles, the lower 
one also of fish-spines, 
to which, however, the 
primitive artist has added 
a stroke in another di- 
rection, in order to make 
his decoration more va- 
ried and attractive. All 
this ornamentation looks 
as if it had been im- 
pressed; but on closer 
examination one finds 


Prof. Sayce 





remarks to me regarding this fragment that “the band with circles may 
be compared with the necklace of the pre-historie head from Boujah, near 
Smyrna, now in the British Museum. This head displays a very strange 


and barbarous style of art, and a very peculiar type of countenance.” 
The large jars, πέίθοι, are only once mentioned in Homer.® Just as we 
find them standing in rows in the store-rooms on the ground-floor of the 


* A pithos of this kind, found in the third (the 
burnt) city, which I presented to my worthy 
collaborateur, Professor Rudolf Virchow, for the 
Royal Museum of Berlin, was so heavy that 
fourteen of my very strongest workmen, who 
had put it on two poles, laboured a whole day 
in carrying it a distance of 150 yards. 

° Professor Virchow remarks to me that the 
baking of the pithoi could also be effected with 
cow-dung ina closed pit. But I cannot accept 
‘his theory, thoroughly baked pottery being 
always much more solid, pretty, and valuable 
than slightly baked pottery. If, therefore, a 
thorough baking of the immense pithoi, whose 
clay is from 2 to 3 in. thick, could be obtained 
in this way, the same could certainly have been 
obtained at once for the small vessels whose clay 


has a thickness of from 3 to 4 mm. (1-8th to 
1-6th in.). But it isa fact that, however thin 
the clay of the small vessels may be, it is only 
baked to one-third, seldom to one half, of its 
thickness. The baking can consequently only 
have taken place in an open fire; in fact, only 
by this theory we can explain the total baking 
of the pithoi and the partial baking of the thin 
pottery. 

6 7]. xxiv. 527-533: 
δοιοὶ γάρ τε πίθοι κατακείαται ἐν Διὸς οὔδει 
δώρων οἷα δίδωσι, κακῶν, ἕτερος δὲ ἐάων. 
ᾧ μέν κ᾽ ἀμμίξας δώῃ. Ζεὺς τερπικέραυνος, 
ἄλλοτε μέν τε κακῶ ὅ γε κύρεται ἄλλοτε δ᾽ ἐσθλῷ" 
ᾧ δέ κε τῶν λυγρῶν δώῃ, λωβητὸν ἔθηκεν 
καί € καιςὴ βούβρωστις ἐπὶ χθόνα δῖαν ἐλαύνει; 
φοιτᾷ δ᾽ οὔτε θεοῖσι τετιμένος οὔτε βροτοῖσιν. 


Cuar. V1.J TERRA-COTTA PLATES. 281 


houses in the four upper pre-historic cities in Hissarlik, so the poet repre- 
sents to us two such πίθοι standing on the ground-floor in the hall of the 
palace of Zeus. In these two πίθοι lay stored the gifts of good luck and the 
gifts of misfortune, the bitter and the sweet, like apples or pears, or rather 
like two sorts of wine, so that the poet considers the μοῖρα as a substance 
which Zeus can employ and distribute according to his pleasure,—an 
allegorizing naiveté such as we find in the legend of Pandora.’ In relating 
this legend, Hesiod represents a jar standing in the house of Epimetheus, 
full of diseases and evils for mankind, which fly out when Pandora, 
through curiosity, opens the jar; but Hope alone remained under the edge 
of the jar, for, before she could fly out, Pandora clapt the lid on again.® 

I may here also mention the terra-cotta plates, from half to two-thirds 
of an inch thick, which are peculiar to this second city, and which are 
not found anywhere else. They consist of the same sort of clay mixed 
with crushed granite, as the vases; but being thoroughly baked and having 
evidently been repeatedly dipped in a wash of fine pure clay before the 
baking, they are perfectly smooth on both sides and have a lustrous 
dark-red colour. As they are completely flat, and only increase almost 
imperceptibly in thickness towards the middle, they cannot possibly be 
fragments of vessels. As I never found such a plate entire, I cannot 
judge of their original size. I am puzzled as to what may have been 
their use. Were they perhaps: employed as decorations of the internal 
house-walls? I cannot think that they can have been used for paving 
the floors of the houses, as in that case they would have marks of having 
been so used. I call the particular attention of visitors to these flat terra- 
cottas, which peep out everywhere in my trenches from the strata of the 
second city. ‘They strike the eye by their lively red colour on both sides, 
which has of course been produced by the oxide of iron contained in the 
clay ; they glitter all over with sparkles of mica, which appears to have 
entered very largely into their composition. 

The most interesting vases in this second city, as well as in the three 
following pre-historic cities at Hissarlik, are undoubtedly those with an 
owl’s head and the characteristics of a woman. Considering the great 
" similarity of the owl’s faces on the vases to these on the idols (such as 
Nos. 205, 212), we may suppose with much probability that these vases had 
a sacred character, and were used for religious rites, the more so as the 
vases themselves have the shape of the idols. I call particular attention 
to the fact, that the only Trojan statue mentioned by Homer, that of 
Athené, as well as all the idols of marble, bone or terra-cotta, and all the 
owl-vases, are female, and that they are placed in apparent relation with 
Athené through her favourite bird the owl. 

In January 1874° I made bold to declare that the hundreds of 
female idols and vases with owl-heads, found in the pre-historic cities of 
Hissarlik, could represent but one gcddess, and that this goddess could be 





_| VY. H. Keck, Homer’s Iiade ; Hannover, 1873, 9. In my book Zrojanische Alterthtimer, Leip- 
ii. p. 137, foot note. zig, 1874; Zroy and its Remains, London, 1875. 
ὃ Hesiod, Op. et. Di. vv. 50 ff. 


282 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VI. 


none other than Athené, the tutelary goddess of Troy; all the more so as 
Homer continually calls her γλαυκῶπις (that is, literally translated, “ with 
the face of an owl”), and never gives this epithet to any other goddess 
or mortal woman. ‘Thereupon I was challenged by my honoured friend, 
Professor Max Miller ’° of Oxford, who evinced his readiness to accept my 
interpretation, provided I proved that Heré βοῶπις was represented as a 
cow-headed monster. I eagerly accepted the challenge, and began the 
excavations at Tiryns and Mycenae, with the most perfect confidence that 
I could there solve the problem for ever, as both these ancient cities lie 
close to the celebrated Heraeum, and as even the name of Mycenae 
appeared to me to be derived from the lowing of the cow (μυκᾶσθαι, but 
always μυκᾶν in Homer)."' The result of my researches certainly far 
exceeded my expectations, for I found there thousands of cows of terra- 
cotta, also 56 cow-heads of gold, one of silver with gold horns, some cow- 
heads engraved on gems, many hundreds of female idols with two pro- 
jections like cow-horns, in the shape of the crescent, proceeding from 
the breasts, also females with cow-heads.1 In consequence of these dis- 
coveries, I think it has been universally admitted that the original mean- 
ing of the epithet βοῶπις is cow-faced. Upon this subject Mr. Gladstone 
says in his Preface to my Mycenae :" 

‘He (Schliemann) presents to us the rude figures of cows; and upon 
a signet ring (No. 531) and elsewhere, cow-heads not to be mistaken. He 
then points to the traditional worship, from the first, of Hera in Argolis ; 
and he asks us to connect these facts with the use of Bodpis (cow-eyed) 
as a staple epithet of this goddess in the poems; and he might add, with 
her special guardianship of Agamemnon in his interests and his personal 
safety (11. 1. 194-222). 

‘This appears to me a reasonable demand. We know that upon some 
of the Egyptian monuments the goddess Isis, mated with Osiris, is 
represented in human figure with the cow’s head. This was a mode of 
exhibiting deity congenial to the spirit of an Egyptian* immigration,* 





10 In the Academy of 10th January, 1874. 

11 Professor Sayce is not of my opinion. He 
thinks that, if Greek, the name Μυκῆναι would 
be derived from μυχός. But I think there can 
be no doubt regarding the derivation from μυκᾶν, 
perf. μέμυκα, μεμυκέναι, this active form being 
exclusively used in Homer, and having undoubt- 
edly been used also in a pre-Homeric time. 
Professor Max Miiller writes me on this subject 
as follows :—‘‘I do not venture to speak posi- 
tively about the name of Μυκῆναι. Words end- 
ing in nvn are derived both from nouns, like 
invés, “Ψεφηνός, and from verbs, like τιθήνη. 
vhilologically, therefore, a derivation of Mv- 
κῆναι from μυκάω is not impossible. But names 
of towns are ticklish subjects for etymologists. 
Professor Curtius, of Leipzig, admits a possible 
etymolccy of Μυκῆναι and Μυκάλη from μύσσω. 
All I can say is, that your etymology from 
μυκάω is equally possible, but no more.” 

1 Sce my Mycenae, Plate A, figs. a, 6, d; 
Plate B, figs. ὁ and f; Pl. ©, fig. 4; Pl. D, fig. 


n, 0, p; and pp. 216 and 217, Nos. 327 and 328; 
p. 218, Nos. 329, 330; p. 309, No. 471; p. 360, 
No. 531; p. 362, No. 541. 2 Pp. vi—viil. 

3 M. Burnouf observes to me: “It is not 
only in Egypt that the gods were represeated 
with animal heads: the Védas perpetually repre- 
sent divine beings by animals; the sun by a 
horse, mother earth by a cow, &c. And do not 
the ten incarnations of Vishnu also present 
striking examples of this fact? It was there- 
fore a custom of the greatest human races in 
antiquity.” 

4 “Since this preface was put in type, the 
fragments of an ostrich egg, originally mistaken 
for an alabaster vase, have been tested and 
verified. This object seems to afford a new 
indication of pre-historic relations between My- 
cenae and Egypt.” But Professor Sayce observes 
on this that “it rather points to Phoenician trade. 
Elsewhere ostrich eggs, covered with stucco, 
have been found among Phoenician remains.” 


Cuar. VI.J THE OWL-HEADED ATHENE. 283 


such as might, compatibly with the text of Homer, have taken place some 
generations before the Troica. But it was also a mode against which the 
whole spirit of Hellenism, according to the authentic type of that spirit 
supplied in the poems, utterly revolted. We find there a Hera, who 
wore, so to speak, the mantle of Isis, besides carrying the spoils of one 
or more personages enrolled in the Golden Book of the old Pelasgian 
dynasties. Nothing could be more natural than a decapitation of the 
Egyptian Isis, not penally but for her honour. She might consequently 
appear with the human head; but, not to break sharply with the tradi- 
tions of the people, the cow-head, and even the cow-figure, might never- 
theless be retained as symbols of religion. And the great Poet, who 
invariably keeps these symbols so to speak at arms’ length, in order that 
he may prevent their disparaging the creed of which he was the great 
doctor, might nevertheless select from the bovine features that one 
which was suited to his purpose, and give to his Hera, who was never 
a very intellectual deity, the large tranquil eye of the cow. The use 
of the epithet for Hera in Homer is not, indeed, exclusive, and I admit 
that he may have inherited that use. But, though not exclusive, it is 
very special ; and this speciality is enough to give a sensible support to 
the doctrine of our famous explorer.” 

Another honoured friend, and one of the highest authorities in ancient 
Oriental literature, M. Francois Lenormant, writes:° ‘“ Schlemann is 
right to insist upon the fact, that the greater part of the rude figurines 
found by him at Mycenae represent positively a cow. In Argolis we 
are in the very land in which, in the remotest antiquity, there prevailed 
the worship of a female deity in the form of a cow, who afterwards, 
reduced to the proportions of a heroine, became [ὃ in poetical fable.” 
Further on, M. Lenormant admits that Heré’s epithet Bodpis can only 
refer to the primitive cow-head of this goddess. 

I may here refer to a principle conspicuous in Homer’s language, 
which at once disposes of the most formidable objection to my view. 
When asked, whether Homer himself conceived of Athené as a owl-headed 
monster, and of her image in her temple on the Pergamus as nodding its 
owl-head in response to the prayers of the Trojan women,—I reply, in 
the words already used in the Preface to Troy and its Remains, that 
“one of the most striking characters of his language is the use of 
fixed epithets,” which are constantly repeated without any regard to 
their fitness on each particular occasion of their use. Thus, like his 
heroes in general, Aegisthus is still “ blameless ” (ἀμύμων) even in the 
mouth of Zeus, denouncing his crimes as the climax of human impiety. 
And as of persons, so of things: for example, the colonnade (αἴθουσα) 
round the front court of the palace, as the resort of the people who came 
to wait upon the king by day, obtained the fixed epithet of ἐρίδουπος, 
“very noisy ;” and so by night guests were lodged “ under the very noisy 
colonnade” (ὑπ᾽ αἰθούσῃ ἐριδούπῳ), a somewhat inhospitable entertain- 


° Gazette des Beaua Arts, Feb. 1, 1879, p. the exact meaning, the epithet is at all events 
08. 


one of dignity and respect. 
6 Od. i. 29. Whether or no “blameless” be 


284. THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VI. 


ment, if the sense of the epithet held good!’ This point, which many 
modern scholars have overlooked, was recognized by the poetic instinct of 
Alexander Pope. Speaking, in the Preface to his Llad, of the importance 
of placing ourselves at the poet’s point of view, so remote in every re- 
spect from our own, he says: ‘‘ This consideration may further serve to 
answer for the constant use of the same epithets to his gods and heroes; 
such as the ‘ far-darting Phoebus,’ the ‘ blue-eyed Pallas,’ the ‘ swift-footed 
Achilles,’ &¢., which some have censured as impertinent, and tediously 
repeated. Those of the gods... . had contracted a weight and veneration 
from the rites and solemn devotions in which they were used: they were 
a sort of attributes with which it was a matter of religion to salute them on 
all occasions, and which it was an irreverence to omit.” 

I think it not out of place to repeat here what I have written on this 
important subject: ὃ. “It is not difficult to prove that Hera had originally 
a cow's face, from which her Homeric epithet βοῶπις was derived. When, 
in the battle between the gods and the giants, the former took the shape 
of animals, Hera took the form of a white cow, ‘nivea Saturnia vacca.’ ® 
We find a cow’s head on the coins of the island of Samos, which had the 
most ancient temple of Hera, and was celebrated for its worship of this 
goddess."° We further find the cow’s head on the coins of Messene, a 
Samian colony in Sicily." The relation of Hera to the cow is further 
proved by the name Εὔβοια, which was the name of one of her nurses,” 
the name of the island in which she was brought up,’ and the name of 
the mountain at the foot of which her most celebrated temple (the 


Heraeum) was situated.’ 


βοῦς. 


may also be contained.® 


But in the name Evora is contained the word 


Hera had in Corinth the epithet βουναία," in which the word βοῦς 
Cows were sacrificed to Hera.’ The priestess 


rode in a car drawn by bulls to the temple of the Argive Ποιὰ." 16, 
the daughter of Inachus, the first king of Argos, was changed by Hera 


into a cow.? 
cow-goddess Hera.’ 


Τὸ was priestess of Hera,® and she is represented as the 
Τὸ» cow-form is further confirmed by Aeschylus.? 








Od. 11.399 = wii. 345. 

8 See my Mycenae, pp. 19-22. 

9 Ovid. Metam. v. 330: 

«© Fele soror Phoebi, nivea Saturnia vacca.” 

10 Mionnet, Descr. des Med. Ant. Pl. xi. 6. 

11 Millingen, Anc. Coins of Greck Cities, tab. 11. 
12; 

1 Paus. ii. 17, § 2: τὸ γὰρ δὴ Ypos τοῦτο 
ὀνομάζουσιν Ἑὔβοιαν, λέγοντες ᾿Αστερίωνι γενέ- 
σθαι τῷ ποταμῷ θυγατέρας Εὔβοιαν καὶ Πρόσυ- 
μναν καὶ ᾿Ακραίαν, εἶναι δὲ σφᾶς τροφοὺς τῆς 
“Hpas. 

2 Plut. Quaest. Conviv. iii. 9, § 2: δοκοῦσιν 
αὐτῷ καὶ of παλαιοὶ τοῦ μὲν Διὸς δύο ποιεῖν 
τιθήνας, τὴν Ἴτην καὶ τὴν ᾿Αδράστειαν, τῆς δὲ 
Ἥρας μίαν τὴν Εὔβοιαν. 

Etym. Mag. 388. 56. 

3 Plut. Frag. Dacdal.3: ἱστοροῦσιν τὴν “Ἥραν 
ἐν τῇ Εὐβοίᾳ τρεφομένην ἔτι παρθένον, ὑπὸ τοῦ 
Διὸς κλαπῆναι. 

* Paus. ibid. 

5 Paus. ii. 4, 8 7: ταύτῃ καὶ τὸ τῆς Βουναίας 
ἐστὶν “ρας ἱερόν. 


6 Professor Sayce thinks the etymology of 
Bovvaia is from βουνός, the temple being on 
a hill on the way to Acrocorinthus. 

7 Paus. ix. 3, § 4: af μὲν δὴ πόλεις καὶ τὰ 
τέλη θήλειαν θύσαντες TH “Ηρᾳ βοῦν ἕκαστοι 
καὶ ταῦρον τῷ Διί, κιτ.λ. 

Hesych. 5.ν. ἄγαν χαλκεῖοκ. 

8 Herod. i. 31: ἐούσης ὁρτῆς τῇ “Ἥρῃ τοῖσι 
᾿Αργείοισι, ἔδεε πάντως τὴν μητέρα αὐτῶν (εὐγεὶ 
κομισθῆναι ἐς τὸ ἱρόν: οἱ δέ σφι Bdes ἐκ τοῦ 
ἀγροῦ οὐ παρεγίνοντο ἐν ὥρῃ. 

9. Lucian. Θεῶν Διάλ. 3: 

Ζεύς. Οὐκέτι παῖς ἐκείνη ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ δάμαλις 

. Ζηλοτυπήσασα ἡ Ἥρα μετέβαλεν αὐτήν 
(τὴν ᾿1Ιώ). 
10 Aesch. Suppl. 291, 292: 
Κληδοῦχον Ἥρας φασὶ δωμάτων ποτέ 
Ἰὼ γενέσθαι τῇδ᾽ ἐν ᾿Αργείᾳ χθονί. 
Apollodor. ii. 1. 3: φωραθεὶς δὲ bp Ἥρας, τῆς 
μὲν κόρης ἁψάμενος εἰς βοῦν μετεμόρφωσε λευκήν. 
1 Creuzer, Symbolik, ii. 576. 
2 Prom. 589, Tauchn. edit. : 
κλύεις φθέγμα Tas βούκερω παρθένου. 


Guar: VL THE COW-SHAPED HERA. 285 


The Egyptian goddess Isis was born in Argos, and was identified with 
the cow-shaped 16.4 Isis was represented in Egypt as a female with cow- 
horns, like 16 in Greece.* 

“The cow-shaped I6 was guarded in Hera’s sacred grove at Mycenae 
by the hundred-eyed Argus, who was killed by Hermes, by order of Zeus ; 
and Hera next persecuted I6 by a gad-fly, which forced her to wander 
from place to place. Thus Prometheus says: ‘How should I not hear 
the daughter of Inachus, who is chased around by the gad-fly?’° But 
the wandering of [ὃ is nothing else than the symbol of the moon, which 
moves restlessly in its orbit. This is also shown by the very name of I6 
(Ἰώ), which is derived from the root Ya (in εἶμι, ‘I go’). Even in classical 
antiquity [ὃ was still frequently represented as a cow; as at Amyclae.’ 
Τὸ continued to be the old name of the moon in the religious mysteries at 
Argos.’ Apis, king of the Argive realm, was the son of Phoroneus, and 
thus the grandson of Inachus, and the nephew of 16. From Apis the 
Peloponnesus and also Argos were called Apia; after his death he was 
worshipped under the name of Serapis.? According to another tradition, 
Apis ceded his dominion in Greece to his brother, and became king of 
Egypt,’° where, as Serapis, he was worshipped in the shape of a bull. 
Aeschylus makes the wanderings of I6 end in Egypt, where Jove restores 
her to her shape, and she bears Epaphus, another name for the bull-god 
Apis. The cow-horns of the Pelasgian moon-goddess 16, who became 
later the Argive Hera and is perfectly identical with her, as well as the 
cow-horns of Isis, were derived from the symbolic horns of the crescent 


representing the moon." 


at an earlier age, besides her cow-horns, a cow’s face. 


No doubt the Pelasgian I6, the later Hera, had 


Hera, under her old 





3 Diod. Sic. i. 24, 25: φασὶ δὲ καὶ τὸν Περσέα 
γεγονέναι κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον, καὶ τῆς Ἴσιδος τὴν 
γένεσιν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς “Apyos μεταφέ- 
ρεσθαι, μυθολογούντων τὴν ᾿Ιὼ τὴν εἰς Bods τύπον 
μεταμορφωθεῖσαν. 

Apollod. ii. 1, 3: Ἱδρύσατο δὲ ἄγαλμα Δήμη- 
Tpos, ἣν ἐκάλεσαν Ἶσιν Αἰγύπτιοι, καὶ τὴν "Iw 
Ἶσιν ὁμοίως προσηγόρευσαν. 

Hygin. 145: “ Deamque Aegyptorum esse fecit 
quae Isis nuncupatur.” 

* Herodot. ii. 41: τὸ yap τῆς “lows ἄγαλμα 
ἐὸν γυναικήϊον βοὐκερών ἐστι, κατάπερ “EAAnves 
τὴν Ἰοῦν γράφουσι. 

° Apollod. ii. 1, 3: Φωραθεὶς δὲ (Ζεύς) ὑφ᾽ 
“Hpas, τῆς μὲν κόρης (Ἰοῦς) ἁψάμενος εἰς βοῦν 
μετεμόρφωσε λευκήν, . . . . φύλακα αὐτῆς κατέ- 
στησεν “Apyov τὸν πανόπτην .... Διὸς δὲ 
ἐπιτάξαντος Ἑρμῇ κλέψαι τὴν βοῦν, μηνύσαντος 
ἱέρακος, ἐπειδὴ λαθεῖν οὐκ ἠδύνατο, λίθῳ βαλὼν 
ἀπέκτεινε τὸν “Apyov,... Ἥρα δὲ τῇ Bot 
οἷστρον ἐμβάλλει. 

® Aeschyl. Prom. 585: 
πῶς δ᾽ οὐ κλύω τῆς οἰστροδινήτου κόρης τῆς 

Ἰναχείας. 

7 Paus. iii. 18, 8 18 : τὰ δὲ ἐν ᾿Αμύκλαις θέας 
ἄξια... . Ἥρα δὲ ἀφορᾷ πρὸς Ἰὼ τὴν Ἰνά- 
χου βοῦν οὖσαν ἤδη. 

ὃ Eustath. ap. Dionys. Perieg. 92, 94: Ἰὼ 
γὰρ ἣ σελήνη κατὰ τὴν τῶν ᾿Αργείων διάλεκτον, 


on which Heyne, ad Apollod. p. 100, says: 
““Fuisse suspicor nomen hoc caputque feminae 
cornutum symbolum Lunae apud Argivos anti- 
quissimum.” See also Jablonsky, Panth. ii. 
p- 4 ff. 

® Apollod. ii. 1. 1: “Amis μὲν οὖν eis τυραν- 
vida Thy ἑαυτοῦ μεταστήσας δύναμιν, καὶ βίαιος 
ὧν τύραννος, ὀνομάσας ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὴν Πελοπόν- 
νῆσον ᾿Απίαν, ὑπὸ Θελξίονος καὶ Τελχῖνος ἐπι- 
βουλευθείς, ἄπαις ἀπέθανε, καὶ νομισθεὶς θεὸς 
ἐκλήθη Σάραπι-. 

Schol. Lycophr. 177: “Ams οὖν τυραννικῶς 
ζῶν ἀναιρεῖται ὑπὸ Θελξίονος καὶ TeAxivos, ad’ οὗ 
καὶ ἢ χώρα Απία ἣ τῆς Πελοποννήσου. 

Schol. Apoll. Rhod. iv. 263: ᾿Απιδανήων δέ, 
τῶν Πελοποννησίων, amy "Απιδος τοῦ Φορωνέως. 

Steph. Byz. 8. v. ’Amia, 

10 Huseb. Chron. pars i. pp. 96, 127, 130, ed. 
Aucher; Augustin. de Civit. De’, xviii. 5. 

11 Diod. Sic. i. 11: κέρατα δὲ αὐτῇ (τῇ Ἴσιδι) 
ἐπιτιθέασιν ἀπό τε τῆς ὄψεως ἣν ἔχουσα haive- 
ται καθ᾽ ὃν ἂν χρόνον ὑπάρχῃ μηνοειδής. Plut. 
de Is. et Os. 52, compare c. 39: τὴν δὲ “low οὐχ 
ἑτέραν τῆς σελήνης ἀποφαίνοντες Kal τῶν ἀγαλ- 
μάτων αὐτῆς τὰ μὲν κερασφόρα τοῦ μηνοειδοῦς 
γεγονέναι μιμήματα. Macrob. Sat. 1. 19 ; Aelian, 
Hist. Anim. χ. 27 : καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν Ἶσιν Αἰγύπτιοι 
βουκέρων καὶ πλάττουσι καὶ γράφουσιν. 


286 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VI, 


moon-name [6, had a celebrated temple on the site of Byzantium, which 
city was said to have been founded by her daughter Keroéssa—i.e., ‘ the 
horned.’ According to Stephanus Byzantinus, it was founded by Byzas, 
son of Keroéssa and Poseidon.!' The crescent, which was in all antiquity 
and throughout the Middle Ages the symbol of Byzantium, and which ig 
now the symbol of the Turkish empire, appears to be a direct inheritance 
from Byzantium’s mythical foundress, Keroéssa, the daughter of the moon- 
goddess 16 (Hera); for it is certain that the Turks did not bring it with 
them from Asia, but found it already an emblem of Byzantium. But 
M. Burnouf remarks that, long before Byzantium was founded, it existed 
in Babylonia and Assyria, where it is most frequently found ; he therefore 
suggests that it may have thence been imported to Byzantium. Hera, 10, 
and Isis must at all events be identical, also, with Demeter Mycalessia, who 
derived her epithet, ‘the lowing,’ from her cow-shape, and had her temple 
at Mycalessus in Boeotia. She had ag doorkeeper Hercules, whose office 
it was to shut her sanctuary in the evening and to open it again in the 
morning.” Thus his service is identical with that of Argus, who in the 
morning unfastens the cow-shaped I6, and fastens her again in the evening 
to the olive-tree,’ which was in the sacred grove of Mycenae, close to the 
‘Hpatov.* The Argive Hera had, as the symbol of fertility, a pome- 
granate, which, as well as the flowers with which her crown was 
ornamented, gave her a telluric character.® 

‘Jn the same way that in Boeotia the epithet Mycalessia, ‘ the lowing, 
a derivative from μυκᾶσθαι," was given to Demeter on account of her 
cow-form, so in the plain of Argos the name of Μυκῆναι, a derivative 
from the same verb, was given to the city most celebrated for the cultus 
of Hera, and this can only be explained by her cow-form. I may here 
mention that Μυκάλη ἷ was the name of the mount and promontory directly 
opposite to, and in the immediate neighbourhood of, the island of Samos, 
which was celebrated for the worship of Hera. 

“Tn consideration of this long series of proofs, certainly no one will 
for a moment doubt that Hera’s Homeric epithet βοῶπις shows her to 
have been at one time represented with a cow’s face, in the same way as 
Athena’s Homeric epithet γλαυκῶπις shows this goddess to have once 
been represented with an owl’s face. But in the history of these two 
epithets there are evidently three stages, in which they had different 





1.0, Miiller, Dorier.i. 121; Steph. Byz. s.v. 
Βυζάντιον : καὶ οὕτως ἐκτίσθη ἀπὸ Βύζαντος τοῦ 
Κεροέσσης, τῆς Ἰοῦς θυγατρός, καὶ Πωσειδῶνος. 

2 Paus. ix. 19, 84: Μυκαλησσὸὺν δὲ ὁμολογοῦσιν 
ὀνομασθῆναι διότι ἣ βοῦς ἐνταῦθα ἐμυκήσατο ἣ 
Κάδμον καὶ τὸν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατὸν ἄγουσα ἐς 
Θήβας. Professor Sayce remarks to me that 
here we have a reference to “ Astarte with the 
crescent horns” of the Cadmeian Phoenicians. 
Europa on the bull is another form of Astarte or 
Ashtoreth, the Assyrian Istar. 

3 Ovid. Metam. i. 630. 

4 Apollod. ii. 1, 8: οὗτος ἐκ τῆς ἐλαίας ἐδέ- 
σμευεν αὐτήν, ἥτις ἐν τῷ Μυκηναίων ὑπῆρχεν 


ἄλσει. 

5 Panofka, Argos Panoptes (1837), tab. ii. 43 
E. de Cadalvéne, Recueil de Med. Gr. Pl. iii. 
1; Miller, Denkméler, xxx.132; Duc de Luynes, 
Etudes Numismat. pp. 22-25. 

6 T again call particular attention to the fact 
that this verb only occurs in Homer in the active 
form, μυκᾶν. 

7 Professor Sayce holds Μυκ-άλη to be a Lydo- 
Karian and not a Greek word. But I point to 
the remarkable fact that we find names begin- 
ning with the syllable Μυκ- always close to a 
Heraeum. 


Cuap. VI.] STAGES OF THE SYMBOLISM. 287 


significations. In the first stage the ideal conception and the naming of 
the goddesses took place, and in that naming, as my honoured friend 
Professor Max Miiller rightly observed to me, the epithets were figurative 
or ideal; that is, natural. Hera (16), as deity of the moon, would receive 
the epithet βοῶπις from the symbolic horns of the crescent moon and 108 
dark spots, which resemble a face with large eyes; whilst Athena, as 
goddess of the dawn, doubtless received the epithet γλαυκῶπις to indicate 
the light of the opening day, γλαυκός being one of the forms of λευκός, 
which is an adjective of λύκη, in Latin lua. 

“Tn the second stage of these epithets the deities were represented by 
idols, in which the former figurative intention was forgotten, and the 
epithets were materialized into a cow-face for Hera and into an owl-face 
for Athena; and I make bold to assert that it is not possible to describe 
such cow-faced or owl-faced female figures by any other epithets than by 
βοῶπις and γλαυκῶπις. The word πρόσωπον for ‘ face,’ which is so often 
used in Homer, and is probably thousands of years older than the poet, 
is never found in compounds, whilst words with the suffix -evdys refer to 
expression or likeness in general. Thus, if Hera had had the epithet of 
βοοειδής, and Athena that of γλαυκοειδής, we should have understood 
nothing else but that the former had the shape and form of a cow, and the 
latter that of an owl. To this second stage belong all the pre-historic 
ruins of Hissarlik, Tiryns, and Mycenae. 

“The third stage in the history of the two epithets is when, after 
Hera and Athena had lost their cow and owl faces, and received the faces 
of women, and after the cow and the owl had become the attributes of 
these deities, and had, as such, been placed at their side, βοῶπις and 
γλαυκῶπις continued to be used as epithets consecrated by the use of 
ages, and probably with the meaning ‘large-eyed’ and ‘owl-eyed.’ To 
this third stage belong the Homeric rhapsodies.” 

I may add here what M. Francois Lenormant has written * regarding 
my interpretation of γλαυκῶπις as the epithet of Athené: “The images 
with owl-heads, which Schliemann sees on the idols and vases of Hissarlik, 
are represented by him as the type of the representation of Athené Ilias, 
the tutelary deity of Priam’s city. In his opinion, contrary to the gene- 
rally admitted ideas, Athené γλαυκῶπις was originally not a goddess ‘ with 
blue eyes’ of the colour of the luminous sky which she personifies, but 
a goddess ‘ with an owl-face,’ just as Hera βοῶπις became a goddess ‘ with 
the face of a cow,’ and no longer ‘with large eyes,’ wide open, like those 
of a heifer. This idea has roused a real tempest. It has appeared to 
some persons a sort of crime of high treason against Hellenism. That 
the Greeks could, at any epoch, have conceived in their imagination gods 
with animal heads, like those of Egypt and like certain gods of Asia, 
is a thing which was too great a shock to preconceived xsthevic theories 
of the genius of the Hellenic race, which, as was affirmed ἃ prior, could 
have admitted in some figures the mixture of animal and human forms, 
only by always reserving to humanity the head, the noblest part, the 





8 Les Antiquités de la Troade ; Paris, 1876, pp. 21-23. 


288 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [CHar. VI. 


seat of thought. I must confess that this kind of argument, belonging 
to a philosophy more or less shallow, touches me very littie; for, in my 
opinion, it should give place to the reality of archeological observation. 
The idea of a primitive Athené with an owl-head or a Heré with a cow- 
head, like the Egyptian Hathor, or like certain forms of the Syro- 
Phoenician Astarté, has nothing which scandalizes me or appears impossible 
tome. It is true that there is some philological difficulty in the view that 
epithets lke γλαυκῶπις or βοῶπις apply rather to an aspect of the face 
than to the eye. It appears, however, to me that this difficulty has been 
exaggerated; and that, for instance, when Empedocles, in a celebrated 
verse, qualified the moon as γλαυκῶπις, he alluded to the appearance of 
the lunar face, and not to an eye. 

‘Besides, monumental examples altogether positive prove to us that 
the Greeks of the remotest times, who copied their first works of art from 
Asiatic models, borrowed from those models, and themselves represented, 
figures with animal heads on human bodies. Mr. Newton has pointed out 
a little figure found in Cyprus, which represents a woman with a ram’s 
head, probably an Aphrodité. On an archaic painted vase from Camirus, 
preserved in the Louvre, is represented a man with a hare’s head. When 
Onatas, the great sculptor of Aegina, who lived in the beginning of the 
fifth century B.c., executed for the people of Phigalia the statue of their 
Demeter Melaena, he copied faithfully from a painting the consecrated 
type of the ancient image of this goddess, which had a monstrous 
appearance. Thus he put on the shoulders of her female body a horse’s 
head, accompanied by serpents and other monsters. The book of the 
Philosophumena® has preserved to us the description of one of the 
symbolical paintings which decorated the family sanctuary of the sacred 
race of the Lycomids at Phlya in Attica. The great Themistocles had 
caused these paintings to be restored, and Plutarch devoted a special 
treatise to their explanation. Among them was represented a winged 
ithyphallic old man pursuing a woman with a dog’s head. Herodotus 
says that Pan had sometimes the face as well as the feet of a he-goat, 
and this assertion is confirmed by a bronze figure discovered in the 
Peloponnesus and preserved at St. Petersburg. 

“The. Minotaur, who is originally the Baal-bull of the ancient 
Phoenician worship of Crete, always keeps his animal head in the works 
of the best period of Greek sculpture. A painted cylix with red figures, 
of the best epoch, which may be seen in the Cabinet des Médailles, in the 
collection of the Duc de Luynes, represents Dionysus-Zagreus as a child 
sitting on the knees of his mother Persephoné ; he has a bull’s head like 
a little Minotaur. It is, therefore, not the notion of an Athené with an 
owl’s head which staggers me, and which could prevent my accepting 
Schliemann’s theory, the more so as there would, properly speaking, 
be no question here of Greek productions, but of those of Asia Minor. 





9. Mr. Philip Smith remarks to me that this Portus (at the mouth of the Tiber), in the first 
work, formerly ascribed to Origen, is now known half of the third century after Christ. 
to have been written by Hippolytus, bishop of 


παρ. VL] THE ILIAN ATHENE OR ATE. 289 


For me the whole question is to know whether there are really owls’ 
heads on the vases and idols of Hissarlik.” 

Another honoured friend, Professor Otto Keller,’ writes as follows 
on the Athené γλαυκῶπις : “The attribution of the owl to Athené is 
explained" by a jew de mots between γλαῦξ and γλαυκῶπις, and it is 
asserted that it has arisen only in a post-Homeric time, as @ were 
by a misunderstanding of the epithet γλαυκῶπις. This view is certainly 
in a high degree far-fetched, unnatural, and improbable. The non- 
Hellenic origin of Athené’s owl appears also to be proved by her double 
head at Sigeum and Miletopolis, both of which are in close proximity to 
Ilium.’ To recal a parallel case, I cite the equally non-Hellenic attribu- 
tion of the mouse to Apollo Smintheus, which is also found in the Troad. 
The mouse loves the heat of the sun, and thus it prospers under the rays 
of Phoebus Apollo. The owl is first of all nothing else than the bird 
and symbol of night: this is its most natural signification, and of most 
primitive growth; from this we have to proceed. Herewith coincides in 
a remarkable manner a point in which the Ihan Athené differs alto- 
gether from the common Hellenic Athené ; indeed, a certain coin of Ilium 
represents the Trojan Palladium as Athené Ilias (AQ@HNAS ἸΛΙΆΔΟΣ), 
having the Phrygian cap on her head; in her right hand she brandishes 
the spear, in her left she holds a burning torch, whilst close to her is 
sitting the owl.? In the same manner another type of coin from [hum re- 
presents the Palladium with the spear in the right hand, the torch in the 
left ; in front of it a cow is being sacrificed. Here is more than that far- 
fetched jeu de mots theory : as the torch illumines the darkness, so the owl’s 
terrible eyes lighten through the night ; her eyes (ὄμματα) are γλαυκότερα 
λέοντος Kal τὰς νύκτας ἀστράπτοντα (as Diodorus says of a horrible animal, 
111. 6. 55). Thus probably the Ilian Athené, or Até, was originally far 
from being that peaceful Hellenic goddess of art and industry who issued 
from the head of Zeus, an emanation from the supreme wisdom of the 
highest god. She was rather the goddess of the night and terror, also of 
the din of battle and the evils of war: she therefore brandishes the spear 
and torch, and has the owl. She has become the Amazon of Olympus on 
Asiatic soil, whence also the Amazons descended. I need cite no proofs 
for the owl as the bird of night. As a death-announcing bird, it sat on 
the spear of Pyrrhus when he advanced against Argos.* By the Ionian 
Hipponax* it is considered as the messenger and herald of death. As 
birds of death, two owls (γλαῦκες) sit to the right and left of a Siren, the 
songstress of the death-wail, on a sepulchre.» On a vase painting of a 
very ancient style (brown figures on a dead yellow ground) with figures of 





10 Die Entdeckung Ition’s zu Hissarlik ; Freiburg, 
1875, pp. 56, 57. 

11 Welcker, Griech. Gétterlchre, i. 303 f. 

1 Mionnet, Medailles nouv. Gal. myth. 16.7, 8 : 
Eckhel, Doctr. Numm. i. 2, 488, 458. 

* Mionnet, Pl. 75, 6; see Eckhel, Doctr. Numm. 
li. 484; and E. Gerhard, Ueber die Minervenidole 
Athens, Tfl. iv. 11, 12. 

* Aelian. Hist. Anim. x. 37: Ἢ γλαῦξ ἐπί τινα 
σπουδὴν ὡρμημένῳ ἀνδρὶ συνοῦσα καὶ ἐπιστᾶσα 


οὐκ ἀγαθὸν σύμβολόν φασι, μαρτύριον δέ, 6 
Ἠπειρώτης Πύῤῥος νύκτωρ εὐθὺ τοῦ “Apryous 
ἤει, καὶ αὐτῷ ἐντυγχάνει ἥδε ἣ ὄρνις καθημένῳ 
μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἵππου, φέροντί γε μὴν τὸ δόρυ ὀρθόν. 
εἶτα ἐπὶ τούτου ἑαυτὴν ἐκάθισεν, οὐδὲ ἀπέστη, 
δορυφοροῦσα οὐ χρηστὴν τὴν δορυφορίαν 7 ὄρνις 
ἡ προειρημένη τήνδε. 

4 Frag. 54. 

5 Painting on ἃ Lekythos; Miller and 
Oesterley, Denkmdiler alter Kunst, ii. 59, 751. 


U 


290 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VI. 


animals, we find, with other animals of a religious signification, bulls, 
panthers, winged sphinxes and griffins, and also the owl.’ The owl also 
appears as ὦ divine being on a vase painting of the most ancient style, 
surrounded by a nimbus.7. Nor must we leave unnoticed the passage in 
the Odyssey,? where Athené goes off φήνῃ εἰδομένη, though the significa- 
tion of ‘owl’ for φήνη is not ascertained with certainty. The gods of the 
north put on the plumage of eagles, crows, and hawks, when they are 
in haste; so, in Homer, Athené puts on winged shoes when speed is 
necessary. The winged shoes of Perseus also may originally have signified 
his complete metamorphosis into the bird.? In the Homeric language 
γλαυκῶπις 1s ‘owl-eyed’ or ‘with glancing eyes:’ the notion ‘bluish,’ found 
in γλαυκός, appears to belong to the post-Homeric development of the 
language. For the rest, I hold the whole question treated here an open 
one, so long as no excavations have been made in the Samian Heraeum 
down to the pre-Hellenic stratum, which must probably exist there 
also. As Schlemann has instinctively felt, it is only the parallel of the 
βοῶπις πότνια Ἥρη that can offer the solution of the problem.” 

I may remind the reader that Professor O. Keller wrote all this in 
January 1875, whereas my excavations at Tiryns and Mycenae, close to 
the great Heraeum 
of Argolis, went on 
from the 31st July to 
the 6th December, 
1876. As by the 
many hundreds οἵ 
idols, of gold, silver, 
or terra-cotta, in the 
form of cows, cow- 
heads, or women with 
cow-horns or cow- 
heads, which I found 
there, I have solved 
for ever the problem 
of the βοῶπις πότνια 
“Ἥρη, on which, as 
Professor Max Miller 
and Prof. Otto Keller 
wisely remarked, the 
parallel of the θεὰ 
γλαυκῶπις ᾿Αθήνη de- 
pends, my interpre- 
tation of the latter 
should now be univer- 
sally accepted. 

No. 157 represents 
No. 157. Vase with Owl's Head. (1:3 actual size. Depth,36to40#.) ἔὀ @ vase with an owl’s . 











6 King Ludwig’s Collection of Vases, No. 953. γ. 26) to be an allusion to the brilliancy of her 
7 Stephani, Nimbus und Strahlenkranz. The — eyes. 8 Od. iii. 372. 
nimbus is considered by F. Wieseler (Phaethon, 9 Wackernagel, ἔπεα πτερόεντα, 34. 


Crap. VI.] OWL-FACED FEMALE VASES. 991 


head from the second city; but it must be distinctly understood that the 
neck with the owl’s head was found separate and does not belong to the 
lower vase, on which I have merely put it, as it can thus be the better 
reserved. No doubt the néck has belonged, as is always the case, to a 
vase with the characteristics of a woman. It is hand-made, and has a 
dark-red colour, produced by the oxide of iron contained in the clay. It 
was discovered in the calcined débris of the burnt house, in which I found 
the skeleton of the woman. Owing no doubt to the intense heat to which 
it had been exposed in the conflagration, it is thoroughly baked. The 
cover may or may not belong to it. As I found it in the same house, 
I have put it on the head, the rather as this sort of cover with a curved 
handle seems to belong to the vases with owl-heads. I am confirmed in 
this belief by the incisions on the forepart of these covers, which, like 
those on the idols Nos. 205, 206, 207, 216 (pp. 334, 336), appear to indicate 
the hair of the goddess. On many vase-covers on which the owl’s face is 
modelled, and which evidently belong to vases with the characteristics of 
a woman, the hair is indicated either by long vertical scratches or tresses 
in relief, on the nape of the neck; it is indicated by such vertical 
scratches on the idols Nos. 194, 196, 239, and on the remarkable ball 
Nos. 1997, 1998. The shape of the little curved handle on the vase- 
cover before us may probably have been copied from that of the ridge 
(φώλος) on the helmets, into which the crest was sunk. 
I represent under No. 158 another vase of this description, which 
was found at the foot of the fragmentary wall of large blocks B on 
No. 2 (p. 24). It is much injured by fire, so that its primitive colour 


ee 





No. 159. Terra-cotta Vase, with the characteristics of 
ἃ woman and two handles in the form of wings. 
(1:3 actual size. Depth, 19ft. The cover is from a 

ὃ depth of 42 ft.) 











No. 158. Vase with Owl’s Face, two female breasts, and 
two upright wing-like excrescences. (About 1:4 
actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) 
cannot be recognized ; its handles, in the form of wings, are partly re- 
stored. The face of the bird is here represented very rudely, the eyes 
being put in the same line as the lower part of the beak. The curved 
handle of the cover is broken. 


292 .THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VI. 


Of No. 159 only the vase-cover belongs to this second city, the vase 
itself to the fourth city; but this being the only vase with the female 
characteristics on which this small cover fits, I thought it necessary to 
represent it here, in order to show the reader the cover in its proper place. 
Of the face we see here only the eyes. The vase-cover is of a dull black 
colour and but very imperfectly baked. These Trojan vases with owls’ 
faces are, as far as 1 know, unique; no similar ones have ever been found 
elsewhere. But funeral urns, with rudely-modelled human faces, have 
been found in the Prussian province of Pommerellen, near Dantzig. They 
are always found in stone boxes composed of five flat stones, hardly 
deserving the denomination of coffins, containing the ashes and bones of 
the deceased. This funeral urn stands either alone in a stone box, or in 
the midst of six, eight, ten, twelve, or even fourteen, empty common 
vases. The clay of the funeral urns is either yellow or brown or black, 
sometimes of good quality and well burnt, sometimes very rough and but 
little baked. Up to August 1875, when I visited Dantzig, there had been 
discovered in all fifty-seven such urns, all of them hand-made, but only. 
thirty of them are preserved there; two are at Neu Stettin, and the 
remaining twenty-five are in the Berlin and other Museums. It is impor- 
tant to notice that, with the exception of one funeral urn with a human 
face found at Sprottow in Silesia, another found at Gogolin (in the district 
of Culm, West Prussia 15), a third found in the province of Posen, and a 
fourth found in the province of Saxony, no such urn has ever been found 
anywhere but in Pommerellen.t Of course I do not speak here of the 
Roman urns with human faces, of which some have been found on the 
Rhine, and large numbers in Italy. The characteristics of the Pomme- 
rellen urns, which distinguish them from the Trojan owl-faced vases, are 
these: that their manufacturers have evidently always intended to represent 
tlie human face, however roughly and incompletely ; that they never have 
either the wing-like excrescences or the female organ or breasts, which are 
nearly always conspicuous on the Trojan vases; that they have always 
been used as funeral urns, whereas the Trojan vases can, on account of 
their small size, never have been employed for such purposes, and have 
probably only served as idols or sacred vases; and, finally, that they 
have covers in the form of common caps, whereas the Trojan vases 
have covers in the shape of helmets, on which the female hair is 
often indicated. And with regard to the age of these Pommerellen face- 
vases, the glass beads with which they are ornamented, and the iron 
with which they are constantly found, cannot possibly authorize us to 
ascribe to them a higher antiquity than the beginning of our era, or, at 
the very utmost, the first or the second century B.c.; whereas I now 
agree, 1 think, with all archeologists, in claiming for the Trojan vases 
the very remote antiquity of 1200 to 1500 sc. 1 will here describe 
some of the human-faced vases of the Dantzig collection :— 





10 See the Report of the Berlin Society of An- he has proved that a series of transitions into 
thropology, Ethnology, and Pre-historic Archwo- “ear- and cap-urns ” can be followed up from 
logy, Session of Jan. 18, 1879, p. 2. the province of Pommerellen to the river Oder. 

1 Professor Virchow kindly informs me that 


Cuar. VI.] HUMAN-FACED VASES ELSEWHERE. 993 


1. A vase with two eyes, a nose, but no mouth, and two ears, which 
have three perforations ornamented with bronze rings, on which are 
fastened beads οἵ glass and amber. The ornamentation of the neck ig 
formed by six stripes of incised ornaments representing fish-spines. 
Below is the monogram of an animal with six legs. The cap has also 
incised ornaments. 

2. A vase with no eyes, but a nose and a mouth; the ears have four 
perforations ornamented with bronze rings; a bronze chain fastened to 
the ears hangs down on the breast. 

3. A vase with a nose and mouth, but no eyes; ears with two perfora- 
tions ; ear-rings of bronze with beads of amber. In this vase was found an 
iron breast-pin. 

4, A vase with ears not perforated; eyes, long nose, a mouth, and a 
beard ; a girdle indicated by points. 

5. An urn with nose, eyes, and a mouth with teeth; ears with six 
perforations, each ornamented with a bronze ring, on which are a large 
number of small rings of the same metal. 

6. An urn without eyes or mouth, but with a pointed nose; two ears, 
each with four perforations, which are ornamented with iron rings. 

7. A very rough urn with eyes and nose, but no mouth; ears not 
perforated. 

8. Urn with eyes, nose, and mouth; but ears not perforated. 

9. Urn with eyes, mouth, and nose; ears with three perforations. 

10. Urn with nose and eyes; no mouth; an iron ring is fastened 
round the vase. 

11. A very remarkable urn with a falcon’s beak, and large eyes; ears 
with three ear-rings in each, which are ornamented with brown and blue 
glass beads. This urn, as well as its cover, is decorated all over with 
incised ornaments. A certain number of the Pommerellen urns, with 
human faces, preserved in the Royal Museum at Berlin, of which Dr. 
Albert Voss is the learned keeper, are very remarkable for the brooches 
with spiral heads, like No. 104, or linear animals similar to those on the 
Trojan whorls (see Nos. 1881-1884), which we see rudely incised on them. 

I cannot leave unnoticed the flagon-shaped vessels (oenochoae) found 
in the pre-historic habitations, below the deep strata of pumice-stone and 
volcanic ashes, in the islands of Thera (Santorin) and Therasia. 

On several of these two large eyes are painted near the orifice, as well 
as a necklace of large dots at the base of the neck, whilst two female 
breasts are modelled on the upper part of the body; each breast is 
painted brown, and is surrounded by a circle of dots. On none of them is 
a human face painted or modelled; but still it is certain that it was the 
primitive potter’s intention to imitate in these oenochoae the figure of a 
woman. From these barbarous oenochoae of Thera may be derived, as 
M. Fr. Lenormant? suggests, the beautifully painted oenochoae of Cyprus 
with the head of a woman.’ But as these Cyprian vases belong to the 








® Antiquités Troyennes, p. 49. 
3 See General Louis Palma di Cesnola, Cyprus ; London, 1877, p. 394, Pl. xu. xliii. pp. 401, 402. 


294 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VI. 


historical period, and are perhaps a thousand years later than the owl- 
vases of Hissarlik, I cannot discuss them here. I would only add that 
on nearly all the Cyprian oenochoae, with a trefoil mouth, though 
without any characteristics of the human figure, two eyes are painted. 
This is not the place to discuss the Roman urns with human faces, 
which occur at Oehringen in Wirtemberg,* near Mainz; at Castel, oppo- 
site Mainz ;° and elsewhere. 

In the burnt house described above, together with the remains of the 
woman, there was also found the tripod terra-cotta vessel in the shape of a 
sow, No. 160. It is of a lustrous dark-brown colour, 82% in. long, 7 in. high, 
and nearly Gin. thick in the body. It has a projecting but closed head, 
and three feet. The orifice of the vessel is in the tail, which is connected 
with the back by a handle. Similar vessels in the form of animals, with 





No. 160. Terra-cotta Vessel in the shape of a Sow. No. 161. Two conjoined Oenochoae. (1:4 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 42 ft.) actual size. D.pth, about 40 ft.) 


three or with four feet, are frequent in the third and fourth pre-historic 
cities of Hissarlik. They are very abundant in Cyprus,° and may be seen 
in the collections of Cypriote antiquities in the British Museum, the 
South Kensington Museum, the Louvre, and the Musée de St. Germain- 
en-Laye. ‘There are also a number of similar vessels in the collections of 
Peruvian and Mexican antiquities in the British Museum. 

Of the pottery of this second city I mention further the curious 
lustrous-red vessel, No. 161, in the form of two separate oenochoae with 
long and perfectly upright beak-shaped mouths; the two jugs being con- 
nected with each other at the bulge as well as by a handle. Terra-cotta 
vessels, with the same system of separate jugs connected at the bulge, 
occur in all the subsequent pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, and we shall 
have to pass several more of them in review. Vessels of terra-cotta made 
on the same principle are found in Rhodes, in Egypt, and in Cyprus. The 
collection of antiquities from a tomb at Jalysus, in the British Museum, 
contains four conjoimed cups; the Egyptian collection, two conjoined 
flasks ; the collections of Cypriote antiquities, both in the British Museum 





4 0. Keller, Vicus Aurelii, 1871, Pl. vii. 2. 5 General di Cesnola’s Cyprus ; London, 1877, 
5 L. Lindenschmit, Die Alterthiimer unserer Plate viii. 
heidnischen Vorzeit ; Mainz, 1860. 


Cuar. VI] SUSPENSION-VASES AND TRIPODS. 295 


and in the South Kensington Museum, contain vessels forming two con- 
joined flasks with one handle. Another vessel with three or four 
conjoined cups is represented by General di Cesnola.’ The small collec- 
tion of pre-historic antiquities, found under the deep layers of pumice- 
stone and volcanic ashes in Thera, preserved in the French School at 
Athens, contains also two conjoined jugs with a trefoil mouth. I may 
also mention a vessel formed of two: pitchers, joined both at the bulge and 
by a handle, in the Egyptian Collection in the Louvre. <A vessel with 
three conjoined cups 18 certainly also indicated by the object No. 3 on 
Pl. xii. in Dr. Victor Gross’s Atlas of antiquities found in the Lake- 
habitations of Moeringen and Auvernier in Switzerland. I may also 
mention a vessel with two conjoined flasks in the Peruvian Collection in 
the British Museum. Professor Virchow kindly informs me that similar 
conjoined vessels are very common in the ancient tombs in the provinces 
of Lusatia (Lausitz) and Posen. 

No. 162 is a lustrous-black vase, 94 in. high, with a long tubular hole 
for suspension on each side. The body, of globular form, is ornamented 
with incised zigzag lines; the neck is very wide, in the form of a chimney, 
and ornamented with incised dots; the bottom is flat. 





















































No. 162. Vase with tubular holes for suspen- 
sion. Ornamentation : zigzag and points. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 42 ft.) 





No. 163. Tripod Vase, with incised ornamentation, and 
a similar system for suspension. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, about 42 ft.) 


No. 163 represents a lustrous dark-brown tripod, with tubular holes 
for suspension ; the long chimney-like neck has an incised ornamentation, 


7 Cyprus, p. 496, No. 25. 


296 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VI. 


resembling fish-spines. A similar tripod-vase, of a dull blackish colour, 
with incised circular bands, is represented under No. 164. 























No. 165. Globular Vase, with tubular holes or 


i 4 suspension. Ornamentation: triangles. 
No. 164. Globular Tripod Vase, with tubular holes (1:4 actual size. Depth, 35 ft.) 


for suspension. Ornamentation of circular bands. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 35 ft.) 

No. 165 is a very pretty little dark-yellow vase of an almost globular 
shape, which has also tubular holes for suspension and an incised orna- 
mentation of triangles. 

All the vases of the second city which we have hitherto passed in 
review are hand-made; but wheel-made pottery occurs here also, though 
rarely. A wheel-made vase, for example, is shown under No. 166; it is a 
tripod of a blackish colour, with incised 
circular bands, and has tubular rings for 
suspension. ‘The cover may probably not 
belong to this vase. All these vases I can 
only represent, not compare with others, 
as no vases of anything like a similar type 
occur elsewhere. But to my list of the 
collections in which vases with vertical 
loopholes for suspension occur (see p. 222) 
I have to add the Museum of Stockholm, 
in which there are three vases, found in 
Dolmens of the Stone age, which are orna- 
mented with incised patterns; two of them 
having on each side two, the third on each 
side four, vertical perforations, for suspension 
: with a string. I saw in the Museum of 
No. 166. Wheel-made Tripod Vase, with Copenhagen, besides the vase already men- 
sion. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, ssi) tioned,® two vases with incised patterns, 

having on each side two vertical tubular 
loopholes, which are not in projections, as on the Trojan vases, but in 
the clay of the body of the vase itself; both of them have also tubula 
loopholes in the covers, which correspond with those in the body. There 
must have been a time when similar vases with holes for suspension were 
in more general use in Denmark, for I saw in the same museum sixteen 
vase-covers of the same system. 








8 See No. 100, p. 20, in J. J. A. Worsaae’s Nordiske Oldsager, 


ὕπαρ. Vi] VASES OF VARIOUS FORMS. 297 


Under No. 167 I represent a handsome black hand-made vase with two 
handles; under No. 168, a dull brownish wheel-made pitcher or goblet, 





















































































































































































































































































































































FA 








No. 168. Double-handled Pitcher or Goblet. 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 39 ft.) 





























No. 167. Black Jug, with two handles. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 39 ft.) 











No. 169. Oval Vase, with three handles. No. 170. Large lustrous-black Vase, with two handles 
(Nearly 1:4 actual size. Depth, 42 ft.) and pointed foot. (1:6 actual size. Depth, 53 it.) 








likewise with two handles. No.169 is a lustrous dark-red wheel-made 
vase of oval form, with three handles. As it has a convex bottom, it 
cannot stand without support. 

The shapes of these last three vessels are very frequent here, but 
I have not noticed them in other collections. As on most vases with 
handles the ends of these latter project slightly on the inside of the 
vessels, it 1s evident that the handles were only made after the vases had 
been modelled, and that holes were then cut in them in which the handles 
were fastened. 

No. 170 is a hand-made lustrous-black vase, with a pointed foot and two 
handles, between which on each side is a projecting decoration in the form 


298 ° THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VI. 


of the Greek letter Lambda, or the Cypriote character go. Similar vases 
are rare in the second city, but very frequent in the following, the burnt 
city. I would suggest that the early inhabitants of Hissarlik, who used 
these vases with a pointed foot, must have had in their rooms heaps 
of sand into which they put them. Or might they perhaps have used 
as stands for this kind of vase the large stone discs, from 6 to 8 in. in 
diameter, with a round perforation in the centre, 2 to 3 in. in diameter, 
of which so many are found in the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik ? 
This idea was suggested to me by Dr. Victor Gross, who, in his beautiful 
Atlas of the objects found in the Lake-habitations at Moeringen and 
Auvernier, has on Pl. xii, No. 22, put a vase with a pointed foot into 
a large ring, which appears to be of shghtly-baked clay. But as clay 
rings of such large size are very rare at Hissarlik, the large perforated 
stone discs may have been used in their stead. Mr. Philip Smith men- 
tions to me that in chemical laboratories in England earthenware rings 
are used in the same way, as supports for basins, flasks, &c. 

No. 171 represents a hand-made lustrous dark-brown vessel with a 
convex base, two handles, and a spout in the rim. ; 






Ἂς 





Νο, 171. Vase with spout and two handles. No. 112. Fragment of lustrous-grey Pottery, with an 
(1: 4 actual size. Depth, 48 {t.) incised ornamentation. 
(2:3 actual size. Depth, 33 ft.) 








No. 173. Fragment of lustrous-black 
Pottery, with incised signs resembling 
written characters. (2:3 actual size. 
Depth, 33 ft.) 





No. 177. 





No. 178. 


Nos. 174-178. Fragments of Pottery, with an incised ornamentation. 
(Nearly hal actualsize. Depth, 42 ft.) 


Onar. VI] MEANING OF δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον. 299 


Nos. 172-178 represent seven fragments of lustrous yellow or black 
pottery, with an incised ornamentation. Nos. 172, 175, and 176 are 
fragments of flat bowls. No. 178 is the fragment of a small vase. The 
ornamentation of these four pieces is filled in with white chalk. Nos. 174 
and 177 are fragments of vases. No. 173 seems to be the fragment of a 
yase-handle ; the incised signs thereon appear to be written characters, to 
which I call very particular attention.° 

In the strata of ruins of the second city there also occur the terra- 
cotta goblets in the form of a champagne glass, with a pointed foot and 
two enormous handles, like No. 179, but 
they are rare here. Almost all of them 
have a lustrous-black colour. In the three 
following pre-historic cities they are of a 
lustrous-red colour, and so frequent that 
I was able to collect about 150 of them: 
Again they occur of a dull blackish colour 
(see No. 1393) in the débris of a settle- 
ment, which succeeded the latest pre- 
historic city, but preceded the Aeolic 
Ilium, and which for this reason 1 call the 





sixth city. There consequently appears No. 179. Goblet with two handles, 
ae : ; the Homeric δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον. 
to be every probability that this form of (1:3actual size. Depth, 35 {t.) 


goblet was still in common use on the 
coast of Asia Minor at the time of Homer, who by his δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον 
cannot possibly mean anything else than a goblet with two handles. The 
universal explanation of the δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον as having an upper and a 
lower cup, like an hour-glass with the ends opened out, seems to me to be 
altogether erroneous. As a goblet of such a description could, at all 
events, be filled only on one side at a time, there would be no raison @étre 
for the two cups in opposite directions. Moreover, whenever a goblet with 
wine is presented by one person to another, Homer clearly always meant 
it to be understood that it is a δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, namely, that it is 
double-handled, and that, being presented by the one handle, it is received 
by the other. I may mention, besides, that no goblet with an upper and a 
lower cup has ever yet been found, while I found at Troy twenty differ- 
ently-shaped terra-cotta goblets with two handles, among them one of 
gold, and at Mycenae a large number of double-handled goblets, of terra- 
cotta or gold, all of which can be nothing else than δέπα ἀμφικύπελλα. 
I think, therefore, that Aristotle was wrong in his theory, that the aude 
κύπελλον had the shape of a bee’s cell: “The cells for the honey and 
for the drones have openings on both sides; for on one bottom are two 
cells, like those of the amphikypella—the one inward, the other outward.” 
The best judge, nay the highest authority, for the form of the Homeric 
δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον must necessarily be Homer himself; and, according to 
him, the δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον is always synonymous with ἄλεισον ἄμφωτον, 


® The inscription is discussed by Professor τοῦ μέλιτος καὶ ai τῶν σχαδόνων, ἀμφίστομοι:" 
Sayce in his Appendix. περὶ μίαν yap βάσιν δύο θυρίδες εἰσίν, ὥσπερ τῶν 
10 Hist. Animal. ix. 27: Αἱ δὲ θυρίδες καὶ αἱ ἀμφικυπέλλων, 7) μὲν ἐντός, ἣ δ᾽ ἐκτός. 


300 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VI. 


a ‘“two-eared goblet” (literally, “with an ear on both sides,” for this is 
the exact meaning of ἀμφί). Thus, for instance, in a passage of the 
Odyssey, one and the same goblet is called twice δέπας, once ἄλεισον, and 
once δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον: 1" “Then he gave them part of the entrails, 
and poured wine in a golden goblet (δέπας), and, pledging her with 
outstretched hand, he called upon Pallas Athené, daughter of Aegis- 
bearing Zeus: ‘Pray now, O stranger, to king Poseidon, because to him 
is sacred the meal at which you find us, as you come here. And after 
having made lbations and prayed, as is the custom, then give the cup 
(δέπας) of sweet wine also to this man to make a libation; for I think 
that he also prays to the immortals; because all men stand in need of 
the gods. But he is younger (than thou art) and of my age. I therefore 
give the golden goblet (ἄλεισον) first to thee. Having spoken thus, 
he put the cup (δέπας) of sweet wine into her hands, and Athené was 
pleased with the prudent just man, because he had given her first the 
golden goblet (ἄλεισον), and she at once offered many prayers to king 
Poseidon: ‘Hear, O earth-containing Poseidon, do not refuse us, who 
beseech thee to accomplish these deeds. Above all, to Nestor and his 
sons give glory; and afterwards to others grant a gracious recompense, 
to all the Pylians, for the magnificent hecatomb. Grant also to Tele- 
machus and to me to return after having accomplished that for which we 
came hither in the swift black ship. Thus she prayed and fulfilled all 
herself. She then gave to Telemachus the beautiful double-handled cup 
(δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον)." 

See further Od. xxii. 8-11:1 “He spake, and directed the bitter arrow 
against Antinous. He was indeed about to lift a beautiful golden double- 
eared goblet (ἄλεισον ἄμφωτον); and had already seized it with his 
hand that he might drink of the wine.” 

See again Od. xxii. 17, where the very same goblet, which in verses 
9 and 10 was called ἄλεισον ἄμφωπτον, is simply called δέπας: “He 
sank sidewards, and the cup (δέπας) fell from his hand.” ἢ 

See further Od. xxii. 84-86, where a δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον 18 
mentioned, which is not indeed the identical ἄλεισον ἄμφωτον 
spoken of before and called also simply δέπας, but which is most 
assuredly of an identical form, namely, a goblet with two handles :— 





11 Οὔ, iii. 40-63: ςς Κλῦθι, Ποσείδαον γαιήοχε, μηδὲ meynpns 
δῶκε δ᾽ ἄρα σπλάγχνων μοίρας, ev δ᾽ οἶνον ἔχευεν ἡμῖν εὐχομένοισι τελευτῆσαι τάδε ἔργα. 
χρυσείῳ δέπαϊ" δειδισκόμενος δὲ προσηύδα Νέστορι μὲν πρώτιστα καὶ υἱάσι κῦδος brace, 
Παλλάδ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίην, κούρην Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο " αὐτὰρ ἔπειτ᾽ ἄλλοισι δίδου χαρίεσσαν ἀμοιβήν 

«ς Εὔχεο νῦν, ὦ ξεῖνε, Ποσειδάωνι ἄνακτι" σύμπασιν Πυλίοισιν ἀγακλειτῆς ἑκατόμβη-. 
τοῦ γὰρ καὶ δαίτης ἠντήσατε, δεῦρο μολόντες. δὸς δ᾽ ἔτι Τηλέμαχον καὶ ἐμὲ πρήξαντα νέεσθαι, 
αὐτὰρ ἐπὴν σπείσῃς τε καὶ εὔξεαι, ἣ θέμις ἐστίν, οὕνεκα δεῦρ᾽ ἱκόμεσθα θοῇ σὺν νηὶ μελαίνῃ.᾽ ; 
δὸς καὶ τούτῳ ἔπειτα δέπας μελιηδέος οἴνου “Ὡς ἄρ᾽ ἔπειτ᾽ ἠρᾶτο, καὶ αὐτὴ πάντα τελεύτα" 
σπεῖσαι" ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτον ὀΐομαι ἀθανάτοισιν δῶκε δὲ Τηλεμάχῳ καλὸν δέπας ἀμφικύπελ- 
εὔχεσθαι: πάντες δὲ θεῶν χατέουσ᾽ ἄνθρωποι. λον. a 7 
ἀλλὰ νεώτερός ἐστιν, ὁμηλικίη δ᾽ ἐμοὶ αὐτῷ" 1 Ἢ, καὶ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αντινόῳ ἰθύνετο πικρὸν ὀϊστόν. 
τοὔνεκα σοὶ προτέρῳ δώσω χρύσειον ἄλεισον.᾽ ἤτοι ὃ καλὸν ἄλεισον ἀναιρήσεσθαι ἔμελλεν; 

“Os εἰπών, ἐν χερσὶ τίθει δέπας ἡδέος οἴνου " χρύσεον ἄμφωτον, καὶ δὴ μετὰ χερσὶν ἐνώμα, 
χαῖρε δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίη πεπνυμένῳ ἀνδρὶ δικαίῳ, ὄφρα πίοι οἵνοιο. 


“ - » 9 ec fr , la ε » 
οὕνεκα of προτέρῃ δῶκε χρύσειον ἄλεισον. 2 ἐκλίνθη δ᾽ ἑτέρωσε, δέπας δέ οἱ ἔκπεσε 


αὐτίκα δ᾽ εὔχετο πολλὰ Ποσειδάωνι ἄνακτι " χειρός. 


Cuar. VI.] MEANING OF δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον. 301 


“And, rolling over with the table, he fell staggering; and he poured 
the viands on the ground and the double-handled goblet (δέπας ἀμφι- 
κὐπελλον).᾿ ὃ 

By the above citations we have therefore proved, that in Homer a 
δέπας is identical with ἄλεισον and with δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον; 
further that δέπας is identical with ἄλεισον ἄμφωτον. Con- 
sequently ἄλεισον ἄμφωτον is also identical with δέπας ἀμφικύ- 
merrov. Now, aS ἄλεισον ἄμφωτον most undoubtedly means a 
double-handled goblet, δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον must just as undoubtedly 
mean ὦ double-handled goblet. I could multiply these examples, but I 
think them perfectly sufficient to do away with an absurd interpretation 
of an important Homeric text, and to make the false theory fall to the 
ground, that there could ever have existed in antiquity goblets with a cup 
at both ends, and thus identical in form with the vessels which are to the 
present day used in the streets of London for measuring a penny or half- 
penny worth of nuts. 

But who tells us that, by comparing the bees’ cells to the ἀμφικύπελλα, 
Aristotle had in view a vessel with a drinking cup at each end? He could 
only designate by ἀμφικύπελλον a thing so named, which had a real 
existence at his time. Now such a goblet with a cup at each end never 
occurs in any classical author; it has never yet been seen in sculptures 
or wall- or vase-paintings ; no specimen of it has ever been found; and 
consequently it can never have existed. Besides, Aristotle does not call 
the object of his comparison a δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον: he merely calls it an 
ἀμφικύπελλον. But what does a κύπελλον mean? In Homer and other 
poets it is certainly a goblet, but it also means a milk-vessel in Quintus 
Smyrnaeus ;* nay, Athenaeus® says that, according to Philetes, the Syra- 
cusans called the crumbs of bread, which remained on the table after 
meals, κύπελλα. I would therefore suggest that, just as now in the streets 
of London, so in the time of Aristotle hazel-nuts and other commodities 
were sold in the streets of Athens in wooden vessels in the shape of a bee- 
cell, which measured an obol’s or two obols’ worth of them, and that such a 
vessel was called ἀμφικύπελλον. Besides, in speaking of the shape of the 
Homeric δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, Athenaeus does not even state that Aristotle 
compares it to the bee’s cell, but he cites the opinion of Asclepiades of 
Myrlea, who says that ἀμφικύπελλον does not mean anything else than 
that the goblet is dudéxuptov.6 But the phrase which follows can leave 
no doubt that the latter word signifies “with two handles,” and this is 
confirmed by Passow’s Greek Lexicon (ed. Rost and Palm). In another 
passage (xi. 65) Athenaeus asks: “What does κύπελλον mean? Is it 
identical with ἄλεισον and δέπας, or is only its name different? Or was 
its type different, and not like that of the δέπας and the ἄλεισον ἀμφι- 
κύπελλον, but only curved? For from the curved shape (κυφότης) the 
κύπελλον as well as the ἀμφικύπελλον (have their names), either because, 


i Bee td es περιῤῥηδὴς δὲ τραπέζῃ yAdyos ἠδὲ καὶ οἰῶν. 
κάππεσε δινηθείς, ἀπὸ δ᾽ εἴδατα χεῦεν ἔραζε 5 xi: Go. 
καὶ δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον. 6 Athen. xi. 24: ἀμφικύπελλον δὲ λέγων 


4 Η a “ Coy a > x ¢ or 
Vi. 345: πλήθεϊ δ᾽ αὖτε κύπελλα Body αὐτό, οὐδὲν ἄλλο σημαίνει ἢ ὅτι ἦν ἀμφίκυρτον. 


302 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VI. 


being similar in shape to milk-pails, they were more narrow in the curve; 
or the ἀμφικύπελλα have their name, like the ἀμφίκυρτα, from their 
handles, because they are made of the same form. For the poet also 
mentions a golden ἄμῴφωτον. “Silenus says that the κύπελλα are 
ἐκπώματα, similar to the σκύφοι, as Nicander the Colophonian says, ‘ The 
swineherd distributed κύπελλα. Eumolpus says that the κύπελλα are 
a kind of ποτήριον, because they are curved. Simaristus says that the 
Cypriotes call the double-handled ποτήριον a κύπελλον ; the Cretans call 
the double-handled cup as well as that with four handles by the same 
name.” 7 I may here add that δέπας, from the root daz, is related to 
δεῖστνον, and is always the goblet of the wealthier class. 

The only cup discovered elsewhere, which shows any resemblance to 
the Trojan δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, was found at Vulci, and is represented 
in Mr. George Dennis’s famous work, The Cities and Cemeteries of Ktruria, 
p. exvili. No. 48. It has a pointed foot and two enormous handles, but 
the whole cup is not higher than the diameter of its mouth. From its 
resemblance to a woman’s breast, Mr. Dennis identifies it with the 
ancient goblet called mastos, a name given to it by the Paphians.* This 
name (μαστός) being Greek, there can be no doubt that goblets of this 
form existed in Greece also; but they were probably but little in use, 
for the above cup represented by Dennis appears to be unique.® 

The fanciful vase, No. 180, was found in the town-chief’s house in the 
third, the burnt city; but as fragments of similar vases—usually of a 
lustrous-black colour—are abundant also in the second city, I prefer 
representing it here. It is 25in. high, and has a convex bottom and two 
handles, besides two projections in the form of wings, at each side of which 
is a spival ornament in relief. The wing-lke projections are hollowed, 
and taper away to a point; they are, consequently, not adapted to be used 
as handles ; nay, they would break away if a full vase were lifted by them. 
Are they then mere ornaments, or are they meant to show the sacred 





7 Athenaeus, xi. 65: 
Κύπελλον. τοῦτο πότερόν ἐστι ταὐτὸν τῷ 
ἀλείσῳ καὶ τῷ δέπαϊ, ἢ ὀνόματι μόνον διαλ- 


/ \ 
ποτήριον Κυπρίους, τὸ δὲ δίωτον καὶ τετράωτον 
Κρῆτας. Φιλητᾶς δὲ Συρακουσίους κύπελλα 
καλεῖν τὰ τῆς μάζης καὶ τῶν ἄρτων ἐπὶ τῆς 


λάσσει; 
\ \ v / / - ’ A 
TOUS MEY ἄρα χρυσέοισι KUTEAAOLS Vies ᾿Αχαιῶν 
δειδέχατ᾽ ἄλλοθεν ἄλλος ἀνασταδόν. 
ἢ διάφορος ἦν ὃ τύπος, καὶ οὐχ ὥσπερ τὸ δέπας 
καὶ τὸ ἄλεισον ἀμφικύπελλον οὕτω δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, 
κυφὸν δὲ μόνον; ἀπὸ γὰρ τῆς κυφότητος τὸ 
κύπελλον ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ ἀμφικύπελλον ἢ ὅτι 
παραπλήσιον ἦν ταῖς πέλλαις, συνηγμένον μᾶλ- 
λον εἰς τὴν κυφότητα: ἢ ἀμφικύπελλα οἷον 
> , > a , \ a = 
ἀμφίκυρτα amd τῶν ὥτων. διὰ τὸ τοιαῦτα εἶναι 
τῇ κατασκευῇ. φησὶ γὰρ καὶ ὃ ποιητής “ χρύ- 
σεον ἄμφωτον.᾽ ᾿Αντίμαχος δ᾽ ἐν πέμπτῳ Θη- 
βαΐδος " 
ted 9 κα > / Ud 

πᾶσιν δ᾽ ἡγεμόνεσσιν ἐποιχόμενοι κήρυκες 

χρύσεα καλὰ κύπελλα τετυγμένα νωμήσαντο. 
Σειληνὸς δέ φησι “κύπελλα ἐκπώματα σκύφοις 
ὅμοια, ws καὶ Νίκανδρος 6 Κολοφώνιος " κύπελλα 
δ᾽ ἔνειμε συβώτης. Ἑὔμολπος δὲ ποτηρίου γένος 
ἀπὸ τοῦ κυφὸν εἶναι. Σιμάριστος δὲ τὸ δίωτον 


τραπέζης καταλείμματα. 

8 Apollod. Cyren. ap. Athen. xi. 74. 

5. Considering the relations, now well esta- 
blished, of the people of Palestine and Phoenicia 
with Asia Minor, it is very interesting to find, 
among the spoil taken by the Egyptian king 
Thutmes III. from Megiddo, “a great flagon with 
two handles, a work of the Khal, i.e. Phoenicians,” 
which reminds us of the silver vases named in 
fl. xxiii. 741-48 5 Od. iv. 615-19. This is named 
among objects of gold and silver; and, later on, 
among the spoils of Kadesh, the capital of those 
very Ixheta, or Hittites, whom we have already 
seen in connection with Troy, we find golden 
dishes and double-handled jugs, besides vessels ot 
gold and silver wrought in the land of Zahi, i.e. 
Phoenicia. (Brugsch, fist. of Egypt under the 
Pharaohs, vol, i. pp. 374, 379, 385, Engl. trans., 
2nd ed.) 


Cuar. VI] VASE-COVERS ; WHORLS; PLATES. 202 


character of the vase? On the top of it I have put the bell-shaped cover 
with a double handle in the form of a crown, which was found close by, 















iN 


<< ἡ" 

ate 
H i i ἢ] 
KG 


IN HANI Muay 
nin i i i iN 


᾿ ᾿ Ht ᾿ ἡ . 







i} ἢ Ν 
i 





hn i 


He 








No. 180, Large lustrous-black Vase, found in the Ruyal House. (About 1:8 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 


and may possibly have belonged to it. Similar vase-covers, always of a 
lustrous-black colour, occur in the second city, but they are rare here, as 
compared with the abundance of them found in the upper pre-historic 
cities, and particularly in the third or burnt city. 

There was, no doubt, in the second city a vast variety of other pottery, 
but I have not been able to collect more types than those I have repre- 
sented, because, owing to the immense superincumbent masses of stones, 
nearly all the pottery has been smashed to small fragments. 

Of terra-cotta whorls, I have been able to collect a good number in the 
debris of the second city, though they are far less abundant here than 
in the subsequent pre-historic cities. They are also much smaller than 
those of the first city, and their incised ornamentation is identical with 
that of the whorls in the upper cities; the only difference is, that all the 
whorls of the second city, like those of the first, are of a black colour. 

The shallow as well as the deep plates are here all wheel-made, and 
precisely of the same rude fabric as those of the third city (see Nos. 461— 
468, p. 408); the only difference being in the colour, which is here 
brownish, whereas it is light yellow in the following city. In fact, except 
a certain class of yellow pitchers, which are plentiful in the following 
cities, and of the same rude fabric as the plates, these plates, though 
wheel-made, are almost the rudest pottery found at Hissarlik. My friend 
Mr. Joseph Hampel, keeper of the collection of coins and antiquities of 
the Hungarian National Museum in Buda-Pesth, informs me that plates 


904 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VI, 


of an identical shape and fabric have been found frequently at Magyarad 
in Hungary. 

But there also occur in all the strata of the second city large quan- 
tities of fragments of hand-made lustrous-black deep plates; but, as has 
been said, none of them has here a trace of those horizontal tubular 
holes for suspension in the rim which characterize the bowls and plates 
of the first city. 

I never found a trace of columns in any one of the five pre-historic 
cities of Hissarlik; hence it is certain that no columns of stone existed 
there. Moreover, the word κίων never occurs in the dad, but only in the 
Odyssey, where columns of wood seem to be meant. In a house, at a depth 
of about 40 ft., I found a prettily-carved and very hard piece of limestone 





































































































































































































No, 181. Block of Limestone, with a socket, in which the pivot of a door 
may have turned. (About 1:7 actual size. Depth, 40 ft.) 


in the form of a crescent, with a round hole 1} in. deep in the centre of it, 
and I suppose that it may have been used as the support for the fold of a 
door; I represent it here under No, 181. 


CHAPTER VII. 
THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. 


I wave already shown that the site of the second city must have 
been deserted for a long time before it was again built upon. The new 
settlers began, as M. Burnouf remarks, “with levelling the débr’s upon 
the ruins of the Second City: they filled the cavities and ravines with 
stones and other material, in many places only with ashes or clay, inter- 
laid with clay cakes (galettes).” 

The great wall ¢ on the view No. 144, which their predecessors had 
built on the south side, did not appear strong enough to them, because it 
sloped at an angle of 45°, and could, consequently, be very easily scaled. 
They therefore built just before it, on the south side, the large wall 
marked ὃ on No. 144, which slopes to the south at an angle of 15° 
from the vertical line, whilst on the north side, where it faces the old 
wall 6, it was built up vertically. In this manner there was formed 
between the two walls a great triangular hollow, which was filled up 
with earth. My excavations in this hollow have proved that it is pure 
earth, without any intermixture of débris. But, like the wall c, this 
second wall b does not consist altogether of solid masonry. Two walls, 
each from 4 to 6 ft. thick, were erected, the one vertically at the foot of 
the sloping wall 6, the other at a distance of from 4 to 6 ft. to the south 
of the former, ascending on the south side at an angle of 75°, the space 
between the two walls being filled up with loose stones. In this way the 
outer wall, the southern face of which ascends at an angle of 75° with the 
horizon, or slopes at an angle of 15° from the vertical line, served as a sort 
of retaining wall for the loose stones, whose ponderous pressure it could 
probably not have sustained had it been built perpendicularly. - Both these 
walls consist of small stones joined with clay; they do not appear to con- 
tain a single wrought stone: but the flattest side of the stones having been 
put outside, the face of the wall presents a tolerably smooth appearance. 
_ The top of this wall was, like that of the wall ¢c, paved with larger stones ; 
and, the two walls ὁ and ὃ being of equal height, and the hollow between 
them being filled up with earth to a level with the surface of the coping 
of the walls, a flat terrace was obtained, 100 ft. long by 40 ft. wide on 
the east, and 23 ft. on the west side. I found this flat space covered 
to the height of from 7 to 10 ft. with ruins of buildings, of slightly-baked 
bricks, which, having been exposed to an intense heat in the great confla- 
gration by which this third city was destroyed, had been partly vitrified 
by means of the silica they contained. These bricks had suffered so much 
from the fire that they had decayed into formless masses, among which I 
rarely found entire bricks well preserved. The really enormous masses 

x 


506 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL. 
of pottery, saddle-querns of trachyte, whorls, &c., contained in these 
shapeless masses of bricks and red wood-ashes, can leave no doubt that 
they belonged to tower-like inhabited buildings, which served both as an 
ornament and as works of defence for the walls. 

As I have before stated, to these third settlers is also due all the 
masonry of small stones of a reddish colour, which we see on both sides of 
the entrance to the gate. The work of their predecessors, the people of 
the second city, can easily be recognized by the large blocks of white lime- 
stone with which they built, and which may be seen in the lower courses 
of the parapets on the view No. 144. As has been before explained, 
to the second settlers must also be attributed the pavement of the road, 
consisting of large flags of white limestone, whereas to the third settlers 
evidently belongs the superposed new pavement of large flags of a reddish 
colour, which visitors will easily discern on the whole of the lower part 
of the road; while on the upper part of it the reddish flags have crumbled 
away from contact with the air, as they had been exposed to an intense 
heat in the conflagration. The reddish flags of this second pavement 
rest upon the white flags of the whole road; there is no earth or débris 
between them. 

I have not been able to trace the handiwork of the third settlers in 
the building of the large wall, which continues from the gate in a north- 
westerly direction, and which is but a prolongation of the great internal 
wall, marked ¢ on No. 144, and a on the little sketch No. 145. But the 
shapeless crumbling masses of slightly-baked bricks, mixed with large 
quantities of wood-ashes and stones, with which both this wall and the 
gate were covered to a depth of 7 and 10 ft., testify to the vastness of the 
works of defence which had been erected here by the third settlers ; 
because they, and they alone of all the different pre-historic peoples who 
lived here, used bricks. The masses of objects found in these heaps of 
brick-débris in the gate, as well as on the wall which proceeds in a north- 
westerly direction from it, can leave no doubt that here, as well as on 
the great flat space formed by the walls b and δ on No. 144, were tower- 
like, densely-inhabited, works of defence. 

If, as there can be no doubt, the wall of large boulders on the north 
side (B, in the engraving No. 2, p. 24) belongs to the second city, then 
certainly the third city, which now occupies us, was on the east side much 
smaller than its predecessor, because its walls, which I have brought to 
light throughout their whole circuit, stop 230 ft. short of the wall of large 
boulders. To the south, on the contrary, it is somewhat larger, because, 
while the prolongation of the wall ὁ on No. 144 continues to the east, the 
prolongation of the wall b on the same plate continues at first in a south- 
easterly direction, where it forms the projection marked d, which was a 
buttress; it runs thence some distance to the east, and then bends at a 
sharp angle to the north-west.?, The prolongation of this wall consists of 
only a few courses of slabs, which have been laid on the débris of the 
second city. For this reason, and from the consequent weakness of the 


1 See Plan I. (of Troy). 2 See Plan I. (of Troy). 


Cuar. VIL] CLAY CAKES FOR FOUNDATIONS. 307 


stone wall, the brick walls by which it was surmounted were not built 
directly upon it. An agglomeration of clay cakes (galettes) was first laid 
on this wall to give it greater solidity, and on these clay cakes the brick 
walls were built. M. Burnouf, who studied this singular sort of construc- 
tion for a long time, has given me the following interesting details. on the 
subject :— 

“Clay Cakes (galettes).—Yellow clay is still employed to the present 
day in the villages of the Troad to form the coatings of the house-walls, 
and even the house-walls themselves. 

“The agglomeration of clay cakes (galettes) represented under No. 182 
may be seen on the large southern wall, at the angle of the trench in 


- grey and ΘΝ eee ee brown 


burn 
red grey and brown yellow 


yellow 


<sepua) yellow 


brown ἘΣ ΘΕΟΣ, 


No. 182, Different Layers of Clay Cakes on the great Southern Wall, at the angle of the Trench ΟΡΡοβι (6 the 
nine Jars. 


grey and brown 


ae yellow 


front of the nine jars.* It is surmounted by solid brickwork zn situ, which 
constituted part of the brick wall.* Above this remnant of brick wall are 
house-walls of the following city; they are inclined, and in a ruined 
condition ; above them is the Hellenic wall. The clay cakes (galettes) 
may be also seen to the west and east of this point. ‘They appear to have 
been used in the whole of the ancient stone wall, and to have belonged to 
the brick city. Has the legend of Apollo and Poseidon been applied to this 
construction with dried clay? There are also, indeed, clay cakes (galettes) 
in the first two cities, but they are there embedded in a dark-grey mass, 
and not employed, as they are here, as part of a general architectural 
system. ‘The jars (the nine on the south side and the three at the south- 
western angle of the city) rest on a soil of yellow or dark-grey or ash- 
coloured clay cakes (galettes). The same may be said of the houses of the 
unburnt part of the city, where we find yellow clay cakes (galettes) still at 
a depth of 3 metres (10 ft.) below the surface of the hill. Above these clay 
cakes there is a stratum of grey earth, which has been formed from the 
débris, and on this stratum the last houses were built. At the north-west 
angle of the great rampart wall, where the last treasure was found,’ there 
is also a mass of clay cakes (galettes) belonging to the wall, and this mass 
was much larger before the last excavation. 

“In the gate, at the northern projection (jambage), the clay ‘cakes are 
mixed with the stones; they are here made of yellow earth or of brown 
ashes, and they are covered by a burnt yellow stratum, which is derived 
from bricks. The mass of débris is composed of stones and ashes, which 
buried the gate in the conflagration, and have enlarged the city in that 
direction. 





* See Plan I. (of Troy), s. 5 About twenty yards to the north of the 
* See the engraving No. 183, which represents _ place marked A on Plan I. (of Troy). 
this corner, 


808 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL 


“The system of the clay cakes (galettes) has been applied on a large 
scale in the mound to the north-west, behind the quarter of the well below 
the Hellenic wall.° The clay cakes (galettes) are very large there, and 
sometimes 1 metre (9 ft. 4in.) long. At the eastern angle of this mound 
we again see these clay cakes of the common size. 

“We also see clay cakes on the top of the great brick wall’ of the city, 
at the north angle, where they served to obtain a solid basis for the 
houses which we see built upon them; we perceive the same system 
below the adjoining houses. But these houses, as well as the clay cakes 
on which they rest, belong to the following or fourth city. 

“We also see clay cakes below the little walls* to the east of and 
adjoining the gate. They are mixed with black ashes and fragments of 
burnt bricks. 

“Tn short, the clay cakes (galettes) appear to have been a system of 
building which was generally employed in the first three, and even 
in the first four, Trojan cities, but particularly in the Third City, 
in which they served for the large constructions.” 

M. Burnouf goes on to describe the remains of the brick walls of this 
third city ; his description is so clear and precise that visitors can have 
no difficulty in finding them out. 

“The Brick Walls.—No. 183 represents that portion of the brick wall 
which is in front of the nine jars (s on Plan I.), At a are sixteen courses 

of bricks, joined with a paste 

Sew hema made of crushed bricks. These 

‘ courses of bricks reach nearly 
up to the Hellenic wallc. They 
are inclined on the outside; the 
mass of clay cakes (galettes), B, 
on which they rest, is 1°70 m. 
(5 ft. 8 in.) thick; they are . 
separated from it by a course 
of limestone. The mass of 
clay cakes, B, rests on the 
large wall p, which is the 


a :..3 «ν- 
SS > ST) aS , Yj ; ΄ 
ὁ ἂν ᾿ a circuit wall of the citadel. 
" ᾿ Later on the city was enlarged 
" , 557772;))7,»;;}»;;;;;;η,ηἼῆ))7)7) Ὀγ the mounds of débris thrown 


outside the walls. πὸ marks 
one of these mounds of débris, 
which contains a layer of black ashes, n,m is the wall of a house which 
leans against the Hellenic wall c. 

“This brick wall continued in an easterly direction. We find it again, 
with its exterior coatings, in the ramp which M. Schliemann has left 
standing to the west of the quadrangular Hellenic structure.® Here also 








6 This Hellenic wall is marked z 0 on Plan I. (of 9. This ramp is distinctly indicated by the 
Troy); see also the engraving No. 186 (p. 311). —_ letter Ton Plan I., and by the letter R on Sec- 
_ 7 Marked ἢ on Sectional Plan IIT. tional Plan IV. 

8. In the place marked 0 on Plan I. 


Cuar. VIL] THE BLOCKS OF BRICK WALLS. 309 


the faces of this brick wall are inclined; the latter forming, at the 
angle of the citadel, a large solid mass of masonry, probably a tower or 
a buttress. 

“‘Tn the massive block of bricks at the north angle of the fortress, it 
may be discerned, first, that the courses of bricks are inclined to that side 
on which the conflagration was severest, namely, to the east; secondly, 
that the exterior coatings on the wall indicate its thickness and direction. 

“The first massive block of bricks on the north side.11—Instead of the 
stone wall we have here only one course of large flags, on which the brick 
wall rests. This course of flags passes below the first block of bricks, and 
penetrates below the second. It rests on a thin horizontal layer, formed 
of a more or less ashy earth and yellow clay. The surface of this wall is 
burnt. 

“On the stone wall or pavement is (1) a grey or black layer 6 to 
10 ctm. (2:4 to 4in.) deep, of burnt shells; (2) a layer 2 to 3 ctm. 
(8 to 1:2 in.) thick, of yellow-red brick matter; (3) the massive block of 
bricks (6, a, d, on the engraving No. 184). At the foot of the east front 
of the block of bricks, for a length of 1°50 m. (5 ft.) 1s a coating of a 
paste of crushed bricks, and of several very thin layers of fine earth, which 
are polished on the outer side. This coating is in situ, and inclined to the 
outside. It has sustained the action of an intense heat, whose black vapour 
(buée notre) has penetrated far into the wall. As the coating is at the foot 
of the massive block of bricks, and in an exact line with the course of large 
flags which constitutes its base, this latter was evidently the foundation of 
the brick construction. Above this brick construction is a layer of ashes 
mixed with the stones of subsequent houses, and 
remnants of house-walls* rise again on these ruins. 
Visitors will see this observation confirmed by 
examining the neighbouring houses, whose: stone 
walls rest on ashes, which are frequently consoli- 
dated by the system of clay cakes (galettes). 

“The north side presents a vertical white coat ae 
ing (6, in the engraving No. 184), similar to that WAIT 
Gumtheveact side. Like’the’ latter; 10.185. inclined Xo184-- The great brick Wall, 


and parallel to a third intermediate front, b. We to explain ti τ 
therefore recognize here two parallel walls of bricks, Seca ne eee tha 
the space between which is filled in with broken ΤῊΝ 
bricks. The whole rests on the course of large flags already mentioned. 
The front d is uncertain, as it has been demolished. 

“The proportions of the walls represented in the engraving No. 184 
are :— 

“ The first block of bricks :? from a to b, 1:17 τα. (3 ft. 1lin.); from ὃ 
to ¢, 93 ctm. (1 ft. 9 in.); from ὁ to d, 1°37 m. (4 ft. 6 8 in.). 

“ The second massive block of bricks.—The course of large flags continues 
to serve as the base of the wall. The aforesaid coating of a paste of 





1° Marked Ἢ on Plan III. (Section X-Y). ? Marked T on Plan III. (Section X-Y). 
1 Marked on Plan III.; also represented by 2 The three blocks of bricks are marked H on 


the engraving No. 184. Plan ILI. (Section X-Y). 


310 THE (THIRD; THE BURNT. OLY: [Cuap. VII. 


erushed bricks continues here on the east front of the wall; as does also 
the filling up of the interval between the two walls with crushed bricks. 
Also the above-mentioned white coating c, as well as the wall ¢ d, whose 
front d is demolished, continues here. We likewise see here on the top of 
the brick construction the same layer of ashes mixed with the stones of 
subsequent houses, and on these again remnants of later house-walls.? 

“The third massive block of bricks.—We see here the continuation of the 
coated front a, against which lean ashes which have fallen from above. 
Behind the coating we perceive the continued action of the black vapour 
(buée notre) of the intense heat which has penetrated far into the wall. We 
see the continuation of the fronts b and ὁ, between which the space is filled 
with débris. The mark of the black vapour (buée noire) below this filling 
seems to prove that the interval between the two walls was empty before 
the’ conflagration, and that it served as a passage. The wall ¢ d continues. 
The front ὦ does not exist in the massive block ; it appears to have been 
defaced by time, for on this side the bricks are shapeless. Outside we see 
ashes, fragments of pottery, shells, fragments of bricks, &c., accumulated 
against the front a. 

“Having excavated between the second and third massive blocks 
of bricks, I have found, on the regular level, the course of flags on which 
the brick wall rests; further, the filled-up interior passage and the 
coatings of the fronts. 

“ Important remark.—The east coating, which is marked a, is alone | 
burnt; it is, in fact, vitrified, and has behind it the marks of the very 
dark black vapour ‘(buée notre), which has penetrated to a great depth 
between the courses of bricks. On the other hand, the coatings 6 and ὁ 
have not been touched by the fire. Besides, the matter which fills the 
passage contains fragments of bricks, pottery, stones, bones, shells, &c.,— 
all débiis of the Trojan stratum. 

“Tf from the first massive block of bricks we look across the great 
northern trench on the other part of the town, we clearly discern the 
level of the buildings. It is marked by a black layer, which descends 
like black vapour (buée noire). Above it we perceive a yellow stratum of 
matter burnt by a white heat; then a grey stratum, upon which are built 
the houses of the following city. Close to the gate we see the ruins of 
houses founded on a single layer of stones; in this way the large house * 
close to the entry of the citadel has partly been built. 

“The site of the city was raised on an average 2 to 3 m. (6 ft. 8in. to 
10 ft.) by the conflagration ; it was also considerably enlarged in all direc- 
tions by the enormous masses of ruins and débris thrown down from the 
walls. What remained of the brick walls and the houses was buried in the 
new soil, which was composed for the most part of ashes and bricks, and of 
objects broken or defaced by the fire. This new soil is often consolidated 
by clay cakes (galettes), or by a judicious employment of the materials 
which lay on the surface. On it was built the Fourth City. I call the par- 
ticular attention of visitors to the enormous mass of débris of the third, the 


3 Marked τ on Plan III, (Section X-Y). See engraving No. 188, p. 325. 


Cuar. VIL] REMAINS OF GREAT WALLS. 311 


burnt city, thrown from within into and before the gate. This débris con- 
sists for the most part of ashes and calcined stones from the neighbouring 
houses. This mass of burnt débris covered the gate, and increased the 
city considerably to the south. 














, . B 
On this accumulation the new — — 
: ᾿ On — qe 
settlers built, to the right __ vers ashes and grey earth το 
and left from the points a and ἐπ πῆ ττ 
No. 185), houses the walls <shes— and ΤΙΙ ΤΊ «ΜΠ 
ἣ ( = Ἶ ν᾿ brown ashes 
of which may still be seen LLL ddd ede. 
in the massive block of débris Pavement of the Gate 
in front of the gate.” The No. 185. Débris of the Burnt City at the Gate. 


form of the strata of débris 
before the gate shows a depression, which goes far to prove that the 
inhabitants of the fourth city continued to go in and out by the very 
same road. But this is not at all surprising, because the roads to the 
country commenced and ended at this point.” 

The engraving No. 186 represents the north-west angle of the great 
wall built by the second settlers, and which continued to be used by the 





; ΓΞ 
ree Rr | Ἑ 
, se ": ἘΠῚ es 
hes Ga = S Εἰ Ξ 
es “fd ff Ἵ = + 
My ; AS ges τ: 
ty 7, GY, 2 IY NL = So 
Le Wa Vs 72 YZ 75 KES of the eucavatlon 


2—-_-—_- —- eH 
No. 186. Walls and accumulation of débris, N.W. angle. 


inhabitants of the third, the burnt city, as the substruction for their brick 
work of defence. The reader will be astonished to see in this wall a 
passage’ filled with clay cakes, which could have no other object than to 
consolidate it. To the left of the wall are slanting layers of débris, which 
descend at an angle of exactly 45°, and of which a small portion close to 
the wall contains fragments of pottery peculiar to the second city, and 
must, consequently, belong to it. Then follow the slanting strata of 
débris of the third, the burnt city, which visitors recognize at a glance by | 
their calcined condition. All these layers of débris are very compact, and 
almost as hard ag limestone. The great Hellenic wall, which we see 
to the left, could therefore be erected upon them without any foundations. 
To the left of the Hellenic wall are masses of light débris intermixed with 
fragments of pottery of the Roman period. | 


* This massive block of débris is marked F on Plan I.; see also Plan IV., Section Z’-Z’. 


312 


THE “THIRD, “EEE “BURNT Sorry. 


[Caap, VIL. 


From this north-west angle the great wall of the second city proceeds 
prolongation may be followed up as far 


oUF FSO 





ἊΝ 
SS 


RX 





FQ CX 


ῬΡῸ 





25. métres, 


15 20 


10 


Section of the remnants of the brick wall of the Third City, from north-west to south-east, 


No. 187. 


in an easterly direction; its 


following the exterior line of the Great Wall. 


The massive 
The point 6, which 


The numbers indicate in metres the height of the horizontal lines above and below A, Β. 
mounds a, ὃ, ¢, are entirely or partly formed of bricks im situ, which rest on the basement A, B, and which have belonged to the wall of Troy. 
In the space p the debris and the pavement have been taken away 


is identical with the letter H of Plan III., marks the surface of the hill before the excavation. 


A, B, upper level of the old stone wall below the bricks. 
during the excavations. 


struct their brick wall for a short 
of flags? 


as my great northern trench, 
beyond which it appears again, 
The third settlers, the inhabit- 
ants of the burnt city, used it 
only as a substruction for their 
brick fortifications as far as the 
first massive blocks of bricks, to 
the left in entering the great 
trench from the north side.® 
Whilst the great wall of the 
second city continues in the same 
direction eastward, the brick wall 
of the third, the burnt city, ran 
from this point in a south-east- 
erly direction, as represented by 
the accompanying Section No. 187 
and the Plan I. (of Troy). It 
must, however, be distinctly 
understood that for some distance 
from the block a on No. 187 the 
brick wall rested only on a single 
course of large unwrought flags 
of limestone. <A little further on 
(probably already before the block 
marked ἃ on the same Section), 
the great substruction wall of 
stones, which I have brought to 
light from the point B to the 
point p, where it was accidentally 
demolished, begins again. It may 
be seen peeping out of the ruins 
a few yards beyond the point a 
in the direction of B, but I 
suppose it must begin again a 
few yards from α, in the direc- 
tion towards A. 

It appears strange indeed 
that this great substruction wall 
should be missing for a short 
distance. Can the inhabitants 
have been forced by the approach 
of an enemy to hurry the build- 
ing of the wall, so as to con- 


distance merely on a single course 





6 See the engraving No. 184. The block is marked Ἡ on Plan III. (Section X-Y). 


ΞἼ 


Cuar. VII] EFFECTS OF THE CONFLAGRATION. 313 


As will be seen by the Plan I. (of Troy), this Third City was of tri- 
angular form. Its south-east corner alone has not been reached by the 
flames, but all the rest has been burnt. M. Burnouf remarks, that “during 
the conflagration the wind must have driven the flames from the south- 
west (that is, from the direction of the gate) to the north-east, because 
nearly all the treasures were found on the south-west side. In that part 
of the city which lies towards the middle of the eastern wall, was one of 
the great centres of the conflagration. In the débris of this centre we see, 
one above the other, (1) the black vapour (buée noire), which has deeply 
impregnated the soil; a heap of débris, which has been exposed to an 
intense heat, and which, in falling, has broken some large jars into frag- 
ments; a layer of ashes mixed with stones, bones, burnt shells, &c.: 
(2) a second time the marks of the black vapour (buée novre), with a series 
of beams; then a second layer of débris, reduced by -an intense heat; 
ashes; a black line; finally, brick earth which has been exposed to an 
intense heat, and on the top earth which also shows the action of fire. All 
these débris together are 4 metres (13 ft.) deep; the house from which 
they are derived must have been two, perhaps three, storeys high: it was 
sustained on the south side by a wall 1 metre (8 ft. 41n.) thick.” 

The ground-floors of the houses consist generally of clay laid on a bed 
of débris, and in this case they are nearly always vitrified and form a 
porous mass with a lustrous green glassy surface, but sometimes the clay 
is laid on large horizontal flags, and in this case they have exactly the 
appearance of asphalt floors. In the former case they are generally 
0:40 in. to 0 00 1η., in the latter 0°35in., thick. In many cases the 
heat has not been intense enough to vitrify more than the surface of the 
ground-floors, and in this case the rest resembles pumice-stone in appear- 
ance and hardness. 

For a very long distance on the north side there was, at a depth of 
from 26 to 30 ft., a sort of vitrified sheet, which was only interrupted by 
the house-walls, or by places where the clay had been laid on flags. All the 
floors of the upper storeys, and even the terraces on the top of the houses, 
consisted of beams, laid close together and covered with a similar thick 
layer of clay, which filled all the interstices between the beams, and was 
made to present a smooth surface. This clay seems to have been more or 
less fused in the great catastrophe by the burning of the beams, and 
to have run down; in fact, only in this manner can we explain the 
presence of the enormous mass of vitrified lumps in the ruins, which 
are either shapeless or of a conical form, and often from 5 to 6 in. thick. 
My lamented friend, the late Staff-surgeon Dr. Edward Moss, who, as 
before mentioned, when on board H.M.S. Research in Besika Bay, fre- 
quently visited my excavations in October and November 1878, maintained 
that these vitrified floors had been produced by the action of intense heat 
on the surface of the underlying clay, the straw in the latter supply- 
ing the silica for the formation -of an alumina glass. He informed me 
further that he exposed to a white heat a fragment of this clay, and even 
some of the fragments of the very coarsest pottery, and that they vitrified 
at the corners. But it still remains unexplained, why the clay floors 


914 THE ‘THIRD, THE BURNT selrTy. [Cuar. VII, 


laid on the large flags should in no instance have been vitrified. Τ 
presume that their asphalt-like appearance is merely due to the black 
vapour (bude notre) by which they are impregnated. The action of the fire 
upon them has been so great that even the flags below them bear the 
marks of the intense heat to which they have been exposed; but still 
the clay is black throughout, and neither baked nor vitrified. Like the 
present village houses of the Troad, the Trojan houses must have had a 
very thick terrace of clay to protect them against the rain, and all this clay 
has contributed largely to produce the enormous accumulation of débris. 

According to M. Burnouf’s measurement, the ordinary dimensions of 
the bricks of this third city are 52 ctm. x 48 x 133 (20°8in. x 17:2 x 
5°4). The cement with which the bricks are joined is made of brick 
matter, probably of crushed bricks and water, and is generally from 
0.4 1η. to 2 in. thick. The bricks are invariably mixed with straw, 
but they show different degrees of baking: some appear to have been 
merely dried in the sun and not to have been baked at all; others are 
slightly baked; others, of a reddish colour, are more thoroughly baked. 
M. Burnouf even found some bricks in the interior of the great wall 
which had been over-baked, for they are vitrified on the surface without 
having been exposed to the intense heat of the conflagration. But it 
must be distinctly understood that, as there were no kilns, the bricks 
were baked in an open fire, and hence none of them have either the 
appearance or the solidity of the worst of our present bricks. All the 
bricks which have been exposed to the intense heat of the conflagration 
are, of course, thoroughly baked, or rather thoroughly burnt, for they 
have lost their solidity by their exposure to the intense heat. 

“The architecture of the houses of this third city is,” as Virchow’ 
observes, “exactly the prototype of that architecture which is still in use 
in the villages of the Troad. If we ride through such a village and enter 
one or more of the houses, we get a series of views which correspond with 
what we see in the ancient city. But this is not surprising, for it must 
be considered, in the first place, that, owing to its insalubrity, the Plain 
of Troy could never be the field of a great colonization. There are neither 
important remains of ancient settlements, nor are the few places now 
inhabited of any significance. On the contrary, they are poor little 
villages with wide lands attached. The few inhabitants have evidently 
also contributed but little to introduce a new culture. They have almost 
no connection with abroad ; roads, in the modern sense of the word, do not 
exist, and probably never have existed, in the Plain of Troy. This fact 
agrees with the peculiarities of the soil, which nearly everywhere engenders 
malaria. But just in proportion as a richer colonization, a more perfect 
agriculture, and in general a greater development of the higher arts of 
peace, are rendered difficult by the soil, in the same proportion have the 
inhabitants, though they are no nomads, always preferred the occupation 
of the herdsman. This is the second circumstance which expiains the 





7 See his Lecture to the Anthropological Congress at Strassburg, Aug. 13, 1879, and his 
Beitriiye zur Landeskunde der Troas; Berlin, 1879. 


Guar. VIL] VIRCHOW ON THE HOUSES OF THE TROAD. 315 


continuance of primeval habits. Herdsmen have slighter pretensions to 
domestic settlement than agriculturists and artisans. They live much 
in the open air; the house is of secondary interest to them. . The herds 
of the Trojans consist, to the present day, just as Homer described them, 
of a multitude of horses, sheep, and goats. Horned cattle, and especially 
hogs, are out of all proportion rarer. But horses are still bred in such 
multitudes, that the Homeric description of the wealth of king Erich- 
thonius, who had 3000 mares, is still applicable to certain regions. There 
are probably in the Troad more horses than men; it is, consequently, 
never difficult to get a horse. 

“Under such circumstances, and as if it were an expression of the 
conservative disposition of the population, the ancient architecture has been 
preserved. On the levelled soil the house-walls of unwrought quarry- 
stones are generally built up to a little more than a man’s height. These 
walls enclose store-rooms which are used as cellars, as well as stables for 
domestic animals. Sheep and goats are not housed in such stables; for 
the winter and very bad weather there are half-open shanties or sheds, 
under which they are driven. Even camels remain in the open air; they 
may be seen lying in large troops in the night in the courtyards or in 
the streets, and on the public places, always with those wooden fastenings 
on the back, on which saddle and luggage are put. Stables are, therefore, 
only kept for horses and cows, as well as sometimes for hogs. 

“Above this stone ground-floor is raised the storey containing the 
habitation, the bel étage proper. Its walls consist, as they consisted of 
old, of clay bricks, which far exceed in size those we are accustomed 
to see. They are large quadrangular plates, sometimes a foot in length 
and breadth, and from 3 to 4in. thick; commonly but shghtly baked, or 
dried in the sun. The clay of which they are made has been previously, 
and often very abundantly, kneaded with the cuttings of straw, which are 
obtained by the mode of threshing in use here. The clay is taken just 
as the heavy land offers it; the dirt of the street, so abundant in wet 
weather, is used as cement. The substance of both bricks and cement 
is, therefore, not very different; but the one may easily be distinguished 
from the other by the mixture of the straw cuttings with the clay bricks. 
These latter receive from it a lighter colour, whilst the cementing dirt 
exhibits a darker grey or bluish colour and a more equal quality. 

“The enclosing walls of the courts and gardens are made in a like 
manner. Sometimes they consist of stones, and in that case they often 
contain fragments of ancient house or temple buildings, blocks of marble, 
sometimes still bearing inscriptions. But most frequently they also 
are made of clay bricks; the top of the walls is protected by a cover, 
generally of a vegetable nature. On the shore sea-weed is employed; in 
the neighbourhood of the forest, the bark of trees; elsewhere, reeds and 
shrubs. These court and garden walls are commonly joined to the house- 
walls. As they are nearly always of much more than a man’s height, 
the whole presents the character of a small fortress. 

“Clay walls are, of course, much exposed to destruction. F ortunately, 
on the whole, it doés not rain much -in the Troad. For comparatively 


316 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuapr. VIL. 


a long time there is dry weather, the effect of which, however, is in some 
degree compensated by the very constant sea-winds. Strictly speaking, 
there is scarcely a single wind in the Troad which is not a sea-wind; 
almost all winds are wet, which circumstance makes the climate, even in 
the hot days, very agreeable. The prevalent dry weather preserves the 
clay walls of the houses. They are, besides, protected by the wide 
projecting roof, as well as by the galleries which are built all round 
the bel étage, and particularly on the west side. 

“This mode of building explains two things: there is no need for 
direct access to the ground-floor; people descend into it from above, as 
into an underground cellar. For this reason very commonly the stone 
walls run on without interruption, having no other entrance than the 
yard-gate. The access to the habitation is by a staircase, which leads at 
once into the house, and onto the universal verandah or terrace, which is 
raised upon the stone wall at the level of the bel étage: it is the place 
where part of the household work is done, and where the inmates remain 
in the cooler time of the day. 

“Owing to the neglected condition of the country, one has not seldom 
the opportunity of seeing such houses in decay; in fact, modern ruins, 
Of this I saw the most striking example in Yerkassi Kioi, situated just 
opposite to Hissarlik on the western side of the plain, which always 
lay before our eyes as the dominating point of the landscape. There 
is a large old castle there. I was told that it had been built by an 
Armenian; but, though it had been arranged like a fortress, he had 
nevertheless thought it advisable to withdraw from the unsafe country. 
So the property had passed over for a trifle into the hands of the 
Turkish Government. At present it is managed as a farm on_ behalf 
of the Minister of War, or rather the chief of artillery, and partly by 
soldiers. The consequence is that, for the most part, the houses have 
been abandoned and fallen into ruins. Here, therefore, was an excellent 
object. of comparison with Hissarlik. 

“When it rains in the Troad, it pours in torrents. When the roof 
of a house is destroyed, the rain gradually washes down the clay 
bricks, and finally there remains nothing standing but the stone wall, 
which ultimately also begins to collapse. The ruins of Yerkassi 
Kioi, therefore, presented exactly the appearance of the excavations at 
Hissarlik. 

“In the house of the king the stone walls are proportionally high 
and more carefully joined, but they also consist of unwrought irregular 
quarry-stones. This material is evidently not fetched from a distance. 
The whole ridge, on the last spur of which Hissarlik lies, consists of 
tertiary and principally fresh-water limestone, which forms horizontal 
strata. These can easily be broken into large fragments; and such frag- 
ments, as rude as when they come from the quarry, are used in the walls 
of the ancient cities of Hissarlik. Only the stones which were required 
for particularly important points, such as corner-stones, have been in 
some places a little wrought. For the rest, there is no trace of a regular 
manipulation, or of the working of smooth surfaces, on any of these 


~~ 


Cuar. VII.J TROJAN HOUSES AND CELLARS. 917 


stones. Eyerywhere the same rude form appears, just as it is used 
at the present day by the inhabitants of the Troad. 

Many of the house-walls form enclosed squares without any entrance ; 
others have a door. The former were, therefore, evidently stores, into 
which access was only possible from above; that is, from the house. 
In these more or less cellar-like recesses are the jars, which are often 
so large that a man can stand upright in them without being seen, 
and which are often ranged in rows of 4 or 6 in one cellar. Many of 
them have been destroyed by the falling of the houses or by the fire, 
and only a few have been preserved intact. In a few instances only 
these jars were found partly filled with burnt grain; but there can be 
no doubt that all of them served for the preservation of food, wine, or 
water. Those lower recesses must, therefore, be considered as store- 
rooms, in which the inmates of the houses put all they needed for 
their sustenance. ‘The habitation proper was evidently on the bel étage, 
and, therefore, in rooms whose walls consisted essentially of bricks. But 
one thing remained for some time unintelligible to me. In several places 
we found in the walls large quadrangular or cubical hollow places, which 
contained large masses of burnt matter, particularly calcined vegetables. 
The enigma was solved when I saw the internal arrangement of the 
present houses, in which the fireside is still established in a niche of the 
house-walls. There can, consequently, be no doubt that the firesides were 
arranged in the same manner in the third or burnt city of Ilium. 

“But, in many places, parts of the clay brick walls form shapeless 
masses. This has been produced in a twofold manner. One part has 
been exposed to the conflagration, and has been changed by it in very 
different degrees. We see there all the transitions from the common 
effects of fire to complete combustion. Most frequently the clay masses 
have been fused to a glassy flux. In proportion to the vehemence of 
the heat, the fusion has penetrated to various depths. or the most part, 
the clay bricks have only externally a sort of surface glaze, but sometimes 
the interior is also vitrified, or has even become a sort of pumice-stone, 
like sponge, full of blisters. Finally, in many places there has occurred 
only that little change which is produced by the baking of our bricks. 
These burnt masses have a great extent. It is in the highest degree 
surprising to see what piles of them lie one upon the other. It must 
have been a fearful conflagration which has destroyed nearly the whole 
city. 

“The other kind of change which the bricks have undergone has been 
their disintegration, such as I saw in its first stage at Yerkassi Kioi. 
When the roofs had fallen in or had been burnt, and when the masonry 
had been freely exposed to the influences of the atmosphere, the clay 
bricks of the walls were gradually softened, disintegrated, and dissolved, 
and from them has been essentially formed the greater part of the 
unstratified masses of earth, which, to the wonder of all who see them, 
have in some places accumulated to enormous masses, and have pushed 
themselves in between the remnants of the buildings. 

“In all the strata of ruins and débris of Hissarlik there is found a 


318 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. ὙΠ. 


large mass of remnants of food. Some of these are better, others worse 
preserved. The best preserved of all are the Conchylia. I have made, ag 
far as possible, a complete collection of all the species which occur, and 
M. von Martens has had the kindness to identify them.’ A glance at this 
collection suffices to show that the Trojans were very dainty. There are 
oysters and sea-mussels, especially oysters in such masses that whole 
strata consist almost exclusively of them. This cannot astonish us. We 
must consider what a quantity of oysters is required to satisfy one’s 
hunger at a meal. Such Conchylia are found already in the débris of the 
first city. I even collected some specimens near the virgin soil. The 
Conchylia which were eaten here in antiquity are, however, generally the 
same as those which are still eaten on the shores of the Hellespont, and 
which we. had frequently on our table. Thus Cardium especially is much 
eaten raw; on the banks of the Kalifatli Asmak I have seen at different 
places whole heaps of empty shells. They are also very plentiful in the 
third or burnt city, and, like the oyster-shells, they are for the most part 
blackened by the fire. I seldom found closed shells. At all events, the 
Cardium-shells form by far the greatest part of these kitchen remains. 
But in general the oysters preponderate in the strata of all the pre- 
historic cities here. It is different with the fancy shells. Apart from 
certain ornamental shells, like Columbella, Trochus, and Pectunculus, 
whose shells are perforated at the lock, like the shells in certain South 
European caverns, the purple fish deserves particular mention. This 
occurs more particularly in the highest stratum below the wall of Lysi- 
machus, at a time when the painted potiery was in fashion. At one place 
I found a whole layer formed exclusively of cut or crushed murex-shells. 
Otherwise they occurred but seldom, and always mixed up with other débris. 
Remains of fish are likewise extraordinarily abundant. Accumulations 
of fish-scales and small fish-bones, vertebree, &c., particularly of Percoidae, 
formed sometimes whole layers a hand high. I found less frequently 
vertebre of very large tunny-fish and sharks. J was much surprised at 
seeing that remains of tortoises were altogether missing. This animal 
(according to Mr. Peters, Testudo marginata, Schopf) is so plentiful in 
the Troad, that one can hardly take a step in the country without seeing 
it. On the banks of the rivers, in the rivers themselves, on the fields 
and heaths, it can be seen in large numbers, particularly when the sun - 
shines; and when it is pairing time, there are most ridiculous scenes, 
particularly among rivals. But just as the present Trojan never thinks 
of eating tortoises or of using their shell, so was it with his predecessors 
in ancient times. 

“The bones of higher vertebrate animals are more abundant in the 
ruins of Hissarlik. Of birds there are but few. Though I carefully 
collected every bird’s bone that I met with, yet I could not obtain many. 
Mr. Giebel, of Halle, who has kindly identified them, recognized bones of 
Cygnus olor, Anser cinereus, and A. segetum, as well as of a small kind of 
Falco or Circus. These are all wild birds. I endeavoured in vain to find 





8 Sce in pp. 114-116 the names of all the species which have been collected by Prof. Virchow. 


Cuar, VIL] RELICS OF FOOD IN THE HOUSES. 319 


a bone of a domestic bird, especially of a domestic fowl. I believed 
I could the more certainly hope to find such, as I saw in Mr. Calvert’s 
possession at Thymbra (Batak), among the objects collected at the 
Hanai Tepeh, an egg, which I held to be a hen’s egg. At all events, 
I found nothing of the kind at Hissarlik. It, therefore, appears that 
the domestic fowl was not used there. 

“Tn moderate, quantities, but in all the strata, occurred bones of 
domesticated mammalia; but not by any means in such large quantities 
that the inhabitants of the ancient cities could be credited with being 
essentially meat-eaters. Nevertheless, there could be gathered a supply 
of bones large enough to give specimens of them to all the museums of 
Europe. But as the greater part of these bones were crushed, and as it 
was not my principal object to make osteological investigations, I have 
brought away with me only a small number of bones that can be dis- 
tinctly identified, especially jaw-bones. From these it can be recognized 
that the domestic animals chiefly represented here are the sheep and 
the goat, and next to them horned cattle. Of pigs, horses, and dogs I 
only found traces now and then. From this it is evident that, the cat 
excepted, all the essentially domestic animals existed, but that—as is still 
the case in the Hast, and even in Greece—oxen were only slaughtered 
exceptionally, and therefore that the meat which served for food was by 
preference taken from sheep or goats. I do not, of course, maintain that 
horses or dogs were eaten: their presence within the old ruins only 
shows that the inhabitants did not take the trouble to throw the carcases 
out of the city. 

“Of wild mammalia, I found bones of stags and hares. Horns of 
fallow-deer and boar-tusks have been collected in large numbers. 
Generally speaking, the study of the animal matter which I collected in 
the strata of Hissarlik proves the stability of the Trojan manner of 
life with reference to the culture of husbandry. To the present day, 
as has been already stated, herds of sheep and goats, next to those of 
horses and horned cattle, form the chief wealth of the Trojans. Camels 
and buffaloes were probably introduced at a later period; but they are 
still possessed only by the more wealthy, whilst the common peasant does 
without them. 

“From the bones were made quantities of small instruments, especially 
Scrapers, awls, and needles. But their forms are so trivial, that they 
might belong with equal right to any pre-historic settlement. Nothing 
could be more easy than to pick out from the ruins of these ancient 
cities a collection of bone and stone instruments, which, if they were 
found alone, would suffice to allot to these strata a place among the 
beginnings of civilization. 

“But the vegetable food found along with them, and that in a sur- 
prising quantity, proves to us that even the most ancient layers belong to 
a settled, that is, an agricultural population. Especially in the third, the 
burnt city, there are found in some places very large quantities of burnt 
grain, whole coherent layers, partly in their original position, but fre- 
quently in such a manner as to make it evident that, in the breaking 


/ 


320 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII, 


down of the buildings, the grain fell from higher places into lower. Thus, 
the bottom of some of the holes, resembling fireplaces, was especially 
covered with large layers of carbonized grain. Among this grain the 
most abundant is wheat, of which very large quantities could have been 
gathered. The grains of it are so small that it comes very near to 
rye.” Much more rarely, but in several places at some distance from each 
other, I found in the burnt city, in small quantities, but also in heaps, a 
leguminous plant, whose calcined, roundish, angular grains reminded me 
somewhat of pease. But Dr. Wittmack has determined them to belong 
to the bitter vetch (Hrvum Ervilia, L.). Hence may be decided the old 
question of the signification of the word ἐρέβινθος. Manifestly the first 
two syllables correspond to Ervum. Certainly the words Hrbse (‘ pease’) 
and ὄροβος (‘ chick pease’)! belong to the same family of languages, but 
at an early epoch a certain distinction had been established in their 
employment, and the pease proper ought to be excluded from the ancient 


Trojan agriculture.” 





® Dr. Wittmack (Monatsschrift des Vereins 
zur Leforderung des Gartenbaucs in den Konigl. 
preussischen Staaten, October 1879) has exa- 
mined this wheat and recognized in it a parti- 
cular variety, which he calls “ Triticum durum, 
var. trojanum.” 

10 Victor Hehn, Aulturpflanzen und Hausthiere 
in threm Uebergang aus Asien nach Griechenland 
und Italien, sowie in das tibrige Europa; Berlin, 
1874, p. 187. 

11 In the Appendix to his Beitriige zur Landes- 
kunde der Troas Prof. Virchow proves, however, 
that pease (Hrbsen) really existed at Troy. I 
give here a literal translation of the whole Ap- 
pendix, as it contains a great deal of interesting 
information :— 

‘Somewhat late there has arrived here a parcel 
of seeds from the Troad, which I had ordered in 
order to compare them with the carbonized 
seeds of the burnt city at Hissarlik. Dr. Witt- 
mack has had the kindness to determine them. 
I add here a specification of them. 

“1. Ereum Ervilia L., Ervilie, lentil-vetch. 

“2. Dolichos melanophthalmus D. C., black- 
eyed long bean. 

“3. Phaseolus vulgaris albus Haberle, common 
white bean, of various sizes, mixed with some 
Ph. vulg. glaucoides Alef. (Ph. ellipticus ame- 
thystinus, v. Mart.), some Ph. vulg. ochraceus 
Savi, and one PA. vulg. Pardus carneus, v. Mart. 
(light-coloured panther-bean). (Transitions fre- 
quently occur with beans.) 

“4, Vicia Faba L., hog’s bean, for the most 
part very large. 

“5, Cicer arietinum L., album Alef., chick- 
pea, white. 

“6. Lathyrus sativus L., chickling-vetch ; 
white, with more or less rust-coloured dapples 
(in German, Schecken), which proceed from the 
navel, and cover, in some cases, the whole seed- 
corn. It thus shows the transition from JL. sat. 
albus Alef. to Z. sat. coloratus Alef.; but the 


rust-brown dapples (in German, Schattirung) 
are also frequent on pure L. sat. albus. 

“7, Avena orientalis ?, flava, Kérnicke, brown- 
yellow oats. Mixed with this: 1, barley; 2, 
rye; 3, Lolium temulentum L.; 4, one single 
very small wheat-grain, of Zriticum sativum 
L.; 5, one single larger (eviscerated) grain of 
Tr. durum Dest.; 6, a grain of Bromus 
secalinus L.?; 7, a fruit of Alopecurus; 8, a 
fruit of Anchusa sp., belonging to the section 
Buglossum — perhaps A. Jtalica Retz, perhaps 
A. Barrelieri Ὁ. C., the granulation of the 
little nut being missing; 9, a fruit of Alsi- 
nearum 50. 

“8. Sorghum vulgare, Pers. Durrha, millet 
of Mauritania, white (Andropojon Sorghum 
album, Alefeld). 

“9, Yellow maize (Indian corn), with 14 
lines or rows, Zea Mays autumnalis Alef.; 
clubs 243 centimétres (nearly 10 in.) long; 
below the rows are irregular, and the diameter 
is there 6 centimetres (2;5 in.), above 3°7 centi- 
métres (nearly 1$ in.); grains for the most 
part very regular, somewhat flatly pressed. 

“10. Red maize, with 14 lines or rows, Zea 
Mays rubra Bonaf.: clubs shorter than the, 
former, 153 centimétres (6! in.) long; the upper 
end for 13 centimétres (3 in.) naked ; diameter, 
below 5°35 centimétres (2}4in.), above 9:1 
centimétres (134 in.). 

“11. Gossypium herbaceum L., cotton. 

“12.. Hordeum vulgare L., genuinum Alef., 
barley, with 4 lines. With it: 1, the above- 
mentioned oats (No. 7) in some grains ; 2, 
Sinapis arvensis L., Ackersenf; 3. Triticum 
durum, a grain; 4, Coronilla sp.; 5, several 
other weed-seeds (three grains). 

“Among these seeds the pease as well as the 
vetch are missing. On the other hand, the Lrvilia 
is represented, which was also found in the burnt 
city. The probability that ἐρέβινθος is to be 
interpreted as ‘ pease’ would be somewhat 


THE PEOPLE WERE AGRICULTURAL. 391 


Cuap. VIE] 


“The very poetical passage in the Ilad,’ in which ἐρέβινθοι are men- 
tioned, in a metaphor taken from the process of fanning, names both this 
vegetable and the bean : ‘As from a broad fan on a large thresking-floor 
black-skinned beans or pease leap forth, driven by a shrill wind and 
by the winnower’s power.’ The ‘black-skinned’ bean is the hog’s bean 
(Vicia Faba, L.),? which is still cultivated in the Troad as one of the 
most common products of the soil. I collected an abundance of carbonized 
beans in different parts of the burnt city, and, in particular, very well 
preserved ones in a place immediately before the city wall, to the left of 
the gate; whether it were that a building had fallen over the wall, or 
that the beans belonged to a still more ancient epoch. 

“Tt is certainly absolutely necessary that the two kinds of testimonies, 
of which I am treating here, should be rigorously distinguished. It is self- 
evident that the testimony of the Iliad proves nothing directly for the 
culture of a vegetable by the inhabitants of ancient Ilium, and least of all 
in a metaphor, the prototype of which may very well have been taken 
from Greece. On the other hand, the testimony of the carbonized seed is 
a positive one. Whether the old fortress were called Ilium or not, we 
now know undoubtedly that wheat, beans, and erva were cultivated in the 
plain, before the great conflagration destroyed the whole city. We know 
this with the same certainty as we now know that sheep and goats, 
horned cattle, hogs and horses, were already at that time pastured in the 
Troad ; that hares,* stags and fallow-deer, geese and swans, were at that 
time hunted. Whether the agreement of the poem with the real con- 
dition of the Troad, as it was preserved for a long time afterwards, and 
partly up to the present day, is to be rated higher or lower, I leave to 
the judgment of philologists. For the historian of human progress these 
testimonies may at all events have some importance. 

“With regard to the social condition of the ancient population, we 
have now the certainty: first, that they were agriculturists, which agrees 
with the Homeric representations; secondly, that to a large extent 
they busied themselves with the breeding of cattle and fishing: this 
latter industry they carried on, not only in the rivers, but more particu- 
larly in the sea, and from both sources they derived rich results. For 


strengthened by this, if the last parcel from 
Hissarlik had not contained also carbonized 
seeds. When these grains came before me, | 
held them at once to be pease. (Zeitschr. fiir 
LEthnologie, 1879, vol. xi.; Verhandlungen der 
anthrop. Gesellschaft, p. 50.) But the small 
samples of burnt seeds which I had brought 
with me seemed to contradict this interpreta- 
tion, because Dr. Wittmack recognized only 
Lroun Ervilia L., and perhaps Lathyrus Cicera 
L. By the last parcel only has Dr. Wittmack 
become convinced that Piswm sativum L. abun- 
dantly exists. It can, therefore, be considered 
now as firmly established, that the pease was 
already mn use in the burnt city, if not earlier 
im the Troad. Consequently the interpretation 
of ἐρέβινθος ought to be made in the contra- 


dictory sense, and the word ought to be referred 
to the pease. 

“ At all events the old botanical dispute as to 
the knowledge of the pease by the ancients has 
now been definitely decided. Among the car 
bonized seeds: from Hissarlik there occurred, 
besides, especially hog’s beans and Triticum 
durum, whereas, strange to say, barley has not 
been found.” 

1 7|. xiii. 588-590: 
ds δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἀπὸ πλατέος πτυόφιν μεγάλην kat’ 

ἀλωήν 
θρώσκωσιν κύαμοι μελανόχροες ἢ ἐρέβινθοι 
πνοιῇ ὕπο λιγυρῇ καὶ λικμητῆρος ἐρωῇ.. 

2 Hehn, p. 485. 

δ. 77. x. 961: 

ἢ κεμάδ᾽ ἠὲ λαγωὸν... 
x 


322 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. 


[Cuar. VIL, 


reasons easily to be conceived, fishing is not mentioned in the Iliad: if 
the coast was occupied by the Achaeans, it became impossible. Much 
more copious is the information of the Iliad as to the pastoral life of 
the ancient Trojans: the king himself had his principal wealth in the 
herds which his sons tended. In the main this condition has not changed 
much, down to the present day. The population still consists half of 
agriculturists, the other half of herdsmen; and fishing is carried on 
with success in the Hellespont, as well as in the Aegean Sea.” 

The late Staff-surgeon Edward L. Moss—who, as I have said, fre- 
quently gave me the pleasure of his company at Hissarlik in October and 
November 1878, and who for a great many days studied the osteology of 
this most remarkable third or burnt city—sent me the following highly 
interesting information from on board the ill-fated Atalanta, under date 
of 5th November, 1879 :—‘“ I cannot leave England without sending you 
a note about the bones 1 collected from the ‘ burnt layers’ with my own 
hands, and which, by-the-bye, so nearly brought me to grief in the 
Scamander.* Since the animals are well known, I give the popular 
names: moreover, the bones are too much burnt and broken to make very 
certain of variety or species. Many of the bones are marked by sharp- 
cutting instruments, especially near their articular extremities, as if the 
carver had missed the joint. Others have been gnawed by dogs. The 
shin-bone of a deer has been used as a handle for some tool, is bored 
and notched at the lower end to receive a flint or bronze head, and is 
much worn by the hand. ‘The marrow-bones are all broken open. The 
bones represent :— 

“Ox; a small deer-like species, probably ‘longifrons:’—deer ; there 
are several cast antlers of red deer with the tip of the brow-tine sawn off ; 
bones are numerous :—goat :—sheep:—pig ; more abundant than any 
other bones; the large proportion of very young animals points to 
domestication; bones and tusks of large boars were common :—doq ; part 
of the skull and paw :—weasel ; a skull:—tlirds are represented by the 
tibia of a Teal and wing-bones of a Wader. 

“ Wish ; vertebrae of Tunny, and of a small bony fish ; also vertebre of 
a large cartilaginous fish, and palate teeth of a Ray. 

“ The mollusca include almost all the kinds now used for food in the 
Levant : — cockles :—oysters :—mussel :—scallop :—limpet :—razor_ sheil :— 
whelk. There is, in addition, a fragment of a T'rochus; one or two 
specimens of a Cerithiwm vulgatum ; and a Columbella rustica ; the latter 
bored as if to string it. 





the best swimmer in the world could swim 
through it. Iam a good swimmer myself, but 


4 The Scamander being suddenly swollen by 
the heavy rain during Dr. Moss’s visit at Hissarlik, 


he had, on his return, avery narrow escape. His 
horse having lost its footing, he abandoned the 
animal in order that it might return to Hissarlik, 
and, being an excellent swimmer, he swam 
through the torrent-like river and went on 
foot to Besika Bay. Whoever has seen the 
swollen Scamander with its powerful current 
will wonder how it was ever possible that even 


failed to cross even the Jordan at Easter 1859, 
though this latter river is hardly half as broad 
as the Scamander, while its current is less rapid. 
After having escaped thousands of dangers in 
the Arctic seas, and after having miraculously 
saved himself from the Scamander, it was des- 
tined for Dr. Moss to perish in the Atalanta. 


Cuar. VII] BONES OF UNBORN. CHILDREN. 323 


(7 saw no human bones except those of an unborn child of about six 
months lying in an earthen pot, on a quantity of much-charred fragments 
of other bones.” 

Having submitted to Professor W. H. Flower, of the Royal College of 
Surgeons of England, eight vertebre of fish found by me in the third 
or burnt city, for identification, he declares one of them to be the caudal 
vertebra of Delphinus Deiphis, the common Dolphin of the Mediterranean ; 
two others he finds to be the dorsal vertebre of the Tunny (Thynnus 
vulgaris); and five he recognized to be the vertebre of a small species 
of Shark. 

A very curious petrified bone, found in the “burnt city,” was sub- 
mitted by me to Mr. Wm. Davies, of the Fossil Department of the British 
Museum, who writes to me on the subject as follows :— 

“The fossil bone submitted to me for examination is a middle caudal 
vertebra of an extinct Cetacean, allied to the Delphinidae or Dolphin 
family. It is completely mineralized, and was probably obtained by its 
ancient owner from a Miocene tertiary deposit, either in the Troad or in 
Greece. Fossil remains were objects of attraction to pre-historic man, as 
they are occasionally found—the smaller forms frequently perforated for 
ornamental wear—associated with bone and flint implements, in caves and 
Lake-dwellings, though not always derived from deposits in the imme- 
diate locality of such dwellings.” 

As Dr. Moss mentions in his letter the embryo child whose bones 
he saw in my possession, I may here say that I found besides it, and also 
besides the one discovered in an urn on the virgin soil (see p. 227), the 
bones of two more embryo children, both together with ashes on the 
bottom of fractured jars. It appears wonderful that the bodies of these 
unborn children should have been preserved, whilst all other bodies were 
burnt. In the opinion of Prof. Aretaeos, who kindly recomposed the 
first skeleton of the embryo (as I have said before), its presence in an urn 
filled with human ashes can only be explained by supposing that, the 
mother having died from the effect of her miscarriage, her body was 
burnt and her ashes put into a funeral urn, into which the unburnt body 
of the embryo was also thrown. But if this occurred in the case of the 
embryo found in the first city, may we not suppose that it was a custom 
so general in high antiquity as to survive the first two cities, and to be 
still practised by the inhabitants of the third city? 

As I have before mentioned,® besides the large street, which leads from 
the plain to the gate, I brought to light only one more street, or rather 
lane ; it is 1:20 m.=4 ft. broad, and paved with large flags of limestone.‘ 
Visitors will easily find it on the east side of my great northern trench. 
There is, besides, a passage only 2 ft. broad between the Trojan houses, 
running off at right angles from the street d to the N.E. 

none the many Salita which the ruins of the burnt city present, 
there is one which has puzzled us very much indeed. It is the shape of 
a large quadrangular chest, which is most distinctly seen in the more 


5 See p. 54. § This street is marked d on Plan I. (of Troy). 





324 THE THIRD, THE BURN? CITY, [Cuap. VII. 


northerly of the two large blocks of débris which mark the original 
height of the hill before my excavations, on the east side of my great 
central trench, and whose height is indicated as 8 metres.’ It contains 
at its bottom a large quantity of carbonized grain; the rest of the chest- 
like quadrangular space being filled with ashes and bricks, which have 
evidently fallen from above. The shape of the chest is distinctly marked 
by lines of charcoal. Now the most embarrassing thing is, that the layers 
of grain and débris in the chest continue, for some distance outside of it, 
with no other interruption than the carbonized lines. On carefully 
examining the lines of charcoal, M. Burnouf found the matter to consist 
of a burnt texture, probably of reed, and he recognized on either side of it 
a layer of earth vitrified by the conflagration. 

M. Burnouf now writes to me that he finds the following in the work 
of Xavier Raymond on Afghanistan:—‘The grain is shut up in large 
baskets placed on wooden feet, and coated over with earth, to preserve 
it from the contact of the air, and to protect it against humidity ; it is 
also preserved in large jars of raw earth, and in bags of camel’s hair.” 
M. Burnouf thinks that this account of X. Raymond might explain 
the above enigma. I admit that it must indeed have been a large 
basket in the form of a chest, coated outside and inside with earth, but 
1 do not understand how this can explain the existence of the same strata 
of grain and débris outside and inside of the chest! 

By far the most remarkable of all the houses which I have brought to 
light in the third, the burnt city, is undoubtedly the mansion immediately 
to the north-west of the gate, which I attribute to the town-chief or king: 
first, because this is by far the largest house of all; and secondly, because, 
as before stated, I found in or close to it nine out of the ten treasures 
which were discovered, as well as a very large quantity of pottery, which, 
though without painting and of the same foarte as that found elsewhere, 
was diets neuished, generally speaking, by its fabric. A good view of 
this royal mansion is given in the engraving No. 188, from a drawing 
made by my late lamented friend Dr. Edward Moss in November 1878, 
when the buildings in the foreground, which appear to be its depen- 
dencies, had not yet been excavated. Just in front of the entrance to 
the chief or king’s mansion 1s an open place: this is the only open place 
in the town, and may therefore have been the Agora. This would agree 
with Homer, who tells us that the Trojans, young and old, were assembled 
in the Agora before the king’s doors.* In another passage the poet tells 
us that the Trojans held a tumultuous and stormy Agora before the king’s 
door in the Acropolis of Ihum.° 

What the reader sees of the town-chief’s mansion in the engraving are 
merely the walls of the ground-floor, 4 ft. 4in. high on the average, which 
consist of small uncut stones joined with earth, and also (as M. Burnouf 
finds), ‘‘ with ashes containing charcoal, shells, fragments of pottery, and 


7 See Plan III., Section X-Y. 9 7]. vii. 345, 346: 
8. 7] 1 7.868; 80: Τρώων αὖτ᾽ ἀγορὴ γένετ᾽ Ἰλίου ἐν πόλει ἄκρῃ, 
οἱ δ᾽ ἀγορὰς ἀγόρευον ἐπὶ Πριάμοιο θύρῃσιν δεινὴ τετρηχυῖα, παρὰ Πριάμοιο θύρῃσιν. 


πάντες ὁμηγερέες, ἠμὲν νέοι ᾿ δὲ γέροντες. 


Cuap. VIL] THE ROYAL HOUSE. ; 920 


broken bones ; with brick-matter mixed with grey earth, and with a magma 
of yellow earth and ashes. There are also in these house-walls fragments of 
bricks, more or less baked, as well as fragments of large jars supplying 








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sometimes the place of stones (in the second and third walls). The base 
of the walls is composed of small clay cakes, yellow earth, grey or brown 


526 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar, VIL 


or black ashes, and fragments of bricks laid in all directions. There are 
also large pieces of charcoal, marking the place of the beams of which the 
floor seems to have consisted. 

“The coatings of the walls are composed of the same magma as the 
matter with which the stones are joined. The finest coatings are 
smoothed, not with a trowel, but with a sort of whitish-yellow clay-milk, 
which has left a layer as thick as paper; there are coatings of two or 
three such layers. This painting, if we may call it so, follows all the 
sinuosities of the coating, which itself follows those of the wall. This 
clay-milk has not a uniform colour; it borrows its colour from the ground 
which it covers; it consequently seems to have been made simply with 
water, with which the surface of the coating has repeatedly been washed. 

“The coatings which are less fine (second chamber) are composed of 
the same materials, mixed with straw, of which the projections and the 
hollows may be seen on the surface of the coating. This process is still 
in use in the country. 

“The walls of this house have not been built on a burnt soil, but 
have themselves been exposed to an intense heat in the great conflagra- 
tion. The black vapour of the intense heat has here and there penetrated 
far into them, particularly in the lower part.” 

In the absence of cellars, this ground-floor served as a store-room. A 
similar practice of using the ground-floor as a store-room appears to have 
existed at the time of Homer, for we see in the Ilzad’® that Hecuba 
descends to the store-room, where the skilfully embroidered vestures were 
stored. Had the store-room been on the floor inhabited by the family, 
the poet would not have said that the queen descended. If asked :—Is 
this Priam’s palace as described by Homer—‘‘ But when he came to 
Priam’s splendid house, adorned with polished corridors, in which were 
fifty chambers built of polished stone, all side by side. There the sons 
of Priam slept with their wedded wives. Facing these on the other side 
of the court within were built twelve covered chambers, side by side, of 
polished stone. There the sons-in-law of Priam slept beside their chaste 
wives: ”'—I would answer with the verse of Virgil, 


“Si parva licet componere magnis.” 2 


But Homer can never have seen the Troy whose tragic fate he describes, - 
because at his time, and probably ages before his time, the city he 
glorifies was buried beneath mountains of débris. In his time public 
edifices, and probably also royal mansions, were built of polished stones ; 
he therefore attributes the same architecture to Priam’s mansion, magni- 
fying it with poetic licence. 





10 yi, 288, 289: πλησίοι ἀλλήλων δεδμημένοι" ἔνθα δὲ παῖδες 
αὐτὴ δ᾽ (Ἑκάβη) ἐς θάλαμον κατεβήσετο κηώεντα, κοιμῶντο Πριάμοιο παρὰ μνηστῇς ἀλόχοισιν. 
ἔνθ᾽ ἔσαν of πέπλοι παμποίκιλοι, ἔργα γυναικ- κουράων δ᾽ ἑτέρωθεν ἐναντίοι ἔνδοθεν αὐλῆς 

Byes ole δώδεκ᾽ ἔσαν τέγεοι θάλαμοι ξεστοῖο λίθοιο, 
1 Til. vi. 242-250: πλησίοι ἀλλήλων δεδμημένοι" ἔνθα δὲ γαμβροί 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ Πριάμοιο δόμον περικαλλέ ἵκανεν, κοιμῶντο Πριάμοιο map’ αἰδοίῃς ἀλόχοισιν. 
ξεστῇς αἰθούσῃσι τετυγμένον---αὐτὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ 2 Georgic. iv. 176. 


a if 
πεντήκοντ᾽ ἔνεσαν θάλαμοι ξεστοῖο λίθοιο, 


Cuap. VII.] THE ROOMS OF THE MANSION. Ot 


This building has towards the gate a corridor 40 ft. 8 in. long by 6 ft. 
wide, leading to a chamber only 7 ft. 6in. long by 4ft. 6in. broad, 
in which the ingenious Dr. Moss discovered a gutter of hemispherical 
form; this room is nearly filled up by a huge jar 5ft. 6in. high and 
4ft. Gin. broad in the body. By a doorway only 1 ft. 10in. wide, 
this chamber communicates with another and larger one, which is 
12 ft. 351n. long and 7 ft. £1n. broad, and contains three immense jars of 
precisely the same size as that just referred to, and a somewhat smaller 
one: the pottery of the jars is upwards of 2in. thick. From this room 
we enter by a doorway, 3ft. 2in. wide, into a larger one, which runs 
parallel with the aforesaid corridor, and is 24 ft. 4in. long and 12 ft. 
broad, and leads to another chamber 10 ft. long and 8 ft. broad. This 15 
the best preserved part of the mansion, to which—as above said—must 
also belong the buildings which separate it from the northern part of the 
great wall. 

This large house, as well as its dependencies to the north, was buried 
9 and 10 ft. deep in mounds of bricks and yellow wood-ashes, which 
cannot but belong to the walls of the upper storeys, and go far to prove 
that these buildings had many upper floors and were perhaps five or 
six storeys high. I therefore do not see any reason why the mansion, 
with its dependencies, may not have had even more than 100 rooms, 
smaller or larger. 

The bricks are nearly all broken; I secured, however, some entire 
ones, which are 2 ft. long, 1 ft. 8 1η. broad, and 88 1ῃ. thick, and which have 
been converted by the conflagration into a sort of baked brick. But far 
from rendering them more solid, the intense heat has made them for 
the most part very fragile, and it has more or less vitrified a vast number 
of them. 

As I have said before, in several directions beneath the royal mansion 
we see the walls of a much more ancient house, which we cannot. but 
ascribe to the second city erected on this sacred site, because all the 
fragments of pottery which we find in the chambers of this. ancient 
mansion, immediately below the stratum of the third or burnt city, have 
on both sides that peculiar lustrous red, black, or brown colour, which is 
no longer found in the layers of the third or of the following cities. 

One of the most curious objects ever found in my excavations is 
undoubtedly a distaff, 1lin. long, around which is wound lengthwise a 
large quantity of woollen thread, as black as coal, evidently from being 
charred. I discovered it in the royal mansion at a depth of 28 ft. below 
the surface. According to Dr. Moss, the wood of the distaff was the stem 
of a very young tree. 

As a general rule, I may say that the stratum of this third, the burnt 
city, begins at a depth of from 22 to 23 ft., and reaches down to a depth 
of from 30 to 33 ft. But there are exceptions; as, for example, imme- 
diately outside the city, on the north-east side of the city wall,? we 
brought to light, at a depth of only 12 to 13 ft., a great many buildings 





3 See Plan I. (of Troy), ὁ ¢, N N, na. 


328 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL. 


which evidently belonged to a suburb. The enormous masses of calcined 
matter and partly vitrified bricks, with which the stone ground-floors of 
the houses were filled; as well as the pottery, all of which bore marks of 
the conflagration; and finally a treasure of gold ornaments, which was 
found there at the depth of 13 ft. on a house-wall, and which in quality 
and fabric perfectly agrees with the gold ornaments found in nine different 
places in or near the royal mansion ;—all these facts leave no doubt that a 
suburb extended on that side. This suburb seems to have been inhabited 
by poor people, for the scarcity of objects found there is remarkable. On 
the ruins of these burnt buildings of the suburb are superimposed the 
buildings of the succeeding town, on which follow abruptly the vast 
substructions of the Hellenic city. Under the temple of Athené, of which 
several walls may be seen in Plan IV. (Section Z—Z, under the letter 
u), the ruins and débris of the burnt city follow almost abruptly below 
these walls; a fact of which visitors will have no difficulty in convincing 
themselves. As before stated, we find it difficult to explain this otherwise 
than by supposing that the site where this temple stood was once much 
higher, and that it had been artificially levelled to build the edifice. 

I also repeat here that all the peoples who succeeded each other on 
Hissarlik were in the habit of shooting a great part of their rubbish and 
débris from the slopes of the hill, partly perhaps merely to get rid of them, 
partly to extend the site for building upon. Besides, in the great confla- 
gration large masses of crumbling bricks and other ruins must have fallen 
from the tumbling towers or houses with which the walls were sur- 
mounted, and perhaps still larger masses of débris of the burnt city were 
shot on the slope by the new settlers. For all these reasons the ruins and 
débris of the third, the burnt city, extend for some distance, and sometimes 
for more than 60 ft. beyond its walls. But the quantity of débris and 
rubbish shot on the slope by the people of the four subsequent towns, and 
consequently the increase in width of the hill of Hissarlik, has been so 
enormous, that even if we sank a shaft 100 ft. deep on the brink of the 
present north-eastern, northern, or north-western slope, we should find no 
débris at all of the burnt city ; nay, we should probably find there nothing 
else than débris and ruins of the upper or Hellenic city. I cannot, I 
think, illustrate this better than by the accompanying engraving No. 189, 











iy 
Ν᾽ —_—_—— 
PO 0 τς ae --Ξ 
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oifeee a Ξ ΞΞΞ- ΞΕ eo 
WAL Ζ' S SS Se 
win SS Ξ.- “5 
wy Ae Sse G= OEE oe 
ΤΣ ot : = = 
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ὠ 





No. 189. Mound of débris c of Plan I. (of Troy), forming the east side of the great northern trench. This engraving _ 
represents its west side. A marks the present slope of the hill. The layers of débris to the left appear to date 
from the construction of the marble temple. The upper house-walls, as well as those near the slope, likewise 
belong to Novum Ilium. These walls have given way under the lateral pressure of the débris. The stones in 
the middle appear to have formed the floor of a large room. J 


which represents the mound of débris (c on Plan IL, of Troy), which 
visitors see to the east in entering my great trench from the north, 


Cuap. VII.] POTTERY, CHIEFLY HAND-MADE. 329 


a marks the slope to the north. The whole upper portion of this mound 
as well as the upper walls and the layers indicated by slanting lines, 
contain ruins and débris of the Hellenic time. Then follow in the lowest 
layers of débris to the right, fragments of house-walls of the latest pre- 
historic city. There are in this mound no remains of the fourth or the 
third, the burnt city: to find these latter we should have to dig down at 
the right-hand corner, probably for 10 ft. or 20 ft. more. Thus it is not 
always by the depth that we can determine what belongs to the one or to 
the other city ; for Hellenic figurines, which occur on the mound close to 
the surface, may be found on the slopes at a depth of 100 ft. But with 
the exception of the site of the temple of Athené, the layers of débris 
WITHIN the city walls succeed each other regularly; and if we take as a 
standard the appearance, shape, and fabric of the pottery found there in 
the stratum of the third, the burnt city, at a depth of from 22 to 33 ft., 
we may easily discover what of the pottery, found elsewhere in a greater 
or a lesser depth, belongs to this same city. I say we may judge from 
its appearance, because the pottery which has sustained the intense heat 
of the conflagration bears the most distinct marks of it and can at once 
be recognized. 

The pottery of this third city is nearly all hand-made, and, having been 
baked at an open fire, it was certainly not more baked than that of all the 
other pre-historic cities at Hissarlik. The intense heat of the conflagra- 
tion has sufficed to bake it thoroughly in a great many instances, but by 
no means always; nay, as we distinctly see in the fracture, by far the 
greater part of the pottery is not thoroughly baked. Among that tho- 
roughly baked is certainly all the broken pottery, which was so exposed to 
the fire that the intense heat reached it on both sides; but wherever this 
has not been the case, the original baking of the pottery was only increased 
by the fire, still remaining incomplete in a great many instances. The 
conflagration, however, has sufficed to give to most of the pottery a red 
tinge or a lustrous light or dark red colour, from the oxide of iron con- 
tained in the clay. 

In treating now of the various kinds of pottery of this third city, 
I begin with the owl-faced idols and vases, and I would repeatedly call 
very particular attention to the fact, that the idols, of which I collected 
about 700, are all of the same shape; that they represent in the rudest 
possible outlines a female form; and that, therefore, they cannot but be 
copies of the ancient Palladium, which was fabled to have fallen from 
heaven with joined feet. Now the feet cannot be imagined to be more 
joined than they are here, where the whole inferior part of the body is 
represented by a large lump. I further lay stress on the fact, that the 
shape of the idol is as truly as possible copied on and imitated by the 
vases, with the sole difference that here the characteristics of a woman 
are more distinctly shown. Either, therefore, the owl-headed vases were 
also idols; or—and this is more likely—they were sacred vases, and only 
ased for the service of the goddess. 

The assertion is gratuitous, though it has been repeatedly made, that 
we have here merely rude representations of a woman made by a primitive 


330 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 
people, who did not know how to model anything better. But that they 
were perfectly able to model symmetrical human faces, is a fact which 
I could not show better than by representing here, under No. 190, a vase- 





No. 190. Head of a Vase, with Man’s Head. LE 
(Half actual size, Depth, 26 ft.) Ἧς τε 
No. 191. Figure of Lerra-cotta. (2:3 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 


head found in the burnt city at a depth of 26 ft., on which is modelled a 
man’s head with perfectly symmetrical features. I call attention to its 
Egyptian type. The mouth and the nose are very small in proportion to 
the eyes. It is of a lustrous-brown colour, and bears the marks of the 
conflagration by which it has been thoroughly baked. The terra-cotta 
figure No. 191 also represents a regular man’s face; it is of a dull yellow 
colour, and also thoroughly baked in the conflagration. ‘The remarkable 
female figure of lead, No. 226, which I shall more amply discuss in the 
subsequent pages, represents again a complete female figure. I now beg 
the reader to compare these two figures of men and the one of a woman 

with the rude owl-faced woman on the idols Nos. 193-223, represented in 
the ensuing pages; and those modelled on the vases Nos. 227, 228, 229, 
231, 232, 233, 238 :—and then to consider whether there is any possibility 
of admitting that a people, which could model those regular human figures, 
should have been unable to make anything better than the hideous owl- 
faced vases and idols, which far exceed in rudeness anything hitherto found 
elsewhere. But there were powerful reasons why they continued to make 
the stone idols and the owl-faced vases always of the same rude form, and 
why their successors and the successors of their successors carefully 
imitated them; nay, in the last, the uppermost pre-historic city, the — 
fifth in succession from the virgin soil, owl-vases as rude as No. 229 and 
idols like Nos. 202-222 are even more plentiful than in any of the pre- 
ceding cities. 

Why then did they continue, from the beginning to the end, to make 
such monstrous representations of their tutelary deity, if they were per- 
fectly able to represent her, both in stone and clay, in tolerable imitation 
of nature? It was because they clung with fervent zeal to the shape otf 
their Palladium, which had become consecrated by the precedent of ages. 
This is by no means an isolated case, peculiar to the five Trojan cities. 
Very numerous Hera-idols of gold in the shape of cows or cow-heads, as 
well as Hera-idols in the form of a woman with a very compressed head 
and two cow-horns, were found by me in the ancient royal sepulchres of 


Cuap. VIL] IDOLS : PROBABLY PALLADIA. 991 


Mycenae ;* for which, agreeing, I think, with all archeologists, I claim 
the date of 1500 to 1200 B.c. Cow-shaped Hera-idols, as well as Hera- 
idols in the form of a horned woman or other monstrous forms, of terra- 
cotta, were also found at Mycenae, in the very lowest strata outside the 
sepulchres and in all the successive layers, without the slightest alteration 
in form or even in colour.’ Thus it is evident that the cow-shaped Hera, 
or Hera in the form of a horned woman, was worshipped there until 
the final destruction and abandonment of Mycenae. My explorations at 
Tiryns have brought to light similar rude idols in all the layers of rubbish 
which cover the site.6 But we need not go so far back. Both in Russia 
and in Greece, the most archaic images of Christ and the Holy Virgin 
are always the most prized by all true believers, and they are objects of 
peculiar veneration. We cannot, therefore, wonder at seeing the Trojans 
of the five pre-historic cities, which succeeded each other in the course of 
ages on the hill of Hissarlik, copying and re-copying on their idols and 
sacred vases the figure of their owl-headed διΐπετές Palladium. 

Of idols of other forms, only two were found in 
the five cities; for I hold the terra-cotta figure 
No. 192 to be a toy for children and no idol. Our 
present children would hardly model a better figure. 
One of the peculiar forms of idols referred to, No. 
226, has to be described presently; the second is 
represented under Nos. 193, 194; and even this 
latter—from the breasts and the long hair on the 
back—appears to represent a female goddess. 

I further call attention to the idols Nos. 195 
and 196, 199, 200, and 201, on which the projec- 
tions on the sides are likewise indicated. If these No. 192. Rnde figure of Terra- 
projections on the idols are not made upright, as on ποτ τον ΤΩΝ ὶ 
the vases like No. 227, it is probably owing to their oe ELH 30 10. 
fragility, Nos. 195, 196 being a flat idol of clay, Nos. 199, 200 flat 
idols of bone, and No. 201 a flat idol of trachyte. I also call attention 






































































































































































































































































































































Nos. 193, 194. Idol of Terra-cotta. Nos. 195, 196. Idol of Terra-cotta. 
(About Βαϊ actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) (About half actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 


to the cover of the vase No. 227, the handle of which seems to imitate 
the crest of a helmet, or the little tube (λόφος) into which the horse- 


* See my Mycenae, pp. 216-218, Nos. 327,328, Nos. 99-101; Pl. xix. Nos. 103-110; and 
329, 330; Plate xvii. Nos. 94-96. Coloured Plates A-D. 
* See my Mycenae, Pl. xvii. No. 98; Pl. xviii. 6 See my Mycenae, pp. 10-12, Nos. 2-11, 


992 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. LCuap, VIL 



























































































































































No. 198. Idol of Terra- 
cotta, with owl’s face. 






















































































== 


No. 197. Idol of Marble. 
(2:5 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 








(Actual size. Depth, 20ft.) 









SSS 
LS 
SS 


SZ 








ΞΞΞΙ͂Ξ ΞΞΞΞ 
SSS 





























Nos. 199, 200. Idols of Bone. (7:8 actual 
size. Depth, 22 to 26 ft.) 


hair crest (ππουρις) was fastened; finally, to the incisions in the edge 
of the vase-cover, which cannot but be meant to indicate the hair. The 
hair 15 indicated in like manner on the forehead of the idols Nos. 205, 206, 





Se renee os 


No. 201. Idol of Trachyte. (About 1:3 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 


207, 216, whereas on Nos. 194, 
196, 200, and 239 it is indi- 
cated on the back. 

Nos. 193 and 194 show the 
front and back of a broken figure 
of terra-cotta; the breasts ap- 
pear to indicate that a woman 
was intended to be represented ; 
four strokes on the neck seem 
to denote her armour; only one 
of the arms has been preserved, 
which is in an upright position; 
two lines proceeding from the 
arms, and crossing each other 
over the body, give her a war- 
like appearance ; her long hair 
is distinctly marked on the back 
of the head. Nos. 195, 196 re- 
present the very rude terra- 
cotta idol referred to before ; it 
is so rudely made that the eyes, 
for instance, are above the eye- 
brows, and the vulva just below 
the beak, but still the form is 
that of all the other idols: the 
long secratchings on the back, 


παρ. VIL] IDOLS OF TERRA-COTTA, BONE, MARBLE, ETC. 333 


indicating the hair, are very characteristic. No. 197 represents, in about 
2:5 size, a marble idol 54 in. long and 3in. broad. No. 198 is the above- 
mentioned idol of terra-cotta, which is bulged on both sides, and has two 


large eyes and an owl-beak slightly protruding. Nos. 199 and 200 are the 







































































































































































































































































No. 202. Marble Idol. (Actual size. Depth, about 28 ft.) 


above-mentioned two flat idols of bone. Of a similar shape to No. 195, but 
very thick and somewhat bulged, is the idol No. 201 (referred to above), 
which is of trachyte, 9in. long and Gin. broad. This is the second 
largest idol of trachyte found by me at Hissarlik, the usual material of 
the idols being white marble; those of mica-schist, bone, or terra-cotta, 


994 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY [Cuar. VIL ᾿ 


are comparatively rare. No. 202 is an idol of marble, on which the owl- 
figure is merely marked with black clay. 

No. 203 represents the fragment of a terra-cotta idol with the owl- 
head: the three strokes on the neck may probably be intended to indicate 
the necklace: the hair is indicated on the back. 





No. 203. Figure of Terra-cotta. (Actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


The accompanying figures (Nos. 204-211) represent eight marble 
idols which certainly belong to the third or burnt city. Of these there 


oO. 205. 


























Nos. 204-208. Marble Idols from the stratum of the third, the burnt city. (Actual size.) 


Se ἘΠἘ- 


Cuar. VIL] OWL-FACES HAIR, AND GIRDLES, 990 


No. 210. 





᾿ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ 








SS — =F 





Ses 


Nos. 209-211. Marble Idols from the s‘ratum of the third, the burnt city. (Actual size.) 


are only two—Nos. 204 and 205—on which the owl-face is engraved; on 
the latter the hair and the girdle are also distinctly marked. On five 
others the owl-face is indicated with black colour, which I take to be 
black clay, viz. Nos. 206-210; on the two first of these, besides the owl- 
face, the hair is delineated. Professor Virchow suggests that the black 
colour with which the owl-face is indicated may be soot. On another 
one, No. 211, instead of the face, there is an incised circle. 

Nos. 212-220 are nine flat idols of marble, on eight of which the owl’s 
head is incised. On Nos. 212 and 213 the girdle is indicated by a single 
stroke ; on No. 214, by seven strokes; on No. 215, by two lines and five 
points; on No. 216, again, by three strokes; and on No. 218, by one 
stroke. Very remarkable are the ten points below the hair on the fore- 


990 THE: THIRD; THE BURNT SITY. [Cuar. VIL. 


head of the idol No. 214; are they meant to indicate a frontlet? On 
No. 215 we see a point on the forehead. On No. 220, the eyes seem 
to be indicated by two concentric circles, and the beak by a third. Ruder 


No. 212. LNo, 213. 

















































































































































































































f ἃ | im 1 ή | 


Nos. 212-220. Rude Idols of Marble. (Abcut half actual size.) 


than all the rest is the idol No. 218, on which eyes and nose are indicated 
by points close to one another, that indicating the nose being above the 
eyes; breasts are also indicated on this idol with points. 


Under Nos. 221, 222, 223 I represent three flat idols of bone. 


No. 223. 






































































































































Nos. 221-223. Idols of Bone. | (7:8 actual size. Depth, 26 to 32ft.) 


Ouap. VII.] CURIOUS IDOL OF LEAD. 








901 





































































































































































































Nos. 224, 225, Remarkable object of Diorite, perhaps an Idol. (Nearly 2:3 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 


Nos. 224, 225 are the front and back views 
of a very curious, heavy object of diorite, 
having in the centre a groove; it has five 
globular projections, around one of which are 
four incised lines. Can this be an idol, and 
can the incised lines be intended to indicate 
necklaces ? 

I now pass to the description of the very 
remarkable figure No. 226, which is of lead, 
and was found in the burnt city at a depth 
of 28 ft. Professor Chandler Roberts, who, 
at my request, cut a minute fragment from 
the base of this figure to analyse it, kindly 
gave me the following note on the subject :— 
“The minute fragment of metal (weighing 
0-0352 gramme) proved, on analysis, to be 
lead. It was submitted to cupellation, but no 
trace of silver could be detected by the micro- 
scope. The amount of metal examined was, 
however, too small to render the detection of 
silver probable.” 

To what lucky accident the preservation 
of this lead figure is due, I am at a loss to 
tell. The eyes and nose are very well pro- 
portioned; the mouth is rather too far below 
the nose; the chin also is too broad. The 
hair is well indicated on the head, on either 
side of which long goat-horns are represented ; 
the right one is broken off in the middle. 
Around the neck we see five necklaces. The 
shoulders have a rectangular shape, like those 
of the Mycenean hunters or warriors.’ The 
two hands touch the breasts, probably as a 
symbol of the generative power. The navel 


No. 226. 





Idol of Lead. (Double size. 
Depth, 23 ft.) 


7 See my Mycenae, No. 140, p. 81; Nos. 994, 335, p. 223. 


338 THE THIRD, THE BURNT ΘΙ ΨΥ. [Cuar. VI. 


also is well indicated. The vulva is represented by a large triangle, in 
the upper side of which we see three globular dots; we also see two lines 
of dots to the right and left of the vulva. The most curious ornament 
of the figure is a -U, which we sce in the middle of the vulva. I shall 
revert to this important sign in the subsequent pages. The feet are 
closely joined, but they are indicated by two dots for the knees and two 
small grooves at the lower extremity. 

This figure is probably meant to represent an Aphrodité, which would 
explain the goat’s horns. The ram and the he-goat were sacred to this 
goddess, as is well known from the Aphrodité of Scopas at Elis, and from 
the ᾿Αφροδίτη ἐπιτραγία at Athens. Mr. Newton has pointed out a figure 
from Cyprus, representing a woman with a ram’s head, probably an 
Aphrodité;° also in Di Cesnola’s Cyprus*® a woman is represented with 
two ram’s horns, touching her breasts with the hands: but this is the 
first time the goddess has been found with two he-goat’s horns. So far 
as we know, the only figures to which the idol before us has any resem- 
blance are the female figures of white marble found in tombs in Attica 
and in the Cyclades. Six of them, which are here (at Athens) in the 
Museum of the Βαρβάκειον, were kindly shown to me by its keeper, my 
friend M. Athanasios Koumanoudes. They represent a naked woman, with 
her arms crossed on the stomach below the breasts; the eyes, nose, and 
mouth are indicated as on our lead idol; the vulva is represented on the 
six figures by a large triangle; the feet are separated. Four similar 
figures of white marble, found in ancient tombs at Trymalia on Naxos, 
to which my friend Professor Ulrich Kohler (Director of the Imperial 
German Archeological Institute at Athens) kindly called my attention, 
are represented on Plate v. in Dr. Karl G. Fiedlers Reise durch alle 
Theile des Konigreichs Griechenland; Leipzig, 1841. On two of these 
figures the face is perfectly smooth, and not even the nose is indicated ; 
on the other two the nose only is represented. All these four figures 
have separated feet. The triangular vulva is not indicated, but pro- 
bably only because it had not been noticed by Fiedler, for it exists on 
all similar white marble figures found in the Cyclades, and preserved in 
the British Museum. M. Fr. Lenormant writes’ of these figures as 
follows :—‘‘ In the most ancient sepulchres in the Cyclades, in company 
with stone arms (principally arrow-heads of obsidian from Milo), and 
with polished pottery without paintings, there are found statuettes of 
Parian marble, all of which represent a naked woman, with her arms 
crossed on the breast. They are the shapeless work of a more than bar- 
barous art; but, in spite of their rude workmanship, it is impossible not 
to recognize in them an imitation of the figures of the Asiatic Venus, in 
the same attitude as that in which they are found in such large numbers 





8 Plutarch. Theseus, 18: Λέγεται δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν ® Τ᾿ Lenormant, Les Antiquités de la Troade, 
μὲν ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀνελεῖν θεόν, ᾿Αφροδίτην καθη- ΡῬ. 23. 
γεμόνα ποιεῖσθαι καὶ παρακαλεῖν συνέμπορον. 10 Plate vi.,in the second row of figures to 
Θύοντι δὲ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ Thy αἶγα οὖσαν, avto- the right. 
μάτως τράγον γενέσθαι" διὸ καὶ καλεῖσθαι τὴν 1 Les Antiquités de la Troade; Paris, 1876, p. 


40, 


θεὸν ᾿Επιτραγίαν. 


Cuap. VII.) OWL-HEADED VASES. 339 


from the banks of the Tigris to the Island of Cyprus, through the 
whole extent of the Chaldeo-Assyrian, Aramaean, and Phoenician world. 
Their prototype is the Babylonian Zarpanit or Zirbanit, so frequently 
represented on the cylinders and by terra-cotta idols, the fabrication of 
which begins in the most primitive time of Chaldea and continues among 
the Assyrians. The statuettes of the Cyclades in the form of a naked 
woman appear, therefore, to be the rude copies made by the natives, at 
the dawn of their civilization, from the images of the Asiatic goddess, 
which had been brought by Phoenician merchants.” 

This appears to be perfectly correct, because the three or four Baby- 
lonian Aphrodité-idols of terra-cotta preserved in the Museum of the 
Βαρβάκειον at Athens show a far more advanced art: on these, as on 
the Trojan lead-idol, the goddess touches both breasts with her hands; 
the vulva is indicated by the usual triangle, but this latter is ornamented 
with five horizontal strokes and with a large number of very small 
circles, which are no doubt meant to indicate gold ornaments. 

Proceeding now to the terra-cotta vases of this Third, the burnt, City: 
the lustrous-red vase, No. 227, gives the most usual type of the hand-made 
owl-headed vases. They have an owl-head modelled on the upper part 
of the neck, which is the head of the vase itself; on the sides of the head 
are two projecting ears; the face is composed of a double arch representing 
eyebrows; below each arch is a hemispherical eye, and in the middle of 
the face a prominent owl’s beak. The breasts are protruding and con- 
spicuous, and the vulva’ is represented by a large circle in relief. On 
some owl-vases this protruding circle is ornamented with an incised cross 
(see e.g. No. 986 and No. 991, pp. 521 and 523), which can leave no doubt 
as to its character. Very curious are the upright projections on the sides, 
which in the large vases are concave on the inside and very long, and 
have such sharp edges that they can never have served as handles ; 
besides, they are found very frequeritly even on those owl-vases which 
have large handles of the regular form. JI-ask if these long concave 
projections may not perhaps be meant to represent wings, and if, in that 
case, the small upright projections which we see on the sides of No, 227 
can represent anything else? I call particular attention to the fact, that 
these upright projections are never in any case perforated; further that, 
at variance with all other Trojan vases, these owl-headed vases have never 
in any case the system of tubes for suspension. 

No. 228 is the upper part of a hand-made, lustrous-red owl-headed 
vase, which appears to have been almost of an identical shape with 
No. 987 (p. 521). The mouth of these vases is in the form of a cup with 
two projections on the sides. 

No. 229 represents another hand-made lustrous dark-brown owl-headed 
vase with a cover; it has two handles; the vulva is here represented 
between the breasts in the middle of the body. 





1 M. Burnouf writes to me: “I have always ter of the umbilical cord is very important in 
been of opinion, and I still believe, that this the ancient theory as a life-transmitting channel. 
circle in relief indicates the navel: the charac- See Véda, i. 164, 34 and 35.” 


[Cuap. VIL 


THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. 


340 


SS 


1m, 


——— 








No. 228. Upper part of a Vase with 
wl’s head. (1:3 actual size. Depth, 20 ft.) 














No. 227. Terra-cotta Vase with owl’s head. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, about 28 ft.) 


y} 
Y) 

Ὶ 
Ι 





(1:3 actual size, Depth, 32 ft.) 


No. 229. Terra-cotta Vase, with the characteristics of a woman and owl’s head. 
go with an incised ornamentation 


No. 230 is the fragment of a va 
representing a flower, probably a rose. 

No. 231 represents one of the numerous hand-made Trojan vases, with 
female characteristics and a plain neck, to which belongs a cover with 


Cuap. VII.] OWL-HEADED VASES. 341 


an owl’s face, similar to that which we see here. The vase before us is 
of a dark-brown colour, and has on each side an upright projection, 





No. 230. Fragment of a Vase. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 231. Vase with the characteristics of a 
woman, and Cover with owl’s head. 
(The Vase was found in 13, the Cover in 
26 ft. depth. 1:3 actual size.) 


from which issues on either side a spiral ornamentation in relief. 
The cover is also hand-made, of a lustrous-yellow colour, and has 
a handle of the usual. crest-shaped form.? Professor Sayce observes 
to me that the ornaments below the breasts ‘of this vase resemble 
the “ιν carried by Hittite figures at Boghaz Kioi (near the Halys) 
and elsewhere. 

No, 232 represents the interesting hand-made black owl-faced vase, in 
which quite a treasure of gold ornaments was found. I shall pass these 
in review in discussing the metals of the burnt city. The wing-like 
upright projections of this vase were broken off; the female breasts are 
peculiarly large, and unusually wide apart; the vulva is represented by 
a projection with a cavity. In fabric and colour this vase resembles a so- 
called ‘“Gesichtsurne”” found in a tomb at Golencin, near Posen.* The 
difference is that on the Golencin urn the eyes are not protruding, as on 
our Trojan vase, and that each of its two ear-like projections has three 
perforations for suspending ornaments in them. There is this further 
difference, that the Golencin urn has neither female breasts, nor vulva, 
nor wing-like projections on the sides. Besides, its bottom is flat, whilst 
that of our Trojan owl-vase is convex. 





der Provinz Posen;” Posen, 1880, Pl. i. No. 4. 


2. This owl-headed cover belongs to the third 
This most able dissertation having been sent 


or burnt city; but not so the vase, which was 


found in the ruins of the fourth city. But I 
represent it here, as it is the only one on which 
the cover fits. 

3 See F. L. W. Schwartz, 1]. Nachtrag zu den 
“ Materialien zur praehistorischen Kartographie 


to me by its author (Professor Dr. F. L. W. 
Schwartz, director of the Royal Friedr.-Wil- 
helms-Gymnasium in Posen), I herewith most 
gratefully acknowledge his kind attention. 


342 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 

















No. 232. Terra-cotta Vase, with owl’s head, in which were found a 
great many gold ornaments. (1:3 actual size. _ Depth, 30 ft.) 


The vase No. 233 is decorated on either side with a curved ornament 
in the form of the Cypriote character for ko, or of a character which is 
found in the alphabets of Caria and Pamphylia, as well as in Hittite 
inscriptions: it has two handles. The head was found separate, and does 
not belong to this particular vase. I only put it here in order to save 1t. 








ij 


if I} 
in a : 
Pamphylia, and in the Hittite inscriptions, as well as 


one form of the character go or ko in the Cypriote Vase with owl’s face. (1:4 actual size. 
syllabary. Depth, about 26 ft.) 


Cuap. VIL] OWL VASES AND COVERS.’ ᾿ 349 


No. 234 represents another hand-made vase, like No. 227, but it has 
been so much exposed to the intense heat of the conflagration, that it is 
difficult to recognize its original colour. 














No. 236. Vase Cover with owl’s face.i 


About half actual size. Depth, 27 ft. 
No. 235. Vase with owl’s face, found in the Royal Ilouse. ee aya ἘΠῊΝ ) 


(1:8 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


No. 235 represents probably tho most remarkable hand-made owl- 
headed vase I ever found at Hissarlik. I discovered it at a depth of 
81 metres, or 28 ft., on the ground-floor in the royal house of the third 
or burnt city; it is of a lustrous-brown colour, and 25 in. high. In 
spite of the intense heat to which it had been exposed in the conflagration, 
it is not thoroughly baked. It has two breasts and two handles: a very 
pretty necklace is represented around the neck by a series of grooves and 
projecting circles. The beauty of this vase is enhanced by the scarf 
which we see in relief across its body. 

No. 236 represents another of those pretty lustrous dark-yellow vase- 
covers with owl-faces, of which we showed one under No. 231. The cover 
before us was found in a large red urn at a depth of 27 ft., on the 
great wall close to the gate: hence its good preservation. 

No. 287 represents one more vase-cover, with an owl’s head modelled 





No, 237. Vase Cover with owl’s face. (1:5 actual size. Depth, 25 ft.) 


944 . THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL 


on it, belonging to the same class of vases, with a smooth neck like 
Nos. 231 and 240, having the characteristics of a woman, and usually two 
wings. 

I further call the reader’s very particular attention to the terra-cotta 
ball, No. 1997,* on which we see in the middle an owl’s face in mono- 
gram; to its right a wheel, which may mean the sun; to its left, three 
concentric circles, which may represent the moon, and below a small 
circle, perhaps intended to represent the morning star. All these repre- 
sentations can be best distinguished in the developed pattern (No. 1998). 
On the back the female hair is indicated by deep scratchings. As the 
hair cannot be distinguished in the engraving, I strongly advise the 
reader to see the ball itself in my collection in the South Kensington 
Museum.’ This owl’s face, between the sun and moon and morning star, 
proves better, I think, than all the vases and idols, that the owl’s head 
is the symbol of the Ilan Athené. 

I have still to represent here, under Nos. 238, 239, a curious hand- 
made vessel of terra-cotta, which was found at a depth of 30 ft. It has 
been thoroughly baked in the conflagration. It has a distinctly indicated 
owl’s face, below which are three horizontal strokes, probably meant 


Ω 
. 
δ δ Ὁ». = 
(Sere ee 
—OwO——————— 



























































































































































\ {ITNT 
He nia 
AN il ἧ 
ὶ 








Nos. 238, 239. Front and back View of a curious Vessel, with owl’s face. (Half actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 


to represent necklaces. Below the latter, the front part of the body is 
covered by a long shield, and on the back the long female hair hangs 
down, like that of the Caryatides in the Acropolis of Athens. On each 
side is a separate vessel, which does not communicate with that of the 
main body. Very characteristic are the nine rows of points on the shield, 
which, like those which we see on the coats of mail and the casques of the 
six warriors painted on a Mycenean vase,° are no doubt meant to indicate 
the splendour of brass. This vessel is unique; no second one has been 
found lke it. 





4 On the last of the lithographed platesat the evident that the female in the centre represents 
end of the volume. here the dawn. The signs on the whorls are 
5 M. Burnouf writes to me: “This ball (No. nearly all astronomical.” 
1997) gives probably the explanation of a great 6 See my Mycenae, p. 133, No. 213. 
part of the Trojan symbolism, because it is most 


Cuap. VII] WINGS AND SPIRALS ON VASES. 940 


No. 240 is a lustrous dark-red hand-made vase, with two large breasts 
and a large projecting vulva. Besides two handles, it has two upright 














































































































—_ 





No. 210. Large Vase, with the characteristics of a woman. (About 1:5 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


wing-like projections, from each of which issues on either side a spiral 
ornament in relief, resembling, as Professor Sayce observes, the litwus 
or crooked staff carried by certain figures in the Hittite sculptures of 
Boghaz Kioi or Pteria and elsewhere. I remind the reader that the owl- 
faced, cap-like covers, such as No. 236, belong to this sort of vase. 

No. 241 is a hand-made light-brown vase, with two breasts on each 
side and two projections; it is ornamented with grooves and incised lines. 





No. 241. Terra-cotta Vase, with incised ornamentation No. 242. Terra-cotta Vase, with two projections in the 
and female breasts on either side. form of birds’ heads at the rim. 
(1:3 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) (1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


No. 242 is also a hand-made vase, with two perforated projections in 
the form of birds’ beaks at the rim. 
It is now time to explain the curious signs -}! and “4, which we have 


346 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Coar. VII. 


seen on the vulva of the lead idol No. 226, and which occurs many 
hundreds of times on the whorls and other objects of this third or 
burnt city, and of the two following pre-historic cities (see, for instance, 
Nos. 1855, 1858, 1859, 1870, 1873, 1874, 1894, 1919, 1947, 1949, 1982, 
1988, 1989, 1991, 1999). This sign was evidently brought to Hissarlik 
by the people of the Third City, for it never occurs on objects from the 
first or second city. I find it in Emile Burnouf’s Sanskrit Lexicon under 
the denomination “ svastika,” and with the signification εὖ ἐστι, or as the 
sign of good wishes. 

My honoured friend the celebrated Orientalist, Professor Max Miller, 
of Oxford, wrote to me some time ago: ‘Sv-asti-ka is derived from su, 
‘well,’ and as, ‘to be,’ and would be in Greek εὐεστική. It is always 


directed towards the right, ΓΗ; the other, directed towards the left, rh, 
is called Sawvastika.” He afterwards kindly sent me the following most 
valuable and highly interesting dissertation on the subject :— 

“1 do not like the use of the word Svastika outside of India. It is a 
word of Indian origin, and has its history and definite meaning in India. 
I know the temptation is great to transfer names, with which we are 
familiar, to similar objects that come before us in the course of our 
researches. But it is a temptation which the true student ought to resist, 
except, it may be, for the sake of illustration. The mischief arising from 
the promiscuous use of technical terms is very great. Travellers, when- 
ever they meet with two or three upright stones and a capstone above, 
talk of Cromlechs ; and if they meet with a holed stone, it is a Dolmen. 
But Cromlech and Dolmen are Celtic words (crom, ‘bent,’ leh, ‘slab; foil, 
‘hole,’ mén, ‘stone’),” and they have a definite meaning among Celtic 
antiquarians, and, strictly speaking, cromlech and dolmen imply the 
workmanship of Celts. After travellers have written for some time of 
Cromlechs and Dolmens in India, Africa, and Australia, an impression 
spreads that all these monuments are real Celtic monuments; and the 
next step is that we hear of Celts as the first inhabitants and builders in 
countries where Celts have never set foot. 

“Another objection to the promiscuous use of the word Svastika is, 
that svastzka in Sanskrit does not mean the cross with crampons, crus 
ansata, in general, but only the cross with the crampons pointing to the 
right, LS; while the cross with the crampons pointing to the left, -H, 
is called Sauvastika. 

“The occurrence of such crosses in different parts of the world may 
or may not point to a common origin. But if they are once called 
Svastika, the vulgus profanum will at once jump to the conclusion that 
they all come from India, and it will take some time to weed out such a 
prejudice. 

“Very little is known of Indian art before the third century B.c., the 
period when the Buddhist sovereigns began their public buildings. The 
name Svastika, however, can be traced a little further back. It occurs, as 


7 Max Miiller, Chips from a German Workshop, vol. iii. p. 283. 


Cuar. VIL] THE SVASTIKA AND SAUVASTIKA. 347 


the name of a particular sign, in the old grammar of Panini, about a 
century earlier. Certain compounds are mentioned there, in which the last 
word is karna, ‘ear.’ Cattle, it would seem, were marked on their ears 
with signs indicating their owners. The custom prevailed even during 
the Vedic times, for in the Rig-veda (x. 62,7) we meet with ashtakarni, 
as applied to cows marked with the figure 8, whatever that figure may 
then have been, probably not more than eight lines, or two crosses. In 
later Sanskrit athtakarna is a name of Brahman, who had eight ears, 
because he had four faces (Katurmukha). The same custom of marking 
cattle is alluded to in the Atharva-veda (xu. 4, 6), and it is more fully 
described in the Sankhayana-grzhya-sttras (iii. 10, ed. Oldenberg, p. 77), 
and the Gobhila-grzhya-sttras (11. 6. 5). Here an instrument made of 
copper (audumbaro ’asth) is recommended for marking cattle. 

“One of the signs for marking cattle was the Svastika, and what 
Panini teaches in his grammar is that, when the compound is formed, 
svastika-karna, 1.6. ‘having the ear marked with a Svastika,’ the final a 
of Svastika is not to be lengthened, while it is lengthened in other com- 
pounds, such as Datrd-karna, 1.6. ‘having the ear marked with the sign 
of a sickle.’ 

“Originally svastika may have been intended for no more than two 
lines crossing each other, or a cross. ‘Thus we find it used in later times 
also with reference to a woman covering her breasts with crossed arms, 
Bélarém. 75,16, svahastasvastika-stani, and likewise with reference to 
persons sitting cross-legged. 

“Etymologically, svastika is derived from svasti, and svast: from su, 
‘well,’ and as, ‘to be.’ Svasti occurs frequently in the Veda, both as a noun 
in the sense of happiness, and as an adverb in the sense of ‘ well,’ or ‘ hail! 
It corresponds to the Greek εὐεστώ. The derivative svasti-ka is of later 
date, and it always means an auspicious sign, such as are found most 
frequently among Buddhists and Jainas. It occurs often at the begin- 
ning of Buddhist inscriptions, on Buddhist coins, 
and in Buddhist manuscripts. Historically the 
svastika is first attested on a coin of Krananda, 
supposing Krananda to be the same king as Xan- 
drames, the predecessor of Sandrokyptos, whose 
reign came to an end in 315 B.c. (See Thomas, 
On the Identity of Xandrames and Krananda.) The 
palzographic evidence, however, seems ratheragainst | 
so early a date. In the foot-prints of Buddha the eer has: 
Buddhists recognize no less than sixty-five auspi- Wie Naudyavarts. 
cious signs, the first of them being the Svastika.* The fourth is the 
Sauvastika, ΓᾺΔ; the third, the Nandydvarta (No. 243), a mere develop- 
ment of the Svastika. 

‘Among the Jainas the Svastéka was the sign of their 7th Jina, 
Supdrsva.® 








8 See Eugéne Burnouf, Lotus de la bonne Loi, p. 625. 
® Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, ii. p. 188. 


348 THE ' THIRD, THE. BURNT Pry. [Cuap. VIL. 


“Tn the later Sanskrit literature Svastika retains the meaning of an 
auspicious mark, and thus we see in the Ramayana (ed. Gorresio, ii. p. 348) 
that Bharata selects a ship marked with the sign of Svastika. 

‘ Varahamihira in the Brihat-samhita (med. saec. vi. p. Ch.) mentions 
certain buildings, called Svastika and Nandyavarta (53. 34, seq.), but their 
outline does not correspond very exactly with the forms of these signs. 
Some Sthipas, however, are said to have been built on the plan of a 
svastika. 

“That signs identically the same as the Svastika and the Sawvastika 
occur elsewhere, in China, in Asia Minor, in Etruria, and among the 
Teutonic nations, is perfectly true. Comparative archeology may point 
out this fact, but there it must rest for the present. Identity of form 
does as little prove identity of origin in archeology as identity of sound 
proves identity of origin in etymology. .Comparative studies are very 
useful, so long as they do not neglect the old rule, Divide et impera, 
Distinguish, and you will be master of your subject! 

“Quite another question is, Why the sign ΓΗ should have had an 
auspicious meaning, and why in Sanskrit it should have been called 
Svastika. The similarity between the group of letters sv in the ancient 
Indian alphabet and the sign of Svastika is not very striking, and seems 
purely accidental. A remark of yours in your book on Troy (p. 38), where 
you speak of the Svastka as a wheel in motion, the direction of the motion 
being indicated by the crampons, contains a very useful hint, which has 
been confirmed by some important observations of Mr. Thomas, our distin- 
guished Oriental numismatist. He has clearly proved that on some of the 
Andhra coins, and likewise on some punched gold coins, depicted in Sir 
W. Elliot’s Plate ix. Madras Journ. Lit. and Science, vol. 111., the place of 
the more definite figure of the sun is often taken by the Svastika, and that 
the Svastika has been inserted within the rings or normal circles repre- 
senting the four suns of the Ujjain pattern on coins. He has also called 
attention to the fact that in the long list of the recognized devices of the 
twenty-four Jaina Tirthankaras the sun is absent; but that while the 
Sth Tirthankara has the sign of the half-moon, the 7th Tirthankara is 
marked with the Svastika, i.e. the sun. 

“Here then, I think, we have very clear indications that the Svastika, 
with the hands pointing in the right direction, was originally a symbol of 
the sun, perhaps of the vernal sun as opposed to the autumnal sun, the 
Sauvastika, and therefore a natural symbol of light, life, health, and 
wealth. That in ancient mythology the sun was frequently represented 
as a wheel is well known. Grimm identifies the Old Norse /yol or hvel, 
the A.-S. hveohl, English ‘ wheel,’ with κύκλος, Sk. Kakra, ‘wheel ;’ and 
derives 761, ‘yule-tide,’ the time of the winter solstice, from /yol, ‘ the 
(solar) wheel.’ 

“But while from these indications we are justified in supposing that 
among the Aryan nations the Svastika may have been an old emblem of 
the sun, there are other indications to show that in other parts of the 
world the same or a very similar emblem was used to indicate the earth, 


Cuar. VIL] SYMBOLISM or THE ΓΒ anp Ly 849 


Mr. Beal, in the same number of the Indian Antiquary which contains 
Mr. Thomas’s remarks on the Svastika (March, 1880), has shown that 


in Chinese HJ is the symbol for an enclosed space of earth, and that the 


simple cross (+) occurs as a sign for earth in certain ideographic groups. 
Here the cross was probably intended to indicate the four quarters, N.8. 
I. W.; or, it may be, more gene- 

rally, extension in length and ~———e—e—e=eeyES 
breadth. That the cross is used |RRQRMZAaul χεξε- τ} 
as a sign for ‘four’ in the Bactro- |S ON) iy 
Pali inscriptions,’® 1s well known; 
but the fact that the same sign has 
the same power elsewhere, as for 
instance in the Hieratic numerals, 
does not prove by any means that 
the one figure was derived from |}2Q pei) Gla Ol 
the other. We forget too easily [ἢ aie a7 iN αὐ Wa ee 
that what was possible in one place ey ew taken pele 
was possible also in other places; 
and the more we extend our re- 
searches, the more we shall learn Rat a he zeae: τ ΒΞ 
that the chapter of accidents is a 244. The Peace ἘΣ 
larger than we imagine.” 

The cut No. 244, for which I am indebted to my honoured friend 
Mr. James Fergusson, represents the foot-print of Buddha, as carved on 
the Amaravati Tope, near the river Kistna. 

Nos. 245, 246 represent the opposite hemispheres of a terra-cotta ball, 
which is divided by fourteen incised circular lines into fifteen zones, of 
































ΠῚ 
> τ ἡ ἢ Hi Al i" 
AS ᾿ Iie mes 
4 ep i ull 
VON τος 
Hf = | | We « 
ΩΝ ᾿ 
(2 Ἧ Ἷ 
ιν 


























































































































ἡ No. 241. Fragmens of 
Nos. 245, 246. Terra-cotta Ball, representing apparently the climates of the globe. Pottery. with the Svas- 
(Actual size. Depth, 2¢ 11.) tika, (Halfactual size.) 


which two are ornamented with points, and the middle zone, which is the 


largest of all, with a and ΓΗ. Professor Sayce remarks that “the 
central ornament |=] is the Cypriote character kz.” 
No. 247 is the fragment of a lustrous-black vase with a ΓΗ in the 





10 Max Miiller, Chips from a German Workshop, vol. ii. p. 298. 


000 THE THIRD, THE BORNT CITY. 


[Cuar. VII. 


middle of three concentric rectangles: the LE, as well as all the other 
lines, are incised and filled with white chalk in order to strike the eye.! 

The Li and ;W are extraordinarily frequent on the Trojan terra- 
cotta balls, as well as on the whorls, immense numbers of which are 
ornamented with them (see Nos. 1826, 1838, 1849, 1850, 1855, 1861, 
1864, 1865, 1866, 1868, 1871, 1872, 1873, 1874, 1876, 1878, 1879, 
1894, 1905, 1911, 1919, 1947, 1949, 1954, 1982, 1983, 1987, 1988, 
1089 1090; 19915-1999). 


On the whorls Nos. 1872 and 1911 we see the Us and -H, together 


with linear representations of burning altars; on Nos. 1879, 1919, 1947, 
1949, 1991, along with the zigzags, which we see also in the hands of 
the two Phoenician gods represented on a lentoid gem found near 
Mycenae,” and which are generally believed to form the symbolic sign 
for lightning. The representation of the burning altar has also been 
found incised on the bottom of a vase in the excavations made by Miss 
Sofie von Torma in the valleys of Maros and Cserna in Transylvania 


(Siebenbiirgen).2 The ΓΗ or ΓΗ also occurs very frequently on the 


Trojan whorls in conjunction with rude linear representations of stags, 
above whose backs are rows of points;* it also occurs in conjunction with 


the sign [{} This latter sign is very frequent on the Trojan whorls.® 


Now this very same sign occurs over the opening of three hut-urns found 
under the ancient lava near Marino.’ It occurs also among the devices 
in punched work on the flags in the interior of the tomb of Ollam Fodhla, 
traditional monarch and lawgiver of Ireland, which is computed to be 
upwards of 8000 years old;* further, on a girdle-buckle of iron plated 
with silver, found in a tomb at Hedingen, near Sigmaringen.? In these 
two latter cases we see the symbol or character in conjunction with the 
zigzag, which is interpreted as the symbolic sign of lightning. Finally, 
we see this sign on six vase-bottoms discovered by Miss Sofie von Torma 
in the valleys of Maros and Cserna in Transylvania." 


We find the τι: in Ezekiel ix. 4, 6, where—in the form of the old 
Hebrew letter Tau—it is written as the sign of life on the forehead, like 





aus dem Maros- und Cserna-Thal Siebenbiirgens, 
p- 16, No. 12. * See No. 1879. 
5 See No. 1905. 


1 This potsherd as well as another one with a 
having been picked up in 1872 at a much 


greater depth in my excavations, I held them to 
belong to the first city. But after carefully ex- 


amining the clay and fabric of these fragments, " 


I feel convinced that they belong to the third 
or burnt city, and that they must have fallen 
from a higher level into my excavations. I feel 
the more certain on this point, as the ae or 


never again occurred in the débris either 


of the first or of the second city, whereas they 
occur many hundreds of times in the third as 
well as in the two subsequent pre-historic cities 
of Hissarlik. 

2 See my Mycenae, No. 540, p. 362. 

3 Carl Gooss, Bericht iiber Fraulein Sofie von 
Torma’s Sammluny praehistorischer Alterthiimer 


6 See Nos. 1912, 1936, 1939. 

7 Notes on Hut-urns and other Objects from 
Marino near Albano. By Sir John Lubbock and 
Dr. L. Pigorini. London, 1869. Two of the 
hut-urns represented in the work of Sir John 
Lubbock and Dr. Pigorini have the sign LL 
above the door. The third hut-urn with the 


sign LL] above the door is preserved in the Royal 
Museum at Berlin. 

8 Discovery of the Tomb of Ollam Fodhla. By 
Eugtne Alfred Conwell. Dublin, 1873. 

9 Ludw. Lindenschmit, Die Vaterlindischen 
Alterthiimer, Pl. v. No. 4. 

10 Carl Gooss, op. cit. p. 16, Pl. iii. Nos. 8, 9, 
10, 13, 14, and 17. 


Cuar. VIL] M. BURNOUF ON THE Uy anv [Π. 351 


its corresponding Indian symbol. We find it twice on a large piece of 
ornamented leather contained in the celebrated Corneto treasure pre- 
sorved in the Royal Museum at Berlin; also on ancient pottery found at 
Kénigsberg in the Neumark, and preserved in the Markisches Museum 
in Berlin, and on a bowl from Yucatan in the Berlin Ethnological 
Museum. We also see it on coins of Gaza, as well as on an Iberian 
coin of Asido;’ also on the drums of the Lapland priests? It is just 
such a troublesome puzzle as the Nile-key or crue ansata, that symbol 
which, as a hieroglyph, is read ankh (“the living one”), which very 
frequently occurs in the inscriptions in the Nile valley, and which we 
see of exactly the same form on a sepulchre of Northern Asia Minor.? 

The -U is a sort of cross, whose four arms are bent at a right angle; 
it resembles four conjoined Greek Gammas. : 

Burnouf thinks that “the Ls and -H represent the two pieces of 
wood which were laid crosswise upon one another before the sacrificial 
altars, in order to produce the sacred fire (Agni), and the ends of which 
were bent round at right angles, and fastened by means of four nails ck 
so that this wooden scaffolding might not be moved. At the point where 
the two pieces of wood were joined, there was a small hole, in which a 
third piece of wood, in the form of a lance (called Pramantha), was 
rotated by means of a cord made of cow-hair and hemp, till the fire 
was generated by friction. Then the fire (Agni) was put on the altar 
close by, where the priest poured the holy Sdma, the juice of the tree 
of life, over it, and made, by means of purified butter, wood and straw, 
a large fire.” * 

Burnouf further maintains that the mother of the holy fire was Mayda, 
who represents the productive force.? If his views are correct, they 
would go far to explain the presence of the τι on the vulva of the 
idol No. 226. They would also show that the four points which we so 
frequently see under the arms of the ἘΠ or ΞΕῚ indicate the wooden nails 
with which this primitive fire-machine was fixed firmly on the ground; 
and, finally, they would explain why we so frequently see the -H or the 
Li in company with the symbol of lightning or burning altars. The 


other cross too, which has also four points, ola and which occurs 


innumerable times on the whorls of the three upper pre-historic cities of 
Hissarlik, might also claim the honour of representing the two pieces of 
wood for producing the holy fire by friction. Burnouf asserts that “in 
remote antiquity the Greeks for a long time generated fire by friction, 
and that the two lower pieces of wood, that lay at right angles across one 
another, were called σταυρός, which word is either derived from the root 
str’, which signifies lying upon the earth, and is then identical with the 
Latin sternere, or it is derived from the Sanskrit word stdévara, which means 





1 Zobel, de Zangronis, 1863, Pl. 1 and 3, and logique de la Galatie et de la Bithynie, Atlas, 
peel. 1) τσ: 

* Rochholz, Altdeutsches Biirgerleben, p. 184. 4 See Emile Burnouf, La Science des Religions, 

* Guillaume and Perrot, Haploration archéo-  p. 256. 5 Emile Burnouf, op. cit. 


302 THE “THIRD, “THE BURNT SEY. [Cuar. VII. 


‘firm, solid, immovable.’ After the Greeks had other means of producing 
fire, the word σταυρός passed simply into the sense of cross.” 


The [HU or 44 may be found in nearly all countries of Europe, and 
in many countries of Asia. We see them on one of three pot-bottoms ὃ 
found on Bishop’s Island, near Kénigswalde, on the right bank of the 
Oder,’ as well as on a vase found at Reichersdorf near Guben.® A whole 
row of them may be seen round the famous pulpit of Saint Ambrose in 
Milan. ‘The sign occurs a thousand times in the catacombs of Rome;? we 
find it very frequently in the wall-paintings at Pompeii, even more than 
160 times in a house in the recently excavated street of Vesuvius; we see 
it in three rows, and thus repeated sixty times, upon an ancient Celtic 
funeral urn found at Shropham, in the county of Norfolk, and now in the 
British Museum.” I find it also very often on ancient Athenian’ and 
Corinthian vases, and exceedingly frequent on the jewels in the royal tombs 
at Mycenae;* also on the coins of Leucas and Syracuse, and in the large 
mosaic in the royal palace garden at Athens. The Rev. W. Brown Keer, 
who visited me in 1872 at Hissarlik, assured me that he has seen it 
innumerable times in the most ancient Hindu temples, and especially in 
those of the Jainas. I see also a -U on a vase* which was found 
in the county of Liptd, in Hungary, and is preserved in the collection 
Majlith Béla; further, on terra-cottas found in the cavern of Bara- 
thegy, in Hungary.’ 

Since the appearance of my work Troy and is Remains, I have been 
favoured with letters from correspondents who have observed the ΓΗ and 

in various parts of the old world, from China at the one extremity 
to Western Africa at the other. Dr. Lockhart, of Blackheath, formerly 
medical missionary in China—to whom I am indebted for other interesting 
communications ’—says that “the sign ΓΗ is thoroughly Chinese.” “ 
Major-General H. W. Gordon, C.B., Controller of the Royal Arsenal 
at Woolwich, wrote, with reference to the nations amongst whom I have 
traced the -H, “ You may to these nations add the Chinese, since upon 
the breech-chasing of a large gun lying outside my office, and which was 
captured in the Taku Forts, you will find the same identical sign.” For 
the very interesting discovery of the symbol among the Ashantees, I am 





6 Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, Organ der Berliner 
Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie und Urgeschichte, 
1871, iii. 

7 Third Sessional Report of the Berlin Socicty 
for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Pre-historic Le- 
searches, of 1871. 

8 Sessional Report of the Berlin Society for 
Anthropology, Ethnology, and Pre-listoric Le- 
searches, of July 15, 1876, p. 9. 

9 Fimile Burnouf, op. cit. 

10 A, W. Franks, Horae ferales, Pl. 30, fig. 19. 

1 G. Hirschfeld, Vasi arcaicit Ateniesi; Roma, 
1872, Tav. xxxix. and xl. G. Dennis, The Cities 
and Cemeteries of Etruria, p. xci. 

2 See my Mycenae, p. 259, figs. 383, 385, and 
in many others. 


3 No. 3, Pl. xx. in Dr. Joseph Hampel’s Anti- 
quités préuistoriques de la Hongrie; Esztergom, 
1877. 

4 Joseph Hampel, Catalogue de 1 Exposition 
prévistorique des Musées de Province ; Budapest, 
1876, p.e 

5 For example, the Chinese sacrificial cup, 
engraved under No. 774 (p. 466), resembling the 
double-handled gold cup of the large treasure. 
Dr. Lockhart finds various indications of Chinese 
influence among the Hissarlik antiquities, and 
traces Chinese letters on some of the whorls: 
but I do not now enter into that question. 

6 M. Burnouf asks me whether it has not been 
imported into China by the Buddhists. 


Cuar. VII.) THE γῇ AND CYPRIOTE CHARACTERS. 909 


indebted to Mr. R. B. Aineas Macleod, of Invergordon Castle, Ross-shire, 
who wrote: “You may judge my surprise when, a few weeks ago, on 
looking over some curious bronzes captured at Coomassie during the late 
Ashantee war by Captain Eden, son of Bishop Eden, of Inverness, and 
now in his possession, I observed the same symbol, with some others, as 
was usual in Asia Minor so many thousand years ago. I enclose photo- 
graphs of the three bronzes with the symbol in high relief, and of nearly 
the natural size.” 



































Nos. 244-250. Bronzes bearing the rb, taken at Coomassie in 1874. 


Professor Sayce observes to me: “It is evident that the sign found 
at Hissarlik is identical with that found at Mycenae and Athens, as 
well as on the pre-historic pottery of Cyprus,’ since the general artistic 
character of the objects with which this sign is associated in Cyprus and 
Greece agrees with that of the objects discovered in Troy. The Cyprian 
vase figured in Di Cesnola’s Cyprus, Pl. xlv. 36, which associates the 
swastika with the figure of an animal, is a striking analogue of the Trojan 
whorls on which it is associated with the figures of stags. The fact that 
it is drawn within the vulva of the leaden image of the Asiatic goddess 
(No. 226) seems to show that it was a symbol of generation. I believe that 


it is identical with the Cypriote character sfs or fe (ne), which has 


the form oh in the inscriptions of Golgi, and also with the Hittite of 
or We, which Dr. Hyde Clarke once suggested to me was intended to 


represent the organs of generation.” 

Mr. Edward Thomas kindly sends me a copy of his most able dis- 
sertation on the -H and LQ in which he says: “ As far as I have been 
able.to trace or connect the various manifestations of this emblem, they 
one and all resolve themselves into the primitive conception of solar 
motion, which was intuitively associated with the rolling or wheel-like 
projection of the sun through the upper or visible arc of the heavens, as 
understood and accepted in the crude astronomy of the ancients. The 
earliest phase of astronomical science we are at present in a position to 
refer to, with the still extant aid of indigenous diagrams, is the Chaldean. 
The representation of the sun in this system commences with a simple 
ring or outline circle, which is speedily advanced towards the impression 
of onward revolving motion by the insertion of a cross or four wheel-like 


7 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, Pl. xliv., xlv., xlvii. 
8 The Indian Swastika and its Western Counterparts ; London, 1880. 


2 & 


904 THE THIRD, THE BURNT C:TY. [Cuar. VII. 


spokes within the circumference of the normal ring. As the original 
Chaldean emblem of the sun was typified by a single ring, so the Indian 
mind adopted a similar definition, which remains to this day as the 
ostensible device or caste-mark of the modern Sauras, or sun-worshippers. 
The tendency of devotional exercises in India, indeed, seems from the first 
to have lain in the direction of mystic diagrams and crypto symbols 
rather than in the production of personified statues of the gods, in which 
it must be confessed that, unlike the Greeks, the Hindus did not attain 
a high style of art.” 

I now come to the tripod-vases, of which a really enormous number 
was found. In fact, most of the Trojan vases are tripods. I found, in my 
excavations in the Acropolis of Mycenae, a few fragments of terra-cotta 
tripods,® but never an entire one. Besides, the Mycenean tripods are 
very different from the Trojan; for they have two large handles, which, as 
well as the three feet, have each two, three, four, or even five perforations, 
for suspension with a string. On the contrary, the feet of the Trojan 
tripods are never perforated, but there is on either side of the body a 
projection with a vertical tubular hole, and, in the same direction, a hole 
in the rim and the cover. The string was drawn on each side through 
the tubular holes of the projections, and a knot being made below, as I 
have shown in No. 252, the string was drawn through the tubular holes 
of the neck or the cover. It deserves attention that whenever a vase 
has a cover with long tubular holes, such as No. 252, there is no per- 
foration in the vase-neck ; 
and there being none in 
the tripod-vase No. 251, 
it must have had a cover 
similar to that of No. 252. 
In fact, vases with pyro- 
jections on the rim and 
long tubular holes in these 
projections, a system such 
as we see it on No. 253, 
always pre-suppose flat 
Za vase-covers perforated on 
either side. In either way, 
—by means of the cap- 
like covers with tubular 
holes, such as we see on 

; , No. 252, or by means of 

No, 25. Ornate ind Fare win nimi tle x suet. rated flab covers, 6UOh 

as there must have ex- 

isted on. No. 253,—the vase could be shut close, and it could be carried 
by the string. 

But if, as is evident from the fragments I discovered at Mycenae, the 
tripod form of vase was in use in Greece from a very remote antiquity, it 







" 


— 


ήη 






i 
Wa 


ὴ ἀν 
ὴ 
Y 


9 See my Mycenae, p. 69. 


Cuap. VII.] USE OF TRIPODS IN HOMER. 300 


most certainly was no longer in use there or elsewhere in the so-called 
Graeco-Phoenician period, and far less in later times. The best proof of 
this is, that neither the Museums of Athens, nor the British Museum, 
nor the Louvre, nor any other museum in the world, can boast of possess- 
ing a tripod-vase of terra-cotta, except one found at Ialysus, preserved 
in the British Museum, two from Htruria (one of them in form of an 
animal from Corneto) as well as one from Peru in the Royal Museum 
of Berlin,’ one apparently of a late period in the Museum of Leyden,” 
and three bronze tripod-vases of a late time in the Middle Ages in the 
Museums of Neu Strelitz, Stralsund, and Brandenburg. We must also, 
of course, except the censers, consisting of a very flat bowl with three very 
long, broad feet, which occur among the Graeco-Phoenician as well as the 
Corinthian pottery, and of which the Museum of the Βαρβάκειον in Athens, 
as well as all the large European museums, contain a few specimens. 

No fragment of a tripod-vase of either terra-cotta or bronze has ever 
been found in the Lake-dwellings ;* nor, indeed, so far as I know, has any 
bronze or copper tripod-vase ever been found anywhere, except the above, 
and one which I discovered in the fourth royal sepulchre at Mycenae, and 
of which I gave an engraving, No. 440, p. 278 of my Mycenae. But 
as tripods are continually mentioned by Homer, the fact now mentioned 
goes far to prove that he either flourished in Greece at that remote age 
to which the Mycenean sepulchres belong, or that he lived in Asia Minor, 
where tripods may have been still in use at the time usually attributed to 
the poet (the ninth century B.c.). But my excavations at Hissarlik have 
not proved that tripods were still in use so late: for no trace of them 
was found either in the layer of débris of the sixth city, which I hold 
to be a Lydian settlement, or in the most ancient strata of the Aeolic Lium. 

Tripods of copper (or bronze) were used in the Homeric times for 
various purposes. In the Odyssey,’ as well as in the Iliad,? we find them 
given as presents of honour. In the Ilad* one is offered as a prize in 


3 J]. viii. 289-291: 

πρώτῳ TOL μετ᾽ ἐμὲ πρεσβήϊον ἐν χερὶ θήσω, 

> / δ᾽ Saw / “ > “a 54 

ἢ τρίποδ᾽ ἠὲ δύω ἵππους αὐτοῖσιν ὔχεσφιν 

ΕΣ δὰ ἈΝ δ΄. ὋΝ ΄ ε / > , 

NE γυναῖχ᾽, ἢ κέν τοι ὁμὸν λέχος εἰσαναβαίνοι. 
Ll. ix..121-128 : 

ὑμῖν δ᾽ ἐν πάντεσσι περικλυτὰ δῶρ᾽ ὀνομήνω, 


10 The Royal Museum of Berlin contains also a 
terra-cotta vase with four feet, but I have not 
been able to learn where it was found. 


11 1, J. F. Janssen, De Germaansche en Noord- 
sche Monumenten van het Museum te Leyden ; 


Leyden, 1840. 


1 Professor Virchow informs me that in the 
peat-moors of Northern Germany are often found 
copper kettles with three feet, which belong, 
however, to a late period, and probably to the 
Middle Ages. Two such tripod-vases—the one 
of iron, the other of brass or bronze—are repre- 
sented in the Sessional Report of the Berlin 
Society of Anthropology, Ethnology, &c., of 
July 11, 1874, Pl. xi. Nos. 4 and 5. 

4%» Ode xiite 10: 

GAN ἄγε οἱ δῶμεν τρίποδα μέγαν ἠδὲ λέβητα... 

Od. xv. 82-84: 

eign οὐδέ τις ἡμέας 
αὕτως ἀππέμψει, δώσει δέ τι ἕν γε φέρεσθαι, 
HE τινα τριπόδων εὐχάλκων ἠὲ λεβήτων. 


e b ast) / / / \ “A / 
ETT ἄπύρους τρίποδας, δέκα δὲ χρυσοῖο τάλαντα, 
αἴθωνας δὲ λέβητας ἐείκοσι, . 
ΠΣ ΣΙΝ G00, COL 
wee - . περὶ τρίποδος γὰρ ἔμελλον 
θεύσεσθαι:" 
Il. xxiii. 262-264: 
¢ “ \ lal 7 5 ΝΜ 
ἱππεῦσιν μὲν πρῶτα ποδώκεσιν ἀγλα᾽ ἄεθλα 
θῆκε γυναῖκα ἄγεσθαι ἀμύμονα ἔργα ἰδυῖαν 
καὶ τρίποδ᾽ ὠτώεντα. .. 
Ll. xxiii. 485: 
an ΄ \ 
δεῦρό viv, ἢ τρίποδος περιδώμεθον ἠὲ λέβητος. 
Fly xxi. 912, 513 : 
δῶκε δ᾽ ἄγειν ἑτάροισιν ὑπερθύμοισι γυναῖκο, 
καὶ τρίποδ᾽ ὠτώεντα φέρειν" 
Th τα Τὺ 715: 
οἱ δὲ μάλ᾽ αἰεί 
/ Cy: / / A 
νίκης ἱέσθην τρίποδος πέρι ποιητοῖο. 


356 THE THIRD, THE BURNT GITY. . [CHkP. AWE: 


the games, and the tripod also occurs as an ornament of the rooms,® 
and, further, for the heating of water and for cooking.’ To indicate its 
use for these latter purposes, Homer‘ gives also to the tripod the epithet 
ἐμπυριβήτης, “set on the fire.” 

It is very remarkable that, with all the many hundreds of terra- 
cotta tripod-vases, no trace of a copper or bronze tripod was found in 
any one of the five pre-historic cities at Hissarlik. This is all the more 
astonishing, since the ten treasures found in the third or burnt city 
appear to prove that the city was suddenly and unexpectedly destroyed 
by a fearful catastrophe, so that the inhabitants had no time to save 
anything. Besides, the largest treasure, that one which was found by me 
at the end of May 1873, contained three copper vessels and some more in 
fragments, but not one of these was a tripod. The existence, therefore, of 
terra-cotta and copper tripod-vessels in Mycenae at that remote antiquity 
to which the royal tombs belong ;—their non-existence in Greece at any 
later period ;—the abundance of copper (or bronze) tripod-vessels in the 
time of Homer ;—the general use of terra-cotta tripod-vessels in all the 
five pre-historic cities at Hissarlik ;—the total absence there of copper 
tripods. of any kind:—this series of facts presents just as many problems 
which bid fair to occupy the scientific world for a long time to come. 

In order to avoid continual repetition, I here state that, unless I 
mention the contrary, all the Trojan vases may be regarded as hand-made, 

1 have still to describe more fully the tripod-vases already mentioned, 
Nos. 251, 252, and 253. As may be seen, the vertical tubular holes of 
No. 251 are very long; the three feet, of which only one is visible in the 
engraving, are very short and thick. On either side of the globular body 
we see two narrow strips with dots, and two broad ones with an incised 
ornamentation in the shape of fish-spines. This latter decoration is seen 
on several gold goblets ὃ found by me at Mycenae in the royal sepulchres, 
as well as on a marble slab found outside of them; it also occurs on 
terra-cotta vases found in Dolmens of the Stone age in Denmark; *° on 
a vase found in Hungary," and elsewhere. 


No. 252 is a very remarkable lustrous light-red tripod-vase. Around 


the body we see a deep furrow, the two edges of which are perforated 
vertically for suspension; but the usual projections on either side of the 
body are missing here. Not less curious is the cover, in the form of a 
Phrygian cap, having on each side a tubular hole more than 2 in. long, 
by means of which it was fastened on the vase with a string, as I have 
shown in the engraving. There are similar ἐδ long vertical tubular 





5 J]. xviii. 373, 374: Tat Lh, xxii. VOR 164, it is called τρίπος instead 
τρίποδας γὰρ ἐείκοσι πάντας ἔτευχεν of the usual form τρίπους: 
ἑστάμεναι περὶ τοῖχον evaTabeos μεγάροιο, . « - 2 ee we τὸ δὲ μέγα κεῖται ἄεθλον, 
i ss / 
6 0d wiht ABA ! ἢ τρίπος ἠὲ γυνή, . .. 
> a tous α , , ef ' 8. See my Mycenae, No. 319, p. 206, and No. 
ἀμφὶ πυρὶ στῆσαι τρίποδα μέγαν ὅττι τάχιστα. 453, p. 299 
iL a ΕΑ eae sory thane 9 Thid. Neste aan 
ἀμφὶ πυρὶ στῆσαι τρίποδα μέγαν, uppa τάχιστα 10 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager ; Copen- 
Bn pe DEO EE hagen, 1859, p. 19, fig. 95, and p. 20, fig. 100. 
™ Tl, ΧΧΈ ΤΣ: 11 Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de 


τῷ μὲν νικήσαντι μέγαν τρίποδ᾽ ἐμπυριβήτην, «+» ἰα Hongric, Pl. xxi. No. 7. 


Cuap. VIL] TRIPODS WITH SUSPENSION RINGS. dot 


holes in the projections near the rim of the pretty grey tripod-vase 
No. 253, which has smaller projections with vertical tubular holes, in 











No. 252. Ornamented Tripod Vase, with tubular No. 253. Ornamented Tripod Vase, with tubular rings 
rings for suspension. (2:5 actual size. for suspension. (2:5 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 
Depth, 26 ft.) 


the same direction, in its globular body, which is decorated with wedge- 
shaped incisions and points. 

Another tripod-vase with the suspension system is No. 254, the neck 
of which is ornamented with 8 circular bands. The body is divided by 
three bands into four fields, of which the upper one is decorated with the 
























































No. 254, Ornamented Tripod Vase, with tubular holes No. 255. Ornamented Tripod Vase, with tubular ΠΟ 68 
for suspension. Incised ornamentation. (About 1:4 fer suspension. Incised ornamentation. (About 1:4 
actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


very common incised zigzag ornament, the two following with small 
incised strokes; the lower field has no ornamentation. No. 255 is a 
similar tripod-vase, with an almost identical ornamentation. 


358 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


No. 256 represents a very characteristic specimen of a Trojan terra- 
cotta tripod-vase: it is of a light-brown colour, and has two handles, 
which, as well as the three feet, 
are of a spiral form. Between 
the two handles there is, on 
either side of the body, a large 
projection with a vertical tubular 
hole, one of which is just in 
front, and in the same direetion 
a hole in the rim for suspension. 
The long funnel-shaped neck is 
decorated with simple circular 
bands. 

A very elegant red tripod- 
vase with two perforated handles 
is represented under No. 257. 
On each side of its globular 
body we see an incised decora- 
tion of three branches, of which 
the middle one has on each side 
a zigzag line, the two others 
plain lines. 

The tripod-vase No. 258 is 
very curious, on account of its 
fanciful feet, which, as well as 
No. 256. Pretty Tripod Vase, with two handles of spiral form the projections on the sides of 

Paste Bone Coa holes for suspension. (2:5 actual size, the body, are ornamented with 

incisions; the whole upper part 
of this vessel is restored. The only peculiarity in the globular tripod- 
vase, No. 259, is a projection on the body, the upper part of which is 


















































No. £57. Globular Tripod, with perforated handles for 
suspension and incised ornamentation of plants or 
palm-leaves, (1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 258. Tripod Vase. All the upper part restored with 
gypsum. (Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


ornamented with a zigzag line between two circular bands. Much prettier 
is the little globular tripod-vase, No. 260; which has on each side the 
usual perforated projection for suspension. The body is decorated with 


Cuap. VIL] VARIOUS TRIPOD-VASES. 909 


an incised band of a horizontal fish-spine-like ornamentation, parallel to 
which we see a band of strokes round the neck. This latter band is 





Ἦ No. 260. Globular Tripod, with holes for suspension 
No, 259. Globular Vase, with three feet and tubular and incised fish-spine-like ornaments. 


holes for suspension. (About 1:4 actual size. (Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 
Depth, 26 ft.) 


joined to the lower one on each side by a row of fish-spine incisions. The 
neck straitens towards the top. 

The tripod No. 261 has two handles of a spiral form, which, as a rare 
exception to the rule, are not perforated. The globular body is divided 
by seven parallel circular bands into six fields: of these the larger 
central one is divided on each side by fifteen vertical lines into sixteen 
small fields, four of which are ornamented with incised circles, and four 
others with strokes. No. 262 is another tripod-vase, with tubular holes for 






























































No. 261. Tripod Vase, w th incised ornamentation. No. 262. Tripod Vase, with incised ornamentation. 


(Half actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) ᾿ (Half actual size. Depth, 25 ft.) 
suspension. The upper part of the globular body, as well as the neck, is 
ornamented with incised parallel bands, of which two are ornamented 
with horizontal strokes, the third with an incised zigzag line. 

The tripod-vase No. 263 is very similar to No. 252, with the difference 
that the neck of the latter straitens, while that of No. 263 widens towards 
the top. On neither of these two vases are there perforated projections 


860 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL. 


for suspension. On No. 263, the edge of the bottom, the projecting 
edge on the middle of the body, as well as the upper part of the neck 
and the cover, are perforated on each side for assing the string 
through. 

I call the reader’s very particular attention to the curious light-red 
tripod-box Nos. 264 and 265, the former being the cover and the latter 


No. 264. 























No. 263. Tripod Vase, with tubular holes fur suspension Nos. 264, 265. Tripod Box, with holes for suspension. 
in the lower part of the body, the rim, and the cover. A cutile-fish is painted on the cover. 
(1:3 actualsize. Depth, 26 ft.) (Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 20 10.) 


being the lower part. The three feet are of a spiral form. On each side 
of the bottom, as well as on two sides in the rims, there is a perforation 
for suspending the box and fastening the lid on it. On the top of the 
latter the reader sees a curious 
ornamentation, painted with dark- 
red clay, in which the keen eye of 
my friend Mr. Charles Newton, of 
the British Museum, has recognized 
a cuttle-fish, and this is in fact most 
certainly represented here. The 
same ornamentation occurs at My- 
| cenae and in the Phoenico-Greek 
wiles | Wai lis i H remains at Rhodes. The same orna- 
. i i mentation is very frequent on the 
objects of gold found by me in the 
royal sepulchres of Mycenae,’ also 
on the pottery from a tomb at 
Talysus in Rhodes preserved in the 
British Museum. No. 266 is the 
cover, and No. 267 the lower part, 
of a lustrous-black box of terra- 
Zs cotta, made of a very compact 
No. 267. graphite clay mixed with so much 

Nos. 266, 267. Lustrous-black Box, with Cover of ‘mica that it glitters all over with 
Terra-cotta. (Half actual size. Depth, 28 ft ) thousands of sparkles, like gold or 
silver. I found it on the wall 

near the royal house, together with the curious object of Egyptian 
porcelain No. 548, and a lustrous-black vase with an owl’s head and 
the characteristics of a woman, in a large broken funeral urn, which 


2. Sey σα | eee 


1 See my Mycenac, No. 240, p. 166, and Nos, 270, 271, p. 181. 




















































































































mt ] wh f ἢ 
μι AUN Hai A | ile 























παρ. VIL] TERRA-COTTA BOXES WITH LIDS. 361 


was filled with different sorts of carbonized material and ashes of animal 
matter. Though the box has evidently been exposed to a great heat, 
yet it is hardly half-baked, probably because it was shut. But still 
the heat has been so great in the box that all its contents have been 
carbonized. In these Professor X. Landerer recognizes grain, remnants 
of cotton or linen cloth, beads of glass paste, and animal charcoal of bones 
and flesh. Thus we may with all probability suppose that the funeral urn 
contained the ashes of a deceased person, to which were added several 
articles, to one of which the object of Egyptian porcelain belonged ; also 
the box before us, which seems to have contained a dress ornamented 
with beads of a glass paste, and some food, grain, and animal matter. 
Unlike the box Nos. 264, 265, the black box before us has no holes for 
suspension, and the lid is so large that it covers the lower part or box 
proper entirely. 

No. 268 represents a lustrous-black tripod-vase with the system for 
suspension ; it has on each side of the body three linear projections and two 






a No. 269. Vase, ornamented with .ncisions, 
No. 268. Globular Tripod, with perforated (1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 
projections for suspension. Ornamentution, 6 linear 
projections. (1:4 actual size Depth, 32 ft.) 


lines incised round the neck. No. 269 is a little grey vase decorated with 
three lines round the neck, and a series of circles and a zigzag orna- 
mentation round the body. Nos. 270 and 271 are two globular tripod- 


No. 270. 


ΝΟ. ale 


























No. 272. Tripod Vase, with holes for 
suspension, also projections on either side 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





Nos. 270, 271. Two Tripod Vases, with tubular holes for suspension 
and ornamented with incisions. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


vases of a blackish colour, with tubular holes for suspension ; the former 
is ornamented with three lines round the neck, and various other rude 
incised patterns on the body; the upper part of No. 271 is decorated all 


362 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY [Cuar. VII. 


round with 7 bands of dots. No. 272 is a lustrous-black tripod-vase with 
a ring for suspension on either side, and two small projections on each side 
of the body. 

I pass over to the unornamented tripod-vases, simply placing before 
the reader nine specimens of lustrous black, brown, or red colour 
(Nos. 273 to 281), as their several forms may be easily studied from the 





ἼΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ ὃ 


No. 273. Tripod Vase, with perforated projections for No. 274. Tripod Vase, with tubular holes for 
suspension. (1 " 4 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) suspension. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 















































No. 275. Tripod Vase, with holes for suspension. 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 516. Tripod Vase, with tubular holes for 
suspension. (1 4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


excellent engravings. All of them have two vertically perforated projec- 
tions for suspension with a string. In the engravings Nos. 273 and 274 
the perforations for the string in the rim are algo easily to be discerned. 
The feet of No. 276 form curves; those of No. 277 are in the form of 
spirals. 


παν. VII.] UNORNAMENTED TRIPOD-VASES. 909 





No. 277. Globular Tripod Vase. No. 278. Globular Tripod, No. 279. Tripod Vase, with 
(Nearly 1 : 8 actual size. with tubular holes for suspension. holes for suspension. 
epth, 32 ft ) (About 1: 4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) (1: 4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 
























































No, 230. Tripod Vase, with tubular holes for No. 281. Terra-cotta Tripod Vase, with 
suspension, (1:4 actual size. Depth, perforated projections on the sides for suspension. 
32 ft.) (Half actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 


I now proceed to the vases without feet. No. 282 is a lustrous dark- 
brown globular vase, with a short neck and double rings for suspension on 





SEE 









aN 
τ 


253: Ξξ 





No. 282. Vase with two tubular holes for No. 283. Spout of a black Vase, with two holes 
suspension on each side. (About 1: 4 actual size. for suspension. (2:3 actual size. Depth, 
Depth, 32 ft.) 26 ft.) 


each side. Similar vases with double rings on each side are general in the 
first city, but they hardly ever occur in the higher strata; in fact, in all 


904 ΤΉΝ ΤῊ THE! BUBNTSCITyY. [Cuapr. VII. 


my excavations I found only two of them in the third or burnt city. 
But No. 283 is a vase-spout with two perforations in the rim. It evi- 
dently belongs to a vase with such a spout on each side of the body: 
I shall have occasion to represent such a vase on a subsequent page. 
No. 284 is a lustrous-black globular vase, with the usual vertical tubular 
holes for suspension. As to Nos. 285 and 288, I have nothing particular 
to add to the mere view of the objects. 





i 
τὰν 


No. 285. Globular Vase, with tubular holes for 
(Nearly 1 : 3 actual size. 





No. 284. 
(About 1:4 actual size. 


Globular Vase, with tubular holes, 
Depth, 32 ft.) 


suspension. Depth, 32 ft.) 














No. 287. Globular Bottle, with tubular holes for 
suspension. (Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


No. 286. Bottle with tubular holes for suspension. 
(About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


Nos. 286 and 287 are in shape much like our present bottles; but 
the projections with the vertical tubular holes on the sides betray at once 
their remote antiquity. No. 289 is a large yellowish vase of oval form, 
having on the sides the like projections with perforations. No. 290 is a 
lustrous-black globular vase with perforated projections for suspension. 





2 A hand-made vase similar to this, and also the result. But, unlike the Trojan vases, which 


with two rings for suspension on either side, 
is in the remarkable collection of pre-historic 
German pottery of Professor Virchow at Berlin. 
Great praise is due to this friend for the exten- 
sive excavations he has undertaken in company 
with his highly talented children, his daughter 
Adéle and his son Dr. Hans Virchow, in the 
vast graveyard of Zaboréwo in the province of 
Posen, and of which his very curious collection is 


invariably have vertical perforations for suspen- 
sion, the perforations on the above vase in Prof. 
Virchow’s collection are in a horizontal position, 
like those of all the German vases; but he 
possesses one vase found at Belgard in Pom- 
mern, which has on each side a vertically per- 
forated excrescence. Another rare exception is ἃ 
vase in the Markisches Museum at Berlin, which 
has also a vertical perforation on either side. 


Cuap. VII.] VASES WITHOUT FEET. 369 


























ΞΕ ΞΕ ἘΞ 

















No. 288. Vase with tubular holes for suspension. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) 





== ἘΞ ————— 


No. 289. Vase of oval shape, with tubular hoies for 
suspension, (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


A vase similar to this, but with horizontally perforated excrescences on 
the sides, is in Professor Virchow’s collection. 






No. 290. 





Globular Vase, with No. 291. Globular Vase, with 





holes for suspension. tubular holes for suspension. 
(1: 4 actual size. Depth, 29 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 




















No. 292. Globular Vase, with holes No. 293. Globular Vase, with holes No. 294. Cup with fisn-spine orna- 


for suspension and incised orna- for suspension and incised flowery — mentation. (About 1: 4 actual size. 
mentation. (About 1:4 actual size. ornamentation. (About 1:4 actual Depth, 26 ft.) 
Depth, 26 ft.) size. Depth, 32 ft.) 


No. 291 is remarkable for the shape of its very long perforated 
projections for suspension. No, 292 is a globular vase, rudely decorated 
with a linear ornamentation and dots. No. 293 is a grey globular vase 
with the suspension system, ornamented on each side with six very 
neatly-incised palm-branches. No, 294 is a lustrous dark-red goblet 


366 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cnap. VII. 


without handles; it is decorated with an incised bana of the fish-spine 
ornament, encompassed on both sides by double lines, below which we 
see an engraved branch all round the vase. The perforated projections 
on the sides of the lustrous dark-brown globular vase, No. 295, are 
in the shape of ears. No. 296 represents a vase with perforated projec- 




















No. 295. Globular Vase, with tubular holes for ae ee 
suspension. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 29 ft.) No. 296. Vase with linear ornamentation and tubular 
holes for suspension. (About 1 : 4 actual size. 


Depth, 29 ft.) 


tions for suspension; it has a rude linear ornamentation on the body. 
Professor Virchow calls my attention to the great similarity between the 
cover of this vase and that of the covers on the Pommerellen vases 
with human faces. No. 297 is of a lustrous-brown colour; its neck 



























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 297. Vase with tubular holes for suspension. Νο. 298. Black Vase, with a convex bottom and tubular holes 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) on the sides for suspension, covered all over with dots. 
(1: 3 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 
widens slightly towards the top. No. 298 is a lustrous-black vase, with 
a globular base and the usual perforated projections for suspension ; 1t 1s 
covered all over with rows of dots. 


Cuapr. VII] VASE WITH REMARKABLE DECORATIONS. 367 


The globular lustrous dark-brown vase, No. 299, with its long per- 
forated and deeply-fluted projections for suspension, is very remarkable. 

No. 300 is of the same colour, and has the 
usual system for suspension. It 15 decorated with 
a waving line and dots. 

To the lst of vases found elsewhere, with 
vertical tubular holes for suspension, I may add 
two small conical vases from Nimroud, in the 
British Museum, each of which has four such 
holes. 

No. 301 is a blackish globular vase, with 





No. 299. Globular Vase, with 


perforated projections on the body as well as in _ tubular holes for suspension. 
ἢ : fay : Dg πὸ (About 1 : 4 actual size. 
the rim, for suspension. It has a rudely-incised Depth, 26 ft.) 


ornamentation filled up with white chalk. 
One of the most interesting objects ever found at Hissarlik is the 














No. 300. Vase with holes for suspension, and incised No. 301. Globular Vase, with tubular holes in the rim 
ornamentation. (About 1 : 4 actual size, and body for suspension ; incised ornamentation, 
Depth, 32 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 29 ft.) 


beautiful lustrous dark-yellow vase No. 302 (p. 368), which has on the 
sides long projections perforated with tubular holes for suspension ; each 
of these projections is ornamented with four horizontal parallel lines. The 
surface of the body is divided on each side by two vertical lines into three 
fields: in the middle field, which is by far the largest, we see on each side a 
tree with ten branches, a decoration which is very frequent on the Trojan 
whorls and balls (see Nos. 1899-1904, 1910, 1998, 1999, and 2000). But 
I remind the reader that this, like all other patterns on the pre-historic 
pottery of Hissarlik, is incised. If we examine these incisions with a 
lens, we conclude from their rudeness and irregularity that they must 
have been made with pointed pieces of silex or hard wood, or with bone- 
needles, before the pottery was baked. for the second time, or, more 
inti before it was brought to the fire for the first time. The vase 
before us (No. 302) has been exposed to the full heat of the conflagra- 
tion; for, although the clay is very thick, it is thoroughly baked. This 
vase evidently had a cover lke that which we see on No. 252. | 
Another highly interesting vase is represented by No. 308 (p. 368); 1% 


368 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 


is of a lustrous-black colour, and but slightly baked. Like many other 
black vases, it would most probably have become quite red had it been 
exposed to the intense heat of the conflagration, and so been thoroughly 





—S = 


ἘΞΞΞΞΞΞ No. 303. Vase of polished blackish Terra-cotta, with 
5 ous , tubular holes for suspension. Incised plant-like orna- 
No. 302. Vase of well-polished yellow Terra-cotta, with mentation. (Half actual size. Depth, 33 ft.) 
an incised ornamentation and long tubular holes for 
suspension on either side. (About 1:3 actual size. 
Depth, 26} ft.) 





baked. It has on both sides pointed projections with perforations for 
suspension. Like the foregoing vase (No. 302), it has a small hollow 
foot ; its shape is globular; it is decorated on each side with two reversed 
branches, each with 18 leaves and surrounded by dots; there is also a 
plant-like ornamentation above the projections. A similar ornamentation 
is very frequent on the whorls (see Nos. 1901 and 1904). 

The lustrous-red vase No. 304 is of an oval shape. This also has a 
small hollow foot and a short neck, which widens towards the mouth; it 
has the usual tubular holes on the sides, and holes in the rim in the 
same direction. The body is ornamented all round with rudely-incised 
vertical lines, just as if the primitive potter had intended to imitate 
a melon. The neck is ornamented with horizontal parallel lines. This 
vessel has been exposed to the intense heat of the conflagration, by which 
it has been thoroughly baked. The crown-shaped cover which we see on 
the vase is very curious. Unlike the usual covers withga similar crown- 
like handle, this cover is not intended to be put over the neck of the vase, 
but to be put into it, like a stopper, because its lower part is hemi- 
spherical and hollow, with a wide orifice in the middle. By this con- 
trivance the cover could be put on the vase even when it was full, because 
the liquid would enter into the hollow. While all the vases which 
I have hitherto passed in review, and all those which I shall pass in 
review without a special notice to the contrary, are hand-made, this vase- 
cover is wheel-made, a circumstance which appears to prove that it does 
not belong to this particular vase. 


Cuar. VIL] VARIOUS SUSPENSION VASES. 369 


Under No. 305 I represent a globular lustrous-yellow vase found in 
the royal house ; it has the usual perforated projections for suspension on 








SSS 


SSS 
ἘΞ === 


















































No. 305. Inscribed ‘lerra-cotta Vase, from the 
royal house. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 









γ 
ay) 


Ml 


S 


> 


U, 





NSS 


“) 


if 


7, 
Ul 








ἤ 









































SS 


No. 304. Lustrous-red Vase of oval shape, with rude linear No. 306. Vase of ee form, with a hollow 
ornamentation, having long perforated projections on the sides. foot, tubular holes for ἘΠΕ ΕΣ and a 
(Half actual size. Depth, 24 ft.) projecting ornamentation. 
(1: 4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


the sides, and holes in the rim; its bottom is flat. Around the upper 
part of the body is what has been taken for an incised 
inscription, which Professor Sayce has discussed in hig 
dissertation on the Trojan inscriptions. 

The red vase No. 306 is of an oval shape, and has 
the same system for suspension as all the foregoing, a 
hollow foot, and a small neck; it has on each side of the ; 
body a spiral decoration in relief, like the τὴ Ὁ hap sa, une 


with tubular holes 
racter ko fur suspension and 


two breasts on either 


Of a far ruder fabric is the little vase No. 307, which _ side. (About 1:4 


1 1 1 i ctual -ize. Depth, 
has on each side two projections in the form of female Toit) On γος 








* See his Appendix. 
28 


910 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII, 


breasts, and four vertical lines; the small curved projections on the sides 
are perforated for suspension. Very curious in its ornamentation is the 





No. 309. Vase Cover, with a small handle, decorated 
witc an incised ornamentation. (About 1°3 actual 
Sizen) 





No. 308. Vase of Terra-cotta, with incised 
decorations. (About half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


globular vase No. 308, which has only two holes for suspension in the rim, 
and none on the sides. The surface of the body is divided by horizontal 


No. 311. 



























































— 


Hiv 


ih 2 
Mi 
᾿ i | 


" 
᾿ 





Nos. 310-318. Fragments of Pottery with incised ornamentation. (N early half actual size. Depth, 22 to 32 ft.) 


parallel lines into six or seven zones, most of which are decorated with 
rude vertical, slanting, or horizontal incisions; on each side of the body 


Cuap. VII.] TWO-HANDLED GOBLETS. 371 


there is a projection which, however, is not perforated. The only pre- 
historic vases, whose incised decoration offers some resemblance to that 
on this vase, are those found in Hungary, and represented on Pl. vi. 
-Nos. 4, 6, 7, 8, and 9, in Dr. Joseph Hampel’s Antiquités préhistoriques 
de la Hongrie.* 

Under No. 309 I represent a vase-cover with a small handle; it is 
rudely decorated with incisions representing lines, small concentric circles, 
and spirals. 

Nos. 310, 3138, 314, 315, and 318 are fragments of vases with various 
rudely-incised patterns. No. 311 is a vase-foot ending in a spiral. Nos. 
312 and 316 are fragments of vase-covers. No. 317 is the handle of a 

-yase with curious signs. 

The engravings Nos. 319 to 323 represent five of the long iustrous- 
red goblets, with two enormous handles and a pointed or convex foot, on 
account of which they cannot be put down except on the mouth; there- 



























































No. 319. Goblet with two handles, δέπας ἀμφι- No. 320. Goblet with two handies, δέπας ἀμφι- 
κύπελλον. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 29 ft.) κύπελλον. (About 1:4 aciual size. Depth, 32 ft.) 


fore, whoever held such a goblet in his hand, when filled with liquid, 
was forced to empty it before putting it down. In this way the goblet 
was always kept clean. I have tried to prove in the preceding chapter 
(pp. 299-302) that the Homeric δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον could not possibly 
have been anything else but a single goblet with two handles. Nos. 319 
and 320 are represented upright, as when held in the hand; Nos. 321, 322, 
and 823, as standing on the mouth. These goblets are sometimes very 
large; two of those in my collection, with a pointed foot and handles, like 
No. 319, are 12 inches long, and have a mouth 6 inches in diameter. 
But there also occur two-handled goblets of a different shape in this third, 





* Esztergom, 1876. 


372 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


No. 322. 
















= 











No. 324. Cup with two handles. (1:3 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 





Ses 

















































































































No. 223. Goblet with two handles (δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον). No. 325. Goblet with two handles. (1:3 actual size. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) Depth, 26 ft.) 


the burnt city. The shape represented by No. 324 also occurs very fre- 
quently, and still more abundant is the form No. 325, which in the upper 
pre-historic cities has sometimes three feet. With rare exceptions, all 
the goblets, of whatever form, are of a lustrous-red colour; the only other 
colour which sometimes, but very seldom, occurs on the goblets, is a 
lustrous black. 


Cuap. VII.] ‘CURIOUS PERFORATED VESSELS. 373 


I further represent here, under No. 326, a cup with three feet and 
two handles; it is of a lustrous-black colour, and decorated all round 
with parallel horizontal lines. Only two,specimens of this type have been 
found in the third city; but it is very frequent in the following city. 
But still more frequent in the latter is a double-handled cup of the 
very same shape, but without the tripod feet; indeed, this shape is so 
abundant there, that I was able to collect many hundreds of specimens; 
but it never occurs in the third, the burnt city. I may add that none 
of these various forms of goblets have ever been found elsewhere. 


La 





if 

We 

No. 326. Lustrous-black Tripod Cup, with two handles. 
(About 1:5 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 





No. 327. Very curious sieve-like perforated Tripod- 
vessel. (Half actual size. Depth, 24 ft.) 


No. 327 is a very curious tripod-vessel in the form of a one-handled 
pitcher, which stands on its side, supported by three feet, and is 
pierced all over with holes like a sieve. Similar vessels are not rare, 
either in the third or the following city; but their use is a mystery 
to us. All of them have been made on the potter’s wheel, are unpolished, 
and of the rudest fabric. All the holes have evidently been made before 
the vessel was baked. But the baking is not thorough. Similar vessels 
have never been found elsewhere. Professor Helbig® suggests that the 
large sieve-like perforated terra-cotta vases found in the Italian terramare 
may have served for separating the liquid honey from the wax. May the 
vessel before us have served for a like purpose? 

Nos. 328-330 represent three vase-covers, whose tripod-like handles 
with a large knob make a very pretty appearance, and resemble crowns. 
But still more elegant is the vase-cover No. 331, the handle of which 
consists, as it were, of two arches; its form can best be explained by 
comparing it to two single handles put cross-wise, one over the other, 





5 Wolfgang Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene ; 
Leipzig, 1879, p. 17. Professor Helbig says, 
p- 6: “The word Terramare or Terramara is an 
expression corrupted from Terramarna by the 
peasants of the province of Parma, and signifies 
originally every stratum of earth which is mixed 
with organic matter, and is therefore appropriate 


for manuring. Now, as the soil of the Emilia 
contains the remains of many old settlements, 
remains consisting of manufactures as well as of 
decomposed organic bodies, the denomination 
Terramare has in a more narrow sense been 
transferred to the strata containing such re- 


mains.” 


914 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Caap. ὙΠ. 


and joined together by a very large nail. Both sorts of handle are very 
abundant in the third city, as well as in the two succeeding pre-historic 


. 





No. 329. Vase Cover with ἃ crown-shaped handle. 
(1:4 actual size, Depth, 26 ft.) 





No, 328. Vase Cover with acrown-shaped handle. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


cities, though they have certainly never been yet found elsewhere. But 
my friend Mr. Philip Smith calls my attention to the similarity of these 






























































































































































No. 331. Vase Cover with a crown-shaped handle, 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 330. Vase Cover with a crown-shaped handle. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 


Trojan handles to the crown-like form of the modern Phrygian water- 
vessels. He cites the following passage on the subject from page 101 of 
the Rev. E. J. Davis’s Life in Asiatic Turkey. Writing from Hierapolis, 
he says: ‘‘Here I saw for the first time the wooden vessels used for 
carrying water. They are made of a section of pine: the inside is 
hollowed out from below, and the bottom is closed by a piece of wood 
exactly fitted into it. These vessels are very durable and strong.” On 
the opposite page he gives two engravings, according to which these 


Cuap. VII.] ANIMAL-SHAPED VESSELS. (Ὁ 


Phrygian water-vessels have a very great resemblance to the Trojan vase- 
covers in the form of a crown. 

Vase-covers with a simple handle, like No. 332, occasionally occur, 
but they are not nearly so frequent as the forms before described. 











No. 332. Vase Cover with a simple handle. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) 


The only vase-handles I noticed which have some analogy to these 
were found at Szihalom in Hungary, and are shown under Nos. 26 and 
27 in the glass case No. IX. of the National Museum of Buda-Pesth. The 
only difference is that, instead of covering the vase-neck like a cap, as 
at Troy, they were intended merely to shut the orifice: for, as Dr. J. 
Hampel informs me, the lower part of No. 26 is tapering, and its fiat- 
tened foot is divided by a cross-like groove into four pivots; the lower 
part of No. 27 is globular. The handle is on the slightly hollow upper 
side. Therefore, hike the Mycenean vase-covers,® these Szihalom vase- 
covers were kept in place on the orifice by their protruding flat rim, 
their tapering or globular lower part entering into the neck of the vase, 
like a stopper. ; 

I now proceed to the description of some vessels in the form of 
animals. No. 333 represents a lustrous-green globular tripod-vessel 
with a ram’s head; instead of the tail we see a long and large spout, 





































































































































































































No. 333. Globular Tripod, with a ram’s head. No. 334. Vessel with three feet in form of a hedgehog, 
(1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 


which is joined by a handle to the back of the vessel: the upper part of 
the body is ornamented with bands of incised lines. No. 334 is a brown 
tripod-vase of a dull brown colour, with the head of a hedgehog: the 





6 See my Mycenae, p. 256, Nos. 373, 374, 


376 THE THIRD, THE BURNT: CITY. [Cuar, VIL 


primitive potter may have meant to represent the spines of the animal 
by the three bands of incised strokes with which the body of the vessel 
is decorated. Here also the mouthpiece is on the back part, and joined 
to the back by a handle. No. 835 is a lustrous-brown vase, in the form 
of a fat sow with three feet. No. 336 is a lustrous-brown vessel, in 
the shape of a sheep with four feet. No. 337 is a lustrous dark-brown 
tripod-vase, in the shape of a hog. No. 338 is a lustrous-brown tripod- 
vase, in the form of a mole; this latter vessel has been made so that it 
can be set upright on the muzzle and the two fore feet. 








No. 335. Tripod-vessel in the form of a fat sow. (Half actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 
































No. 336. Vase in the shape of a sheep with four feet. No. 337. Vase.in the form of a hog; the upper part 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) restored. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) 


No. 339 again represents a hedgehog, but its four feet are too short 
to set it on, the base being convex. Unlike the other vases, the mouth is 


Cuar. VIL] A TERRA-COTTA HIPPOPOTAMUS. 377 


,.“---------τοτοσποο 
ee od 

r ‘ 

1 

‘ 






































No. 338. Tripod-vessel in the form of a mole. No. 339. Vase in the form of a hedgehog, with four 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 23 to 26 ft.) short feet. (1:3 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 


here over the neck. The only ornamentation of this vessel consists of 
five horizontal incisions on each side. 

No. 340 is of lustrous-red terra-cotta; it has four feet, and can 
hardly represent anything else than a hippopotamus. It is hollow; on its 
left side are the most distinct marks 
of its having been joined to another 
vessel, which of course must have 
had an identical form; the neck of 
the twin vessel may have been in 
the middle between the two hippo- 
potami. The existence of the figures 
of hippopotami in the third, the 
burnt city, at a depth of 23 ft. 
below the surface, is extremely 
remarkable—nay, astonishing; for this animal, as is well known, is no 
longer met with even in Upper:Egypt, and occurs only in the rivers 
in the interior of Africa. In the time of the Old Empire, however 
(about 85... 5000-3500, according to Mariette), the hippopotamus still 
lived in the Delta, as is shown by a painting in the tomb of Ti at 
Sakkarah. ΤΊ was an official of the Fifth Dynasty (about B.c. 3950— 
3700), and is represented as hunting hippopotami among the papyri of 
the Delta. According to Herodotus,’ they were worshipped as sacred 
animals in the Egyptian nome of Papremis only; and in the time of 
Pliny (H. N. xxviii. 8) they still existed in Upper Egypt. At all 
events, as appears to be evident from the existence of Egyptian porcelain 
here, this third city of Troy must have been commercially connected 
with Egypt; but, even so, it is still an enigma how the animal was so 
well known here as to have been made of clay in a form so faithful 
to nature. We may compare the vases similarly made in the form of 
animals found by General di Cesnola in Cyprus.® 

Professor Virchow informs me that a vase in the form of a hog is in 
the Museum of Jena, and that vessels in the shape of animals, for the 





(About 2:3 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 





oe ~ a 
7 Herod. ii. 71: Οἱ δὲ ἵπποι of ποτάμιοι νομῷ Αἰγυπτίοισι οὐκ ἱροί. 


\ » 


μὲν τῷ Παπρημίτῃ ἱροί εἰσι, τοῖσι δὲ ἄλλοισι 8 Di Cesnola Cyprus, Pl. viii. 


378 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


most part of birds, are not rare in the tombs of Lusatia (Lausitz) and 
Posen. He adds that many of them are mere rattle-boxes for children, 
but that there also occur open ones. The Royal Museum at Berlin 
contains a terra-cotta vessel without feet, with an animal’s head, the 
funnel-shaped orifice being in the back; also a terra-cotta tripod-vessel 
from Corneto, with an animal’s head, the funnel-like orifice being in the 
place where the tail ought to be; the handle is on the back. A terra- 
cotta vessel in the shape of an ox, with four feet, having the orifice in the 
middle of the back, was found in a tomb of the graveyard of Kazmierz- 
Komorowo, in the province of Posen.? A similar animal-shaped vessel, 


ΠῚ 2 


ED 


tif ih i 


No. 343. 




















᾿ A i : 


( a) 
-. 


if 


—— 
















San 





SS 


é 








ὶ 


Ξε SS 








No. 341. Object of Terra-cotta representing a fantastical 


animal with six feet. (1:3 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) Nos. 342, 343. Two Hooks of Terra-cotta, with three 


perforations. (1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


with four feet, having its orifice on the back, is in the Museum of 
Neu Brandenburg in Mecklenburg. 

No. 341 is a strange animal figure, solid, 
except for a tube passing through the body 
and open at both ends, so that it cannot 
have been a vessel. It has six feet and a 
tail; but we see on its body four upright 
projections, which may also serve as feet if 
the animal is put upside down. It 15 of a 
yellowish colour. 

Under Nos. 342 and 343 we see two 
hooks of terra-cotta, each with three per- 
forations, by which they were nailed to the 
wall. Although but shehtly baked, twenty- 









7 five pounds’ weight might be suspended on 
[7 either of them without danger of breaking 
ΚΖ) Wack = 
GUE LEE ea the hook, because the blackish clay they are 
Wy LE prea” CHE ν- fata 2 
Ve ee 77" ict ric ue composed of is very tough and compact. 
. ae DAS ἧς Ὗ Α 


No. 344. Large Jar of Terra-cotta, with 
polished surface and two projections in 
the form of handles. (1:43 actual size. 
Depth, 23 ft.) 


These hooks may have served for panging 
up clothes. 

Under No. 344 I represent, in 1-43rd 
of its actual size, the large Trojan Jar 


which I presented to Professor Virchow for the Royal Museum at 


Berlin, where it is preserved in the Ethnological section. 


Like all the 








9B. L. W. Schwartz, ZZ. Nachtrag zu den “ Materialien zur prachistorischen Kartographie der 
Provinz Posen; Posen, 1880, p. 6, and PI. ii. fig. 6. 


Cuap. VIL] A TROJAN WINE-CELLAR. 379 


large jars, it is of a red colour, thoroughly baked, and has a polished 
surface. Unlike most Trojan jars, it has’ no handles and merely two 
small projections which have the shape of handles, but are not per- 
forated. This jar is further distinguished from most other Trojan jars 
by its straight form, to which its good preservation is probably due. 
But its safety may also have been partly owing to the circumstance, 
that it was not exposed to the great heat of the conflagration, because 
it was found in the south-east corner of the third city, which was not 
reached by the fire. In fact, in the course of my long excavations at 
Hissarhk, I have taken out, besides this jar, only two smaller ones 
intact from the third, the burnt city; they were only 33 ft. high and 
267 in. in diameter; their sole decoration was a rope-like band in 
relief. Of the large jars, from 5 to 8ft. high and 41 to 5 ft. in 
diameter, I have not been able to take out a single one entire. For the 
most part, they had suffered so much from their long exposure to the 
intense heat of the conflagration, and from the ponderous weight of the 
ruins which pressed upon them, that they either already had cracks 
when I brought them to light, or they cracked as soon as they were 
exposed to the sun. Others, which were intact, broke as they were 
being removed. 

As I have before mentioned, a compartment of a house in the burnt 
Trojan stratum below the Temple of Athené appears to have been a wine 
merchant’s magazine,’ for in it I brought to hght nine large jars of 
various forms, six of which may be seen in the engraving No. 8; the 
other three are out of view. This magazine was close to the southern 
brick wall; the nine jars are marked s on Plan I. As may be seen from 
the engraving, only two of the six jars which are visible were broken; a 
third is cracked, and the other three are only slightly injured in the rim. 
The mouths of all these nine jars had been left open, and hence they 
were filled with débris. I could perhaps have saved these as well as the 
other three, which are hidden from view in the engraving, but a religious 
fear prevented me from trying to do so, for I hoped that they might be 
preserved a situ. But no sooner had I gone than the Turks of the neigh- 
bouring villages, who suspected the jars might contain treasure, knocked 
them partly to pieces. 

The number of large jars which I brought to light in the burnt 
stratum of the third city certainly exceeds 600. By far the larger 
number of them were empty, the mouth being covered by a large flag of 
schist or limestone. This leads me to the conclusion that the jars were 
filled with wine or water at the time of the catastrophe, for there appears 
to have been hardly any reason for covering them if they had been empty. 
Had they been used to contain anything else but liquids, I should have 
found traces of the fact; but only in a very few cases did I find some 
carbonized grain in the jars, and only twice a small quantity of a white 
mass the nature of which I could not determine.’ 





10 See p. 32. Professor Virchow suggests to underground jars in Western Asia, I may adda 
me that it might have been a royal wine-cellar. further illustration from the records of the 
1 With regard to the storage of wine in Egyptian conqueror Thutmes II. When he 


380 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL 


For the most part the large jars have no decoration ; and when there 
ig any, it is nearly always limited to rope-like bands in relief, or to bands 
in relief from 2 to 24in. broad, ornamented with incised fish-spine decora- 
tions, common geometrical patterns, or mere impressed circles. The 
coarse but very excellent clay, which has been used for the manufacture 
of these jars, is abundantly mixed with crushed quartz, silicious stone, and 
mica, of which latter the gold- or silver-like sparkles glitter wherever 
one looks. Most of the large jars have been carefully polished and 
abundantly coated with a wash of clay containing peroxide of iron, for 
they generally have a lustrous-red colour and are perfectly smooth; 
whereas they show in the fracture an infinity of small fragments of 
quartz, silicious stone, and mica with sharp edges. The manner in which 
these jars were made has been minutely explained in a previous passage.? 

The shape of the vase which comes nearest to that of the large jars 
is represented by the pear-shaped jug No. 345. It is of a fine lustrous- 
brown colour. Very characteristic is the shape of the head, from which a 

























































































No. 346. Tripod Vase, with incised bands and bell- 
shaped cover. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 29 ft.) 








SSS 


NG. 345.. 01 





arge pea p ug. (About 1:4 actual 
size. Depth, 32 ft.) 


hemispherical piece is cut out on the side over the handle. Jugs and 
pitchers with a similar mouth are frequent in the third and fourth cities 
at Hissarlik, but they have never yet been found elsewhere. The lustrous- 
grey, nearly globular, tripod-vase No. 346 is wheel-made, while its one- 
handled cover is hand-made: the vase has no handle; its ornamentation 
consists of three parallel incised lines, which surround it. 


went through the land of Zahi (the maritime (Brugsch, Hist. of Egypt, vol. ii. p. 376, Engl. 
plain of Palestine), he says, “Their wine was trans. 2nd ed.) 
found stored in cellars, as well as in skins.” * See p. 279. 





Cua. VII.] PITCHER FOR DRAWING WATER. 981 


The long pitcher, No. 347, is one of the rudest vessels I ever found at 
Hissarlik, and yet it is most certainly wheel-made. Mr. A. δ. Murray, 



































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No. 347. A curious Trojan Pitcher of 
Terra-cutta. (About 1:5 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 





Ξ ach ΕΝ 
A = . ? abl 
δ J = i) 
fis ~ τς ται Ss 

yy Bar ςς Ξ j 2B 
—<$———S aS =. Jj 
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———————< = 2 Za y 

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———| 
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53:3... 


No. 349. Splendid Terra-cotta Vase, from the Royal House. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


of the British Museum, calls my attention to the perfect similarity of 


this vessel to the ancient Egyptian buckets, which were let down by a 
rope into the wells to draw water. This 


sort of vessel is frequent here; most pro- 
bably they were used in Troy, as in ancient 
Kegypt, for drawing water from the well. 
Two things seem to corroborate this sup- 
position: first, the very heavy weight of 
their lower part, which must have been in- 
tended to keep them upright ; and, secondly, = sat 
the grooves or furrows on the inner side of ὃὀ “== 
the handles, which can apparently have 





Hy 


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IU 


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a il 


been made only by the rope by τ they Ss 


were let down into the well. 
No. 348 represents a grey vase, with 
two handles and two upright projections. 


No. 348. Grey Vase, with two handles and 
two wing-like projections. 
(1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


To this vase belongs a cover 


such as we see on Nos. 346, 349, and 350. No. 349 represents one of 
the most interesting vases ever found at Troy; it has a lustrous-red 
colour and is thoroughly baked. It has a pointed base, and is here 
represented with the pebbles used to support it. It has two handles 
and two long upright slightly-incurved projections, which are hollow on 


382 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [CHap. VIL. 


the outside and have the shape of wings. They taper out in a spiral at 
the top; from their base also a spiral in relief extends on either side. 
The neck is ornamented with the fish-spine pattern, which we also see on | 















































































































































































































































No. 350. Globular Vase, with two handles and two wing-like No. 351. Globular Vase, with two curved handles and 


projections. Cover in the form of a crown, (About1: 4 actual two straight wing-shaped projections. Cover in the 
size. Depth, 26 ft.) shape of a crown. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 
26 to 29 ft.) 


the edge of the body all round. The crown-shaped cover was found close 
to the vase, and may have belonged to it. Of a similar form but of a 
ruder fabric is the dark-brown vase No. 350, whose upright projections 
are also curved on the outside; from the 
Bape i) Se, base of each of them a spiral in relief runs 
INN out on both sides. Of the same form, only 
with a more pointed foot, is the black vase 
No. 351, which has some little ornamenta- 
tion of incised lines and dots onysor about 
the handles. Of the same shape, finally, 
δὰ } is the pretty little vase No. 352, which 
e ....» is ornamented all over with dots. The 
No. ae hee τὸ handlesand two ypright wing-like projections of these four 
straight wing-like projections. κ 
(1:3 actual size, Dep:h, 25 ft.) vases can never have been intended for 
handles, because they are too fragile and 
their edges are too sharp; all of them have two regular handles in 
addition to the wings. I call particular attention to their great re- 














Cuap. VIL] , VASES WITH UPRIGHT WINGS. 383 


semblance to the upright wing-like projections on the vases with owl- 
heads. 

No. 353 represents a lustrous-red globular tripod-vase, decorated on 
both sides with engraved branches, zigzags, and straight lines. On either 


































































































<= 














No. 354. Vase with two handles and a spiral ornamentation in the form of a pair of spectacles, 
or the Cypriote character ko. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 


side is a solid upright projection, with a vertical perforation for sus- 
pension ; between these there is a crescent-shaped projection on each side, 
Another very pretty lustrous-red vase is represented in the engraving 
No. 354. It has a convex foot and two handles, between which we see 


984 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. “᾿ [Cuapr. VIL. 


on each side a high projecting spiral ornament, like a pair of spectacles, 
or the Cypriote character ko. Above this is an inverted branch; below 
it the body forms an edge which is ornamented with an incised fish-spine 
pattern. Similar to this is the lustrous dark-brown vase No. 355; only 
its base is still more pointed and its body more bulged. This also has 
two handles and two spiral ornaments in relief in the form of spectacles, 
or the Cypriote character ko. 

Under No. 356 I represent a tripod-vessel of blackish colour, formed of 
three separate cups, which are joined together at the body, and of which 
each has one foot. To the list given in the preceding pages of the places 























































































































No. 356. Tripod Vase, consisting of three 
Separate cups. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 
























































































































































































































































=| “5 
=| =a iF 































































































































































































== SSS - ΞΞΞΞΞ 
No. 355. Vase with pointed bottom, two handles, No. 358. Tripod Jug No. 357. Globular Jug. 
and projecting ornament in the form of a pair of with two necks. (1:3 actual size. 
spectacles, or Cypriote ko, on either side. (Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 22 to 26 ft.) 
(1: 5actual size. Depth, 24 ft.) Depth, 22 to 26 ft.) 


where similar conjoined vessels may be seen, I may add the Museum of the 
Βαρβάκειον in Athens, which contains a pre-historic hand-made terra-cotta 
vessel from Thera, consisting of two separate cups which are joined in 
three places. Professor Virchow’s remarkable collection of German pre- 
historic antiquities contains a double drinking-horn, a vessel with two 
and another with three cups of terra-cotta, from his excavations in the 
graveyard of Zabordwo, in the province of Posen. The Markisches 
Museum at Berlin contains also a vessel consisting of twin cups and 
another with three cups. Professor Virchow assures me that'vessels con- 
sisting of two, three, or more conjoined cups, are not rare in the ancient 
Germanic sepulchres in Lusatia and the Mark of Brandenburg. The 
collections of Peruvian antiquities in the Royal Museum at Berlin and the 
British Museum also contain pottery consisting of two conjoined vessels. 
No. 357 is a single-handled jug of a yellow colour, with a convex bottom. 
No. 358 is a curious tripod-jug of greyish yellow colour, having a 
globular body, from which project two separate spouts, one of which has a 
handle. As the one spout stands in front of the other, the liquid could 





Cuar. VIL DOUBLE-SPOUTED FLAGONS. ὁ 385 


only be poured out by the foremost, so that the other was of no use: 
these double spouts appear, therefore, to have been a mere fancy of the 



































































































































































































































No. 359. Curious double-necked Jug. (About 1:4 actual size. Trojan stratum.) 


' primitive potter. The black flagon (oenochoé), No. 359, has likewise two 
separate spouts, the handles of which are joined at the body. But here 
the spouts stand side by side, so that the liquid could be poured simul- 
taneously through both of them. Similar oenochoae, with two spouts, 
occur also in the following, the fourth city, but they have never hitherto 
been found elsewhere, except in Cyprus, Germany, and Hungary. The 
collection of Cypriote antiquities in the British Museum contains an 
oenochoé with double spouts, each of which is joined by a separate handle 
to the body ; but this vessel may be of a much later period, as it is wheel- 
made and painted. My friend General di Cesnola represents in his excellent 
work, Cyprus, two similar oenochoae with double spouts, one of which he 
found in his excavations at Alambra, and the other at Dali.* A some- 
what similar oenochoé was found in the village of Tokél, on the island 
of Csepel in the Danube.t I may still, mention ἃ terra-cotta vessel with 
two vertical spouts in the Markisches Museum at Berlin. 

No. 360 represents a pretty lustrous-red pear-shaped oenochoé, with a 
long upright neck and trefoil mouth, joined by a long handle to the body, 
on which we see small handles to the right and left: round the lower 
part of the neck we discern three bands in relief; the bottom is flat. 
Similar to this is the pear-shaped red oenochoé, No. 361, which has only 
one handle. No. 362 is of a dark-red colour, and oval-shaped: it has 


5. See General di Cesnola’s Cyprus; London, 4 Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de 
1877, Plates vii. and ix. la Hongrie ; Esztergom, 1876, Plate v. No, 3. 


26 


386 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. Cuar. VIL 























No. 360. Oenochoé with three handles and long neck. 
(About 1: 3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 

















No. 361. Oenochoé with long neck. 
(Nearly 1: 4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 









































































































































No. 362. Vase of oval form, with long neck. No. 363. Vase of lenticular shape, with long neck. 
(1:5 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


(1:5 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





Cuar. VII] FLAGONS OR OENOCHOAE. 387 


also a trefoil mouth and one handle; its base is convex. No. 363 is of a 
similar form, but of a dark-brown colour; its mouth runs out almost 
straight, like a bird’s beak; its bottom is convex. Professor Virchow 
observes to me that from the shape of these vases the widely-spread 
beak-shape of the Etruscan bronze jugs has evidently been developed. 

Of oenochoae similar to these, I mention first an excellent hand-made 
specimen in the Museum of Boulogne-sur-mer, the director of which, in 
his ignorance of pre-historic pottery, thinks it to be Roman, and has 
therefore put it among the Roman pottery, though it is worth more than 
the whole collection of Roman terra-cottas in the museum. May this 
notice reach him, and may it be the cause of the precious oenochoé 
receiving at last the place it deserves! 

I further mention three oenochoae of nearly the same shape, but with a 
short neck, in the archaic Greek Collection in the British Museum; also 
an oenochoé of a similar form in the Cypriote Collection in the same 
museum. ‘Three oenochoae of a similar shape found in Thera, below three 
strata of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes, and believed to date from the 
16th or 17th century B.c., are preserved here at Athens in the small 
collection of the-French School: Another, lkewise found below three 
strata of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes on the island of Therasia, and 
believed to be of the same age, is here in my own collection. But these 
four latter oenochoae have an ornamentation of black paint, whereas the 
Trojan vessels are unpainted. I have still to mention an oenochoé, also very 
ancient, of a similar form, but with a 
painted plant-like ornamentation, in 
the Museum of the Βαρβάκειον at 
Athens. Finally, I have to mention 
the three pretty jugs of a similar form 
(viz. with a spout bent backward) 
found by me in my excavations in the 
Acropolis of Mycenae, and preserved 
in the Mycenae Museum at Athens. 
All three are decorated with a painted 
ornamentation of birds, patterns bor- 
rowed from woven fabrics, or spiral 
lines. There are, besides, a few similar 
jugs in the Etruscan Collection of the 
Vatican Museum at Rome. 

No. 364 is an oenochoé of lenticular 
form and of a lustrous dark-yellow 
colour, with a neck and spout much 
το bas. the sane | Sse Samal τ τ᾿ 
peculiar cut in its mouth which we 
have also seen in No. 333 and No. 87. The lustrous-yellow jug, No. 365, 
has also the same form of mouth. All these last. four jugs have a 
convex bottom. ἡ 

ge similar shape, with the neck bent backwards, is seen also in the 
oviform jug No. 366, which is of a lustrous-black colour, and ornamented 











388 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL 


with lines filled with white chalk; it has a trefoil mouth. But only 
the upper part is genuine; the lower has been restored with gypsum. 
No. 367 represents a similar red jug of globular form. 











































































































































No. 365. Globular Jug. 
(Nearly 1: 3 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 366. Jug; lower part restored. No. 367. Globular Jug. 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) (1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


No. 368 is a yellow jug of globular shape, with the neck also bent 
backwards ; the shape of the mouth is again like that of Nos. 333, 357, 
364, and 365. 























































































































Wo. 368. Globular Jug. (1:3 actual size. 
Depth, 23 ft.) 





No. 369. Jug with three projections in the shape of 
breasts. (About 1: 4 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) 


Of oenochoae with an upright spout, I further represent the lustrous 
dark-brown jug No. 869, which is ornamented with three breast-like 
protuberances; the black jug No. 370, which is the first wheel-made 
vessel we have for a long time passed in review ; Nos. 571 and 372, which 
latter has again a trefoil mouth. Similar in shape are also Nos. 873, 374. 


Cuap. VIL] JUGS OF VARIOUS FORMS. 389 























No. 370. Globular Jug. (About 1:4 actual size. No. 311. Globular Jug. (About 1:4 actual size, 
Depth, 26 ft.) Depth, 29 ft.) 



























































No. 372. Jug; mouth restore 1. 
(1 3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





ho. 373. Globular Jug, with straight neck. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 



































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 375. Globular Jug. 
(About 1.4 aciual size. Depth, 26 it.) 


No. 374. Pear-shaped Jug. 
(Nearly 1: 3 actual size. Depth, 29 ft.) 


390 THE THIRD, THE. BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


375, 376. A vase of the same shape as No. 376 was found by me 
at Mycenae and is now here at Athens in the Mycenae Museum. 






















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 377. Globular Bottle ; uprigh No. 378. Globular Jug, with 
neck. (Nearly 1:4 actual size. projections like ears, (About 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) Depth, 26 ft.) 1:4 actual size. Deptb, 26 ft.) 





























No. 376. Gilobuiar Jug. 


No. 377 represents a lustrous dark-red globular bottle, with a long 
narrow upright neck. Such bottles are not frequent at Troy. Two hand- 
made terra-cotta bottles of the same shape, the one yellow, the other 
black, found in tombs near Bethlehem, are in the British Museum, which 
also contains, in its Assyrian Collection, a wheel-made bottle of a similar 
form from Nimroud. Wheel-made terra-cotta bottles of a like shape 
are likewise found in tombs in Cyprus, as well as in ancient Egyptian 
sepulchres, and the British Museum contains several specimens of them 
in its collections of Cypriote and Egyptian antiquities. Several terra- 
cotta bottles of a similar shape were also found by General di Cesnola in 


No. 379. 





Nos. 379-381. Jugs of globular form, with one handle. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 to 32ft.' 


Cuar. VIL] BOTTLE-SHAPED JUGS. 391 


Cyprus.? I may mention one more such terra-cotta bottle from Cyprus, 
τὰ the South Kensington Museum at London. 

Somewhat similar to No. 377 1s the jug No. 378, which has on either 
side below the rim a projecting ornament in the form of an ear. 


Three very pretty lustrous yellow 
or red oval-shaped jugs, with spouts 
upright or slightly turned back are 
represented under Nos. 379, 380, 
and 381; all of them have a convex 
bottom. No. 379 has on each side 
of the orifice a round excres- 
cence, in the form of an eye. No. 
381 has a rope-formed handle, and 
above the body a projecting band, 
ornamented with vertical strokes. 
Two similar jugs, but wheel-made, 
are in the Egyptian Collection of 
the British Museum. Jugs of a 
similar shape are frequent at Troy, 
but, except the two Kgyptian spe- 
cimens, I am not aware that they 
have ever been found elsewhere. 

No. 882 is a pretty lustrous 
dark-grey oenochoé, with a trefoil 
mouth; it is ornamented with ten a 
incised parallel bands. An oenochoé No. 382. Oenochoé of Terra-cotta, with incised ornamen- 
atthe came shape, pane | by ΤᾺ tation. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 
at Mycenae, is represented at p. 65, No. 26, in my Mycenae. 

Nos. 383 to 388 are all bottle-shaped jugs of red, yellow, brown, or 



























































No. 384, Jug of a globular form. 
(About 1;4 actual size. Depth, 267%.) 





No. 383. Jug. 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft, 


5 General di Cesnola, Cyprus, Pl. vii. 


392 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY [Cuar. VII 


black colour. No. 387 has the best fabric and the prettiest shape of 
all, with its long neck and widely-stretched handle. Its body is divided 
by two incised horizontal parallel lines into two fields, which are orna- 
mented with incised vertical strokes. The Markisches Museum at Berlin 
contains two jugs similar in shape to No. 383. No. 388 is decorated with 
seven incised horizontal parallel lines. 

















































































































No. 386. Globular Jug. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 385. Globular Jug. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 








No. 389. Pitcher with a fluted body arid a bend 
imitating a plant. (About 1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 387. Jug of Terra-cotta, with an incised orna- 
mentation. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 fv.) 


One of the finest specimens of Trojan pitchers. is represented by 
No. 389, which is of a brown colour, and is decorated with a plant-like 
ornament round the neck; its whole body is decorated with very symme- 
trical vertical concave flutings. Under Nos. 390 to 393 I represent four 
common pitchers of rude fabric. In looking at them, we involuntarily 


Cuap. VIL] WHEEL-MADE PITCHERS. 393 


No. 390. 





No. 393. 
Nos. 390-393. Pitchers of different shapes. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 to 26 ft.) 


think we have seen such forms often before; but, though they are very 
abundant in the third and fourth pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, I am not 
aware that they have as yet been found elsewhere, except a pitcher 
similar to No. 3893, which was found by me at Mycenae.® 

Under Nos. 394 to 400 I represent seven more red, yellow, or brown 
pitchers of a larger size, of which No. 397 is wheel-made. Of wheel- 
made pitchers similar to this one, some hundreds were found in the 
third, the burnt city. as well as in the fourth and fifth cities, but 


No. 395. 


No. 394. 












especially in the fourth. In general these wheel-made pitchers are of a 
very rude fabric, are but slightly baked, have the yellow colour of the 
clay itself, and are not at all polished. But in a great many instances 
they have been polished both inside and outside, and by a wash of fine 
clay and a little more baking they have in this case acquired a fine 
appearance. Such polished wheel-made pitchers are in many instances 
very light, and sometimes even as light as Roman or Greek pottery. But 
it deserves peculiar attention that these polished wheel-made pitchers 





6 See my Mycenae, p. 163, No. 237. 


394 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL. 





















No. 397, Pitcher with globular base, 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 23 !t.) 









No. 396. Pitcher of very rude fabric. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) 


No. 400. 





















































































































































Nos. 398-400. Pitchers. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 32 ft.) 


are peculiar to this third, the burnt city, and that they do not occur 
in the fourth or the fifth city. No. 3899, which is very heavy, is of the 
rudest fabric. 

Of pitchers of the same shape I have been able to detect else- 
where only a wheel-made one in the British Museum, which was found 
in a tomb near Bethlehem. Two more wheel-made ones, found in 
ancient Egyptian sepulchres, are also in the British Museum; and one 
found in Cyprus is preserved in the Louvre. I further mention, as 
of similar type, the pitcher No. 11 on Pl. vi. in Dr. Joseph Hampel’s 
Antiquités préhistoriques de la Hongrie; also the pitchers in the National 
Museum of Buda-Pesth, which were found at Szihalom, and are repre- 
sented on Pl. ix., Nos. 10, 20, and 21 of the photographs, corresponding 
to the numbers of the glass cases in which they are preserved. 

I further represent under Nos. 401, 402, and 403 three large one- 
handled pitchers of very rude fabric, having-convex bottoms. I need only 
show them here, as their shape has not been found elsewhere. They 
are very common at Troy. 

No. 404 is a large dark-brown oenochoé with a bulbous body. No. 405 
represents a single-handled bowl with a spout. 

Under Nos. 406 to 412, I represent seven biack, grey, or red terra- 
cotta bottles, globular or ege-shaped, without handles, all of which are 
wheel-made, and have a convex or pointed foot. Bottles of these shapes 





Cuar. VII.] 


VESSELS OF VARIOUS FORMS. 































































































BE 





7» 














\ 





\\ 


Ἂν 









































No. 401. Pitcher; convex bottom. (About 1:4 actual No. 402. Pitcher; convex 
size. Depth, 23 to 29 ft.) 


bottom. (About 1:4 actual 


size. Depth, 26 ft.) 

















































































































































































































































































































No. 403. Very rude Jug; convex bottom. 


No. 404. 7 ug with a pointed foot. (Nearly 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


1:5 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) 





































































































No. 407. Bottle of 
No. 405. No. 406. Globular Vase. (1:4 actual 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) 


= 


Bowl with a spout and handle. 


Terra-cotta. (1:4 
actual size. Depth 
29 1.) 


size. Depth, 29 ft.) 


9290 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 
























SS SS ZZ 
SEF OAA 











No. 411. No. 412. 


No. 413. Cup with three No. 414. One-handled Tripod 













= ray Ξ παῖ breast-like excrescences. Basin. (1 : 4 actual size. 
Nos. 411, 412. Bottles of Terra-cotta. (1:4 actual size. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 to 32 ft.) 
Depth, 22 to 32 ft.) Depth, 22 to 32 ft.) 


are not rare in the third, the burnt city; they also occur sometimes in 
the following, the fourth city; but, except the form of the vase No. 411, 
of which there is an analogous one in the Museum of Leyden,’ I am 
not aware that similar vessels have been ever found elsewhere in the 
remains of pre-historic ages. 

Nos. 413 and 414 are also both wheel-made. The former is a cup with 
three round excrescences, which may represent a nose and two eyes. 
No. 414 is a tripod-pan or bowl with an open handle. 

Nos. 415 and 416 represent black jugs of a peculiar shape, which I 
merely show here, as I have not noticed analogous ones elsewhere. 

















No. 415, Pitcher. (About 1 τ actual size. No. 416. Globular Pitcher. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) Depth, 26 ft.) 


7 L. J. F. Janssen, de Germaansche en Noordsche Monumeniten van het Museum te Leyden, Pl. ii. No. 46. 








Ouar. VIL] TWO-HANDLED BOWLS. 397 


Nos. 417 and 418 are large red bowls with two handles. A bowl of a 
shape like No. 417, and likewise hand-made was found in Hungary, and 


































































































































































































No. 417. Large double-handled Bowl. (1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 to 30 ft.) 





No. 418. Large double-handled Bowl, (1:8 actual size. Depth, 26 to 30 ft.) 


is represented in Pl. vi., No. 10, of Dr. Joseph Hampel’s Antiquités pré- 
historiques de la Hongrve. 

No. 419 represents, in 1-5th of the actual size, a large yellow double- 
handled amphora with a convex bottom. I have put on it one of the 
crown-shaped vase-covers. Of a similar shape are the dark yellow or 
brown amphorae, Nos. 420, 421, 422. This last has on the body a long 
excrescence in the form of a breast or teat curved downward. As a 
very great number of the large Trojan jugs have a similar excrescence, 
always curved downward, I would suggest that these excrescences, 
which have almost the form of hooks, served as an additional support 
for the rope with which the Trojan women fastened the jugs on their 
backs when they fetched water from the springs. Amphorae like these 
are very abundant in all the three upper pre-historic cities at Hissarlik, 


398 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


but, strange to say, the shapes of Nos. 419, 420, 421, 422 have never yet 


been found elsewhere. 


















































































































































iv 
i Hicker 1 
Ἱ ἽΝ } 


ΠΝ ty 
eh ΗΝ 
Hi ii 


Smee 

See 

ee a ΕΣ 
es 


ee — ee 
25: SSS 5 == ἐς 
= SS ΞΞ τ ΕΣ 
Ss ——— 3: 


LEE -:-Ξ3 Ξ ἘΞ ΞΕ ΞΞΞΣ 
ΡΣ Ύ τα Se —— 
eS ee 
ee a 
Wo 
Se SS 
SS FAA 
SSS 


See 
ee 





No. 420. Jar with two handles. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 419. Jar with two handles; Cover in form of a 
crown. (1:5 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 








No. 421. Jar with two handles. (1:5 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





Crap. VIL] TROJAN AMPHORAE. 999 




















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 422. Jar with two handles. (1:6 actual size. No. 423. Large Amphora. (1:7 actual size. 
Depth, 28 to 32 ft.) Depth, 26 ft.) 


No. 423 represents a Trojan amphora of a different form, like one 
specimen, preserved in the little collection in the French School here 
at Athens, found on the island of Thera (Santorin), below three layers 
of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes, and, like No. 423, it is just 2 ft. high. 

















































































































No, 424, Vase of globutar shape, with two handles. (1: actual 5:26, Depth, 26 ft.) 


400 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 


Further varieties of large Trojan vessels with two handles are repre- 
sented by the dark-red or lustrous blackish specimens Nos, 424, 425, and 
426. No. 425 is decorated on each side with an excrescence; No. 426 






























































































































































No. 425. Vase with two handles. (1:4 actual size. No. 427. Amphora of oval shape; with two 
Depth, 26 ft.) handles. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) 











= Ee : 
No. 426. Large Vase with two handles. (1:10 actual size. No. 428. Jar with two handles. 
Depth, 26 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


represents the usual shape of the funeral urns in thé third, the burnt city ; 
and No. 424, the usual shape of the funeral urns in the following, the 
fourth city. Only two urns of this identical 
form were found, at a depth of from 26 to 
98 {t., of which we can be pretty certain that 
they belong to the third or burnt city. The 
closest analogy to these vases is afforded by 
a lustrous-red hand-made vase found on the 
island of Thera (Santorin), below the strata 
of pumice-stone and voleanic ashes, and pre- 
served in the collection of the French School 


No. 429. Vase with two handles. (1:4 
actual size. Depth, 29 ft.) here at Athens. 








Cuap. VIL] FOUR-HANDLED AMPHORAE, 401 


No. 427 is a large wheel-made lustrous-brown terra-cotta amphora of 
oval form, with two handles. A terra-cotta amphora of like shape, found 
in a tomb at Ialysus on 
the island of Rhodes, is 
in the British Museum. 
Of a somewhat similar 
shape is No. 428, which 
is a hand-made black 
vase with two handles. 
The oval vases, Nos. 
429-452, are  wheel- 
made. No. 429 is a 
lustrous black vessel 
with two handles, hay- 
ing in other respects 
most analogy to a black 
wheel-made vessel found 
in Thera (Santorin), and 
preserved in the French 
School here; the only 
difference is that this 
latter vessel has only one 
handle. Nos. 430 and 
431 are amphorae of a == 
dark-red colour and have No. 430. Large Oval Amphora with four handles. (1:5 actual size. 


| ; Depth, 26 ft.) 
two large handles, which : 


join the spout to the body, and two small handles on the latter. Of the 
same colour is also No. 432, which has four handles. The amphora No. 433 15 


































































ἢ 
ἡ My 
AAR 


i 
SK. 
ΝΕ 


ΞΈΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ Ξαῦξες 









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V 


4 
a 


4) 
ΠΝ 
7 gi 







== 





f 
ἤ 


4 


H 


































hi 


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ἢ Nath Ἢ Hl ᾿ 
an ANE te 
Mio 


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ἣ IN ἣν a \ ᾿ 
eee 
in} Wee 



















No. 432. Oval Amphora, with four handles. 
(1:6 actual size. Depth, 26 it.) 





No. 431. Amphora with four handles. 
(1:6 actual size. Depth, 26 to 23 ft.) 


2D 


402 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 


not oval, but rather of lenticular form; it is of a lustrous dark-green 
colour, and has only one large handle, which joins the spout to the body, 
and two small ones on the 
narrow sides of the latter. I 
have found in no museum any- 
thing to compare with the 
shape of these amphorae, but 
that shape is frequent here. 
The hand-made terra-cotta 
bottles, Nos. 494, 485, and 436, 
are of a dark-red or brown 
colour, of lenticular form, and 
resemble our hunting flasks. 
No. 434 has no handles, and 
is decorated with four breast- 
like excrescences ; the other two 
are double-handled. No. 435 
is decorated round the neck 
with a protruding band, orna- 
mented with vertical cuts. 
Terra-cotta bottles of an iden- 
No. 433. Lustrous dark-green Amphora, of lenticular form, tical shape, found in ancient 
with three handles. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) ζ 
Egyptian tombs, are preserved 
in the Egyptian collections of the British Museum and the Louvre. 
The collection of Cypriote antiquities in the British Museum also con- 





No. 434. 





Nos. 434-436. Fiat Jugs in the form of hunting flasks. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


tains several specimens of a similar shape, but with a somewhat longer 
spout. There are also in the Assyrian Collection in the British Museum 
a large number of such terra-cotta bottles, found at Nimroud and else- 
where. 

No. 437, as well as No. 438, are mixing vessels (κρατῆρες, called by 
Homer κρητῆρες). Both are hand-made; the former has two, the latter 
four handles; both are of a rude fabric, but little polished, and more 
than usually baked. Mixing vessels like No. 487 are not rare; but large 
ones of the size of No. 488 occur so seldom that I collected only eight 
of them. 


Cuap. VIL] 


CRATERS OR MIXING VESSELS. 


403 


Mixing vessels were in general use throughout antiquity; for the 
ancients—wiser than we are—never drank wine unless mixed with water.} 


We find the word κρητήρ 
mentioned fourteen times 
in the dad,’ including 
three instances in the 
plural. But terra-cotta 
mixing vessels being too 
cheap and common for 
heroes, the poet must 
have had in view κρη- 
τῆρες of metal—namely, 
gold, silver, or perhaps - 
bronze or copper; for 









































































































































once he expressly says 
that Achilles, holding 
in his hand a double- 
handled goblet (δέπας 
ἀμφικύπελλον), poured 











No. 437. 


(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) 











all night wine from a 
golden mixing vessel 
(κρητήρ) on the earth 
and moistened it with 
the libation.* Another 
time he makes Achilles 
set a silver κρητήρ as 
a prize for the foot-race 
at the funeral games.‘ 
A. third time he makes 
Hector order the herald 
Idaeus to bring from 
Troy a shining mixing 





No. 438. Large Mixing Vessel (Crater) with four handles, 1 ft. 9 in. 
in diameter. (1:9 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 





1 We see pure wine (οἶνος ἄκρατος) used in the 
Homeric poems only for libations ; so 1]. ii. 941, 
and iv. 159: 

σπονδαί τ᾽ ἄκρητοι καὶ δεξιαί, ἧς ἐπέπιθμεν. 
The Romans certainly occasionally drank merum. 
I will not dispute that the Greeks may, in later 
times, have also occasionally used ἄκρατος. 
Mr. Philip Smith makes the ingenious obser- 
vation: “To drink wine without water was 
of itself a sign of intemperance, marking a, 
curious connection between two words of quite 
different origin —the ἄκρατος οἶνος and the 
ἀκρατὴς ἀνήρ who drank it.” 

* I deem it my most agreeable duty to make 
here a warm acknowledgment to my honoured 
friend Mr. Guy Lushington Prendergast, for the 
immense service he has rendered to science by 
composing a Concordance to the Iliad of Homer 
(London, 1875), which is a wonderful work for 
completeness and scholarship. For thirteen long 


+ 


years has he laboured on this great work, having 
no other stimulus than his admiration for Homer 
and his desire to become instrumental in propa- 
gating the universal love for his divine poems. 
Mr. Prendergast could not have shown his noble 
aim and his disinterestedness better than by not 
publishing the fruit of his long labours for sale. 
But he generously presents it to Homeric scholars, 
or to those who make it their life’s aim to show 
that the divine poems are based on real facts. 
May Mr. Prendergast’s noble example be imi- 
tated also for the Odyssey! 
3 Ji. xxiii. 218-220: 

: . ὃ δὲ πάννυχος ὠκὺς ᾿Αχιλλεύς 
χρυσέου ἐκ κρητῆρος, ἑλὼν δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, 
οἶνον ἀφυσσόμενος χαμάδις χέε, Seve δὲ γαῖαν, . . . 

4 Tl, xxiii. 740, 741: 
Πηλεΐδης δ᾽ aif ἄλλα τίθει ταχυτῆτος ἄεθλα, 
ἀργύρεον κρητῆρα τετυγμένον" 


404 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


vessel (κρητῆρα φαεινόν) and golden goblets.6 Thus there can be no doubt 
that the κρητήρ was in this case also of metal, but we are left in doubt as 
to the sort; for it may have been simply bronze or copper. I find the word 
κρητήρ also twelve times in the Odyssey, where Ulysses receives a silver 
κρητήρ as a present from the priest Ismarus;° one of Circé’s maids mixes 
Wine in a silver κρητήρ; and Menelaus presents to Telemachus a silver 
κρητήρ with a gilded rim.* The mixing vessel stood on a tripod in the 
extreme corner of the great hall of the men.? Semper says:*° “ Herodotus 
distinguishes the Lesbian κρητήρ from the Argolic κρητήρ, but he de- 
scribes only the latter in detail. It was decorated all round with pro- 
jecting griffins’ heads, and it stood on three kneeling colossi of bronze, 
seven cubits high.’ Besides these, the Laconian and the Corinthian 
mixing vessels are mentioned as different kinds. Mixing vessels with 
tripods representing colossi, like that consecrated to Hera in the Samian 
temple and described by Herodotus, are represented in Egyptian reliefs. 
A small Etruscan clay model represents also similar sumptuous vessels, 
which were in general use throughout antiquity.” 

No. 439 is a dark-yellow terra-cotta vessel in the form of a barrel with 
a short spout. A similar barrel-shaped terra-cotta vessel is seen in 
the dark-brown tripod No. 440, 
whose spout is joined to the 
barrel by a handle. Similar 
barrel-shaped terra-cotta vessels 
may be seen in the collections 
of Cypriote antiquities in the 
Louvre and the British Museum ; 
but, except in Cyprus, I think, 
similar vessels have never yet 
been found. Mr. Philip Smith 
remarks to me that “ such little 
barrels (called wooden bottles) 
are commonly taken to the hay 
and harvest fields by English 
labourers, filled with beer or 






































et 





















































= 
= - 
eee” 








No. 439. Curious Terra-cotta Vessel in the form of a 
cask, from the Royal House. (1: 6 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 








5:7]; iii. 247, 248: ἄγχι παρ᾽ ὀρσοβύρην: δίχα δὲ φρεσὶ μερμή- 


φέρε δὲ κρητῆρα φαεινόν 


κῆρυξ ᾽Ιδαῖος ἠδὲ χρύσεια κύπελλα, . .. 


δ 1x. 203° 
δῶκε δέ μοι κρητῆρα πανάργυρον, .. . 
7 Od. x. 356, 357: 
ἡ δὲ τρίτη κρητῆρι μελίφρονα οἶνον ἐκίρνα 
ἡδὺν ἐν ἀργυρέῳ, νέμε δὲ χρύσεια κύπελλα" 
8 Od. iv. 615, 616: 
δώσω τοι κρητῆρα τετυγμένον" ἀργύρεος δέ 


lo J 
ἔστιν ἅπας, χρυσῷ δ᾽ ἐπὶ χείλεα κεκράανται " 


9 Od. xxi. 145, 146: 
παρὰ κρητῆρα δὲ καλόν 
ἷζε μυχοίτατος aiel: 
xxii, 332, 333: 
ἔστη δ᾽ ἐν χείρεσσιν ἔχων φόρμιγγα λίγειαν 


pitev, ὁ. τὰς 

xxii. 940, 341: 

ἤ τοι ὃ φόρμιγγα γλαφυρὴν κατέθηκε χαμᾶζε 
μεσσηγὺς κρητῆρος ἰδὲ θρόνου ἀργυροήλου, . . - 

10 G, Semper, Keramik, Tektonik, Stereotomie, 
Metallotechnik ; Miinchen, 1879, p. 16. 

11 Herodot. iv. 61 and 152: ἔπειτα ἐσβάλλουσι, 
ἣν μὲν τύχωσι ἔχοντες, ἐς λέβητας ἐπιχωρίους, 
μάλιστα Λεσβίοισι κρητῆρσι προσεικέλους, χωρὶς 
ἢ ὅτι πολλῷ μέζονας . . - . of δὲ Σάμιοι τὴν 
δεκάτην τῶν ἐπικερδίων ἐξελόντες ἕξ τάλαντα, 
ἐποιήσαντο χαλκήϊον, κρητῆρος ᾿Αργολικοῦ τρό- 
πον" πέριξ δὲ αὐτοῦ γρυπῶν κεφαλαὶ πρόκροσσοί 
εἰσι" καὶ ἀνέθηκαν ἐς τὸ Ἥραιον, ὑποστήσαντες 
αὐτῷ τρεῖς χαλκέους κολοσσοὺς ἑπταπήχεας, 
τοῖσι γούνασι ἐρηρεισμένους. 


a 


Cuar. VIL] CURIOUS TRIPOD-VASES. 405 


cider, and that they are now also made of polished wood for tourists’ 
bottles.” 

No. 441 is a brown globular tripod-vessel, the body of which is divided 
by incised lines into five large and five small fields, alternating in regular 
succession. All the large fields are filled with dots. The mouth of the 
spout is only 1-3rd in. in diameter. I presume that this small and pretty 
Trojan tripod may have been used by ladies for holding scented oil, which, 
as we know from Homer, was applied after the bath. It cannot have been 
used as a lamp: first, because it is not adapted for that use; and secondly, 
because lamps appear to have been totally unknown in Greece and Asia 
Minor before the sixth century B.c. Not to speak of lamps in pre-historic 
cities, I have found no trace of them even in the archaic strata of the 
Hellenic or Aeolic Iium. Lamps of terra-cotta are, indeed, numerous in 
the layer of ruins of Novum Ilium, but they nearly all appear to be of the 
Roman time; there is hardly one among them which might claim to be of 
the Macedonian period. - In fact, even in Greece I never saw a terra-cotta 





















































No, 440. Curious Tripod Vessel in form of a cask, 
(L:4 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 





No. 441. Tripod Globular Vase, with incised No. 442. Wheel-made Tripod. (1: 3 actual size. 
ornamentation. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 29 ft.) Depth, 23 ft.) 


lamp to which archeology could attribute a higher antiquity than the 
fifth century s.c. Certainly in all antiquity previous to the fifth 
century B.c. people used torches for lighting. We find them mentioned 
by Homer’ on the occasion of the wedding represented by Hephaestus on 
the shield of Achilles. They most probably consisted here of nothing 
else than pieces of pine or other resinous wood, called δαΐδες by the 
poet (from daiw): hence the word δάς for “torch.” For lighting the 
houses fire-pans or basins (λαμπτῆρες) were used, of which three in the 
great hall of the palace of Ulysses are mentioned, and in which dry wood 
was burned.” 





1 Tl. xviii. 492, 493: αὐτίκα λαμπτῆρα: τρεῖς ἵστασαν ἐν μεγάροισιν, 
, a 
νύμφας δ᾽ ἐκ θαλάμων δαΐδων ὕπο λαμπομενάων dppa φαείνοιεν " περὶ δὲ ξύλα κάγκανα θῆκαν, 
> , SSF of \ x ¢ , > Ve 3 / / / , “-“ 
Ἡγίνεον ἀνὰ ἄστυ, πολὺς δ᾽ ὕμέναιος OPWPELY, .. ava πάλαι, περίκηλα, νέον κεκεασμένα χαλκῷ, 


« ? Od, xviii. 307-310: καὶ δαΐδας μετέμισγον" 


406. THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY, [Cuap. VIL 


No. 442 is a wheel-made tripod-vessel, with a handle and two pro- 
jecting ornaments in the form of ears. 

Under No. 443 I represent a large lustrous dark-brown vase, with a 
spout in the body and two handles. As the spout is in the lower part of 
the body, I cannot explain the use of this vase otherwise than by 
supposing that it was placed below a fountain, the water of which ran 
through the orifice into the vase, and that the “thirsty souls” put their 
mouths to the small spout.to drink. 

The small yellow tripod pitcher, No. 444, has two handles in the 
form of horns, and a spout in the upper part of the body. I suppose that 



































No. 444. Tripod Vase, with two horn-like handles 
and a spout in the body. (Actual size. Depth, 26 ft. 








No. 443. Vase with two handles and spout. 
(1: 7 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 


this vessel, as it is but very small, may have served as a baby’s feeding 
bottle. Its only ornamentation consists of two incised lines round the 
neck. 

No. 445 is a lustrous-yellow jug with a trefoil mouth, one handle, and 
a spout in the body. Very curious is the basket shape of the red cup 
No. 446, with its handle over the mouth and its spout in the lower part 
of the body. A terra-cotta vessel, with a similar handle over the mouth 
and a spout in the body, was found by me in my jexcavations at Tiryns. 
_It is preserved in the Mycenean Museum at Athens. Equally curious is 
the light-red little vase No. 447, which has a large spout on one side. 
All these three last vessels can, in my opinion, have served for nothing 
else than babies’ feeding bottles. Similar small terra-cotta vessels, with 
a spout in the body, are frequent in the tombs of Cyprus, as well as in 
ancient Egyptian sepulchres, and may be seen in the collections of 
Cypriote and Egyptian antiquities in the Louvre and the British Museum, 
which latter contains also two similar vessels, found in a tomb at Ialysus, 
in Rhodes. 

No. 448 is a small pitcher without a handle. Hand-made pitchers of 
a similar shape were found at Szihalom, in Hungary, and are exhibited 
under Nos. 15-18 in the glass case No. IX. in the National Museum of 


Cuar. VIL] SMALL VESSELS: AND PLATES. 407 


Buda-Pesth. Wheel-made ones of this form are also found in Holland, 
and, as Professor Virchow informs me, they are very common in Lusatia 


No. 448. 








No. 451. 


No. 446. No. 453. No. 447. 
Nos. 445-453. Babies’ Feeding Bottles, Cups, &c. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 19 to 26 ft.) 


(Lausitz). No. 449 is a small cup with two handles; No. 450, a very 
small cup with a large curved handle: two cups of a similar shape, 
but of a larger size, are in the collection of Professor 
Virchow, having been found by him in his excavations 
in the graveyard of Zaborédwo. No. 451 is a small 
pitcher: hand-made pitchers similar to this, found at 
Szihalom, are likewise in the National Museum of 
Buda-Pesth, under Nos. 10, 14, 20, 21 in the glass ΞΕ, 
case No. IX. No. 452 is a small tripod-vase, with per- =a (amas 
forated projections for suspension; No. 453, a small — No. 454. Globular Tripod 
cup, like No. 11 found at Szihalom; No. 454,a small pepmgoy 
globular tripod-vase, with two dots on the body. 

I now come to the plates, which are nearly all wheel-made, and, when 
so, are always but slightly baked, unpolished, and exceedingly rude; but 
there occur also a great many plates which are hand-made, and these 
are always well polished and a little more baked. The wheel-made 
plates have always the yellow colour of the clay, and are generally but 
small; the hand-made ones are either dark-brown or red, and usually of 
a larger size. The wheel-made plates never have handles; but the larger 
hand-made ones have usually one or two handles. Nos. 455 to 460 
represent five of the rude wheel-made plates, with a large hand-made 
one with one handle on the top of them. Nos. 461 to 468, again, represent 
eight of the rude wheel-made plates. 


408 THE THIRD,’ THE BURNT CIY, [Cuap. VII 











































































































Nos. 461-468. Unpolished shallow and deep Plates 
of coarse Clay. (1: 5 actual size. 
Depth, 23 to 28 ft.) 





Nos. 455-460. Unpolished shallow and deep Plates of coarse 
Clay, with a polished hand-made one on the top. 
(1:5 actual size. Depth, 23 to 28 ft.) 


Similar very rude unpolished wheel-made plates may be seen in the 
collections both of Assyrian and Cypriote antiquities in the British 
Museum. As Dr. Joseph Hampel kindly informs me, they are also fre- 
quently found in the excavations at Magyarad, in Hungary. Professor 
Virchow writes to me that plates of the same shape but superficially 
polished are very common in Germany. None of the wheel-made Trojan 
plates show the marks of wear and tear. This is the more astonishing, 
as, on account of their rudeness and fragility, any knife-cut would have 
made a deep mark on them. As the Greeks in Homer’s time, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ 
ὀνείαθ᾽ ἑτοῖμα προκείμενα χεῖρας ἴαλλον, so certainly the Trojans also used 
no knives or forks, but only the hands in eating, and therefore there 
may have been nothing to cut on these plates; but still, I think, they 
should naturally have borne the marks of long use. These wheel-made 
plates are very abundant: on the little plateau formed by the external 
and internal walls, which I used to call the Tower, I found, on a 
space 20 ft. square, 13 entire plates, and 12 broken ones which I could 
easily recompose. It deserves particular notice that these wheel-made 
plates are very rare in the débris of the following, the fourth city, im 
which, on the other hand, the hand-made plates are very numerous. 

No. 469 represents a crucible of terra-cotta with four feet, but slightly 
baked, which my friend the celebrated metallurgist, Dr. John Percy, 
declared to be one of the most valuable objects of my whole Trojan 
collection. He probably prizes it so highly on account of the residues of 


Cuar. VIL] CRUCIBLES FOR METALLURGY. 409 


fused metal and spangles of gold which are contained in it. ‘Professor 
W. Chandler Roberts, who examined this object most carefully, and 
analysed some of the metal it contains, kindly gave me the following 
note on the subject:—‘ The vessel appears to be of clay, containing . 
rains of quartz. It has probably been used in some operation connected 
with the metallurgy of gold, as spangles of that metal may be readily 
detected on the inner surface. One portion of the vessel is ‘covered 
with a vesicular, slag, and it contains a fragment of carbonate of copper 
mixed with crystals of red oxide of copper. It is possible that this saucer- 
like vessel may have been filled with bone-ash, and used as a ‘test’ for 
cupelling gold or silver ; but I have not yet detected the presence of any 
lead-compound, which would have made this view almost a certainty.” 
The crucibles were made of coarse clay, mixed with cow-dung, in order 


to make them stronger. 































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 470. Crucible of Clay. (Nearly half actual size. 
Depth, 26 {t.) 








No, 469. Crucible of Clay, with four feet. It has particles of 
copper and gold still sticking to it. 
(Nearly half actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 


No. 470 is also a slightly-baked saucer-like crucible, but it has no feet. 
Nos. 471, 472, and 473 are small boat-like cups of but slightly-baked 
clay, which, in the opinion of Dr. Percy and Professor Roberts, have also 
been used in metallurgy, and particularly for refining gold or silver. For 


No. 471. 






















































































No. 473. 























No. 472. 



































Nos. 471-473. Small boat-like Basins of sun-dried Clay. 
(Nearly half actual size. Depth, 22 to 26 ft.) 


this purpose four times the quantity of lead is now added to the precious 
metal, and it is left in the fire until the lead evaporates. There can 


Ι͵ 


410 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL. 


hardly be a doubt that the refining process has been much the same at 
all times in antiquity. I call the reader’s particular attention to the 
shape of the vessel No. 471. As it runs out to a point to the right, does 
it not appear to be the facsimile of an ancient ship, the oars being 
indicated on each side by four incised vertical strokes? A vessel some- 
what resembling this. was found at the station of Locras in the Lake of 
Bienne.? 

Very curious are the little terra-cotta spoons Nos. 474 and 475, 
which, as they are also but very slightly baked, may likewise have been 
used by the Trojan metallurgists. Similar spoons are very rare at 




















Nos. 474, 475. SpoonsofTerra- No. 476. Funnel of Mica- 
cotta. (Half actual size. schist. (Half actual size. No. 477. Large semi-globular Funnel of Terra-cotta, with 
Depth, 22 to 26 ft.) Depth, 26 ft.) sieve-like holes. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


Hissarlik, but so they are elsewhere. A broken spoon of an identical 
shape was found in the settlement of the Stone age at Inzighofen.* 
Three other similar specimens were found at Dozmat in the county of 
Vas, and at Tisza Ugh in the county of Heves, in Hungary.’ <A broken 
terra-cotta spoon, found at Szihalom, is exhibited under No. 38 in the 
glass-case No. TX. in the National Museum of Buda-Pesth. Two such 
terra-cotta spoons were found in the Lake-dwellings of the Stone age, at 
the station of Auvernier in the Lake of Neufchatel,® and at the station 
of Gérofin in the Lake of Bienne.’ Professor Virchow informs me that 
spoons of baked clay now and then occur in ancient tombs in the east 
of Germany. 

No. 476 represents in half-size a funnel of mica-schist. Funnels of 
terra-cotta of the same shape are numerous in all the three upper pre- 
historic cities at Hissarlik; but the funnel before us is the only one of 
stone that I ever found. I presume these funnels have been used in 





3 Victor Gross, Les derniéres Trouvailles dans Πορηρῖο, P|. xiii. Nos. 18, 20, 22. 


les Habitations lacustres du Lac de Bienne ; Por- 6 Victor Gross, Deux Stations lacustres, Moe- 
rentruy, 1879, Pl. ii. No. 11. ringen et Auvernier ; Neuveville, 1878, Pl. xii. 4. 

4 Ludwig Lindenschmit, Die Vaterlindischen 7 Idem, Les derniéres Trouvailles dans les 
Alterthiimer ; Mainz, 1860, Pl. xxvi. No. 1. Habitations lacustres du Lac de Bienne; Por- 


5 Jos. Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de la _ rentruy, 1879, Pl. ii. No. 12. 


Cuar. VIL] | FUNNELS, CENSERS, ETC. 411 


metallurgy. Professor Sayce observes to me that a similar funnel of 
terra-cotta, marked with Cypriote characters, was found by the late 
Mr. George Smith under the floor of Assurbanipal’s palace at Kouyunjik, 
and he fancies it served as a measure. ‘Two funnels of terra-cotta of the 
yery same form, each marked with the character [7], were found by me 
in the fifth pre-historic city of Hissarlik. They are represented in their 
place. No. 477 and No. 478 are large well-polished lustrous dark- 
yellow funnels of terra-cotta, of semi-globular form, with sieve-like holes, 


Π] 








































































































dy 
TH 



























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































A ΞΞΞΞΞΞΘ 
No. 478. Large semi-globular Funnel, with sieve-like No. 479. A piece of Terra-cotta, with two holes 
perforations. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) slightly sunk in front like eyes, and a hole perforated 


from side to tide. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


No. 479 is a solid piece of terra-cotta, with a perforation from side 
to side; in front are two cavities, but slightly sunk, in the form of eyes. 
This object may have served as a weight for the loom or for fishing-nets. 

No. 480 is a slightly-baked object of terra-cotta, in the form of a 
goblet, with sieve-like perforations; it cannot be anything else but a 
censer. ‘Two similar vessels, held by Professor Virchow to be censers, 











No. 480. Censer of slightly-baked Clay in No. 481. Vessel in the form of a flower-saucer, 


the form of a goblet, with sieve-like perfora- with incised decoration. (1:6 actual size. 
tions. (Half actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) Depth, 26 ft.) 





8 See Nos. 1338, 1339, p. 582. 


412 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 


are in his collection of antiquities from Zabordwo in Posen. Similar 
censers are preserved in the Markisches Museum at Berlin. 

No. 481 is a very pretty lustrous-red vessel, in the form of a flower- 
saucer. Its flat bottom is ornamented with linear decorations and a cross 
of dots. The engraving represents a side view of this curious vessel, 
whose decoration is given separately above it. This vase-cover finds its 
analogue in that which we see on a vase found near Guben in Lusatia, 
and represented under No. 5 on Pl. xvii. in the Sessional Report of the 
Berlin Society for Anthropology, 21st July, 1877. 

Nos. 482 and 483 are fragments of a very large red vase, decorated 
alternately with broad bands filled with fanciful strokes and with rows of 


No. 482. 

















[Ξ5Ξ---- ———) 
SS 
y eS 
=A 








Nos. 452, 443. Fragments of a large Vase, with a curious impressed decoration. 
(Nearly 1:5 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


small or large stamps representing crosses in relief; even the handles are 
decorated with stamps containing similar crosses. These fragments have 
evidently been exposed to an intense heat in the conflagration, for they 
are thoroughly baked. Professor Sayce remarks to me that “the circles 
with crosses within them resemble the Babylonian rosette, a favourite 
Babylonian and Hittite decoration.” Professor Virchow mentions to me 
that he noticed a similar ornamentation on terra-cotta vessels found at 
Bologna. te 
No. 484 represents the fragment of a grey vase-cover, with the incised 
linear representation of a stag and another animal, probably intended for 
a cuttle-fish; but Professor Virchow thinks the primitive Trojan artist 


Cuap. VII] CURIOUS DISC: RATTLES: TOP. 413 


intended to represent a tortoise. We see on it also a plant-like orna- 
ment, perhaps meant for a tree. Similar incised ornaments are very 





ΤΠ ὴΝ = A 
es maT TX 


No. 484. Vase-cover of Terra-cotta, with an incised ornamentation representing a tree, a stag, and probably a 
cuttle-fish, (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


common on the Trojan whorls.° No. 485 represents a top of terra- 
cotta; No. 486, a curious rattle of black terra-cotta, ornamented with 
incised lines; the handle is perforated for suspension. There are small 
pieces of metal in this rattle; it may have been a child’s toy. No. 487 
is another rattle with pieces of metal inside it; like the other, it has no 



































No. 485. Top of Terra- 
cotta. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 23 ft.) 





No. 486. Curious Rattle of No. 487. Rattle-box of Terra-cotta, in the form of 


Terra-cotta. (Half actual a woman; head missing. (2:3 actual size. Depth, 
size. Depth, 23 ft.) 20 ft.) 


opening. It is in the form of a woman, who holds her hands on the 
breast ; the head is missing ; the necklace is indicated by three horizontal 
strokes, and the breast-ornament by six vertical strokes. Though it was 
found at a depth of 20ft., it certainly belongs to the third or burnt 
city, both because of its character and because it bears the marks of 
the conflagration to which it hag been exposed. 





9. See Nos. 1867, 1879, 1880, 1881, 1882, 1885, 1886, 1951, and 2000. 


414 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 


Nos. 488 and 489 represent brush-handles of a peculiar kind of 
compact and very clean yellow clay, with a perforation for suspension ; 
the many small holes seen in the lower part of No. 488, and which 
also exist in No. 489, served for fixing in the bristles or whatever else 
the brush may have been composed of. Professor Landerer, who exa- 
mined these brush-handles very carefully, writes to me the following note 
on the subject :—“I succeeded in extracting from three of the small 
holes some residue which, when put into a platinum spoon and burnt, 
gave the smell, not of animal, but of vegetable, matter. I therefore 
believe that little stalks of plants, like those which are now used as 
toothpicks, as e.g. the corolla of Foeniculum, were put into the holes 
and constituted the brush proper. Besides, the holes are too large for 
bristles, unless several were fixed in one hole.” 19 

It deserves particular attention that these clay brush-handles were 
merely dried in the sun and that none of them have been baked, except 
those which have been exposed to an intense heat in the conflagration, in 
which many of them have been more or less burnt. I have further to 
notice that these clay brush-handles are frequent in the third or burnt 
city, but that they never occurred in any of the other pre-historic cities. 


No. 490. 


























! πὶ i 3) Ἷ 
2s ep μὰ as | VAT Vo ΜΗ 





No. 488. Terra-cotta Handle of a Trojan Brush, with the holes in which the bristles have been uxed. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 33 ft.) Nos. 489-491. Brush-handle of dried Clay, Object of ‘lerra-cotta, 
and Ring of Mother-of-pearl. (1:3 actual size. Depth, 26 to 32 ft.) 


No. 490 is an object of slightly-baked clay, which may probably have 
been used for heckling yarn. No. 491 is a ring of mother-of-pearl. 

Nos. 492-499 are eight seals of very slightly-baked clay. The 
seal No. 492 has in the handle a perforation for suspension with a 
string. Very curious are the signs which we see incised/on it, and which 
resemble written characters. Professor Sayce remarks to me: “ The 
signs all represent the same symbol, which is identical in form with a 
character met with in both the Hittite and the Cypriote inscriptions, in 
the latter of which it has the value of ne, and which may be the origin of 
the Trojan swastika.” On the seal No. 493 we see two crosses, of which 
the one is incised, the other marked with dots. On No. 494 are incised 
zigzag lines and some straight strokes; No. 495, again, has incised 


crosses. On No. 496 we see a -H, with its arms curved into spirals; 
on No. 497, nothing but dots; and on No. 498, an incised cross and 





10 This is no objection, as ordinary -brushes are always made with a bunch of bristles in each hole. 


Cuap. VII.] TERRA-COTTA SEALS. 415 


dots. My friend Mr. Panagiotes Eustratiades, Director-General of 
Antiquities in Greece, remarks to me that No. 493 may not be a seal, 









































No. 492. Seal ot Terra-cotta. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 499. 
Inscribed Terra-cotta Seal. 
(About 1:3 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 





Nos. 493-498. Six Seals of Terra-cotta. 
(7:8 actual size. Depth, 26 to 35 ft.) 


but the button or handle of a vase-cover. That may be so, but all the 
rest are certainly seals. 

The most curious of all is the terra-cotta seal No. 499, which has a 
perforation for suspension. Its handle has on two sides an incised 
herring-bone ornamentation, and on the third side, the one to the right 
in the cut, an incised inscription, in which, as Professor Sayce says, 
“ characters also found in the Cypriote syllabary can be easily recognized. 
The Cypriote character representing 6, in an older form than any met 
with in Cyprus itself, is engraved on the die of the seal.” Both the 
inscription on the handle and that on the seal are discussed by Prof. 
Sayce in his Appendix on the Trojan inscriptions." The most striking 
analogy to the Trojan seals is offered by the terra-cotta seals found at 
Pilin in Hungary, on which we see circles, stars, crosses, rhombs, and 
other figures. 

Nos. 500 and 501 show the two sides of a perforated cylinder of terra- 
cotta, with an incised decoration, representing a tree and linear orna- 











Nos. 500, 501. Cylinder of Terra-cotta with an incised decoration, from the Stratum of the Burnt City. 
(Half actual size.) 


See Prof. Sayce’s Appendix, where also a 1 Joseph Hampel, Antiquites prehistoriques de 
more perfect engraving of the seal is given. la Hongrie, Pl. xiii. Nos. 4-9. 


416 THE THIRD, THE BURNT -CITY. [Cuapr. VIL. 


ments. Nos. 502 and 503 are the two sides of a cylinder of blue felspar, 
engraved on one side with a double flower, surmounted by a half-diamond. 
or arrow-head, and on the other with signs (perhaps the name of the 
owner) within a cartouch.” It was found in the royal house. Under 




















(A:tual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 





Nos. 504 and 505, I represent two double whorls, in the shape of tops, 
which are made of a very fine dark-yellow clay, and are well polished. 
No. 504 is decorated on the upper and lower parts, No. 505 on the upper 


No. 505. 





Nos. 501, 505. Double Whorls of lustrous-yellow colour, from the Stratum of the Burnt City. 
(Half actuul size.) 


part only, with an incised ornamentation, which may be intended to 
represent flowers. Similar double whorls are not frequent. I collected 
in all only twenty-five of them. 

Nos. 506 to 5114, B, represent the ornamentation of seven terra-cotta 
whorls. No. 511 was found in the royal house: the numerous little figures 
upon it, resembling faces, are very curious. The different forms of the 
whorls which occur in this third, the burnt city, may be seen on the 
lithographed plates at the end of the volume, under Nos. 1806, 1807, 
1808, 1810, 1812, 1815. All these forms occur in really enormous abun- 
dance, except that of No. 1806, which is rare, and is only found unorna- 
mented; nearly one-half of all the whorls found have incised patterns, 
of which I give the principal examples in the plates. The depth at 
which each whorl was found is marked in métres; and thus all those 
which are marked from 7 to 10 mu. (23 to 33 ft.), inclusive, may be con- 
sidered to have been collected in the third or burnt city. Among the most 
frequent patterns are those of Nos. 1817 and 1818, representing crosses 
with a large dot in each arm, and the pattern No. 1820, which also 
shows a cross. The pattern No. 1822 occurs but seldom, as also 
No. 1825; ‘that of No. 1824 is frequent. There is only one example of 
No. 1826, which represents two swastikas and other inexplicable signs. 
I call attention, however, to the similarity of the upper figure to that 
which we see below in No. 1883, which is certainly meant to represent 
a man with uplifted arms. The patterns on No. 1827 are very frequent 


2 A more exact representation of these signs is given by Professor Sayce in his Appendix. 


Cuar. VII] PATTERNS OF WHORLS. 417 


on the whorls; those of Nos. 1830, 1831, 1832, 1834, and 1836, occur 
only once. A very abundant pattern is that of No. 1833, the idea 


No. 507. 





Nos. 506-5114, B. Seven Whorls of Terra-cotta with incised decoration. 
(Actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


of which may have been taken from a moving wheel. Patterns like 
Nos. 1840, 1841, and 1848, are frequent, particularly the last, which 
occurs many hundreds of times in the third city, as well as in the two 
following ones. Nos. 1842 and 1843 occurred only once; No. 1844 
occasionally ; No. 1846 only once. No. 1853 also occurred only once; 
whereas the patterns with the -U, Nos. 1851, 1855, and 1859, are 
very frequent. The pattern No. 1856 is found many times, but those of 
Nos. 1857 and 1860 only once; the latter seems to have written characters. . 
In the pattern No. 1862 we again see the sign LF five times repeated ; 
only its branches are here curved, and the centre of this curious cross is 
occupied by a circle with a point. This pattern is not rare. We again 
see the 7H with its branches in spirals in No. 1868; this pattern also 
occurs often. The signs on No. 1869, which seem to be written cha- 
racters, as well as those on No. 1870, occur only once. The pattern 
No. 1872, in which we see the rH in conjunction with burning altars, 
occurs several times ; those of Nos. 1873, 1874, 1875, 1876, and 1878, only 
28 


418 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL. 


once: in all these we see the fy! or ΓΗ with other signs. Δ frequent 


pattern is No. 1877, in which we see four animals, probably intended to 
be hares. 

On No. 1881 we see a very rude linear representation of three 
quadrupeds with horns, probably meant for stags. Three stags are, no 
doubt, also intended to be shown in the curious pattern No. 1883, 
although two of them have only three legs. Similar very rude linear 
representations of stags, or other animals, are scratched on some of the 
vases with human faces found in the province of Pommerellen near 
Dantzig, which are for the most part preserved in the Museum at 
Dantzig; others are in the Royal Museum at Berlin. 

In perfect analogy with the rude drawing of the stags is the linear 
representation of the man with uplifted arms, which we see on the same 
whorl, No. 1883. Similar linear representations of stags, but with four 
legs, are also seen in No. 1884; whorls decorated with these animals 
are frequent. The rudest representation imaginable of animals is given 
on No. 1885; where one has only three feet, another only one horn. 
Again, we see three quadrupeds a little better made on No. 1886: one 
of them has a tolerable bird’s head; only one of them seems to have 
horns. 

The patterns on the whorls Nos. 1887, 1888, 1890, and 1891 occur fre- 
quently. The pattern No. 1892 is unique; those of Nos. 1893 and 
1896 are very common. On No. 1894 the primitive engraver doubtless 
intended to make four swastikas, but with one of them he did not succeed. 
A curious pattern is No. 1897, with its triangles and 15 zigzag lines ; 
further, those with plant-like ornaments, Nos. 1898, 1899, 1900, 1901, 
1903, 1904. A similar punched decoration is seen engraved on the 
flags of native Lower Silurian grit, in the interior of the sepulchre of 
Ollam Fodhla, the famous monarch and lawgiver of Ireland,’ in which 
we also find the ornament represented in the upper and lower field of 
No. 1907, and in the upper field of No. 1908. The whorls are rarely 
ornamented on more than one side; but No. 1902 is decorated on both 
sides—on the one with an incised floral ornamentation, on the other with 
incisions in the form of crescents. No. 1909 shows in the upper field 
the form, of an altar with flames: we again see four such altars with 
flames on No. 1914, six more on No. 19138, five on Ny. 1915, three on 
No. 1916. On No. 1912 we again see, five times repeated, that curious 
written character which the late Orientalist, Martin Haug of Munich, 
. read st. No. 1919 is ornamented all over with zigzag lines; it has also 
one ΓῊ and one Lt. There is no other example of the exact pattern 
of either of the Nos. 1918, 1919, 1920, 1921, 1922. In No. 1921 we 
again see zigzag lines, and also in No. 1923: this pattern, as well as 
that of No. 1925, occurs several times; also that of No. 1924, in which 
we again see an altar with flames. No. 1926 is decorated with zigzag 
lines and crosses. The patterns of No. 1927 and No. 1932 are very fre- 


5. Discovery of the Tomb of Ollam Fodhia. By BE, A. Conwell. Dublin, 1873. 


Cua. VII.] ANIMALS AND MEN ON THE WHORLS. 419 


uent; that of No. 1930 occurs many times; also that of No. 1933. 
Nos. 1934, 1935, 1936, and 1938 occur only once. On the latter whorl 
we again see Dr. Haug’s character sx. I call the reader’s particular 
attention to the beautiful ornamentation of No. 1940, which occurs many 
times; also to that of No. 1945, which occurs only once. Nos. 1941, 
1943, and 1944 are often found: the pattern No. 1942 does not occur 
again, Very curious is the decoration of No. 1946, in which we see a 


burning altar, a ΕΗ, a sun, four dots and strokes. This pattern, as well 


as those of Nos. 1948 and 1947, in which latter we also see two ΓΗ and 
one -L, occur only once. The signs on No. 1949, in which we see again 


a zigzag line, probably the symbol of lightning, and a -H, occur many 
times; the patterns also on No. 1950 are frequent. There are only single 
examples of the patterns of Nos. 1956 and 1959, which are in the form 
of a disc, and of No. 1957. That of No. 1958 occurs often; also that 
of No. 1964, in which we see three flowers, but not that on the cpposite 
side. Nos. 1961, 1962, and 1963 occur only once. The patterns of 
Nos. 1966, 1968, 1969, and 1971 occur only once; that of No. 1968 is 
very remarkable, for it shows in a sort of monogram five birds with very 
long necks and beaks. There can be hardly any doubt that the primi- 
tive artist intended here to represent storks, which must have been at the 
Trojan epoch just as abundant in the Troad as they are now. 

But still more interesting is the figure which we see on No. 1971; 
for if we compare it with that at the top of No. 1826, and with that in 
the lower part of No. 1883, which latter cannot possibly be anything 
else than a man in monogram, we may be pretty certain that here too 
a man with uplifted arms was meant to be represented, his feet being 
indicated by two slanting strokes. Rude and even horrible as these 
representations of our species are, they are of capital interest to us if we 
look upon them as the predecessors of the masterpieces of art in the time 
of Pericles. But we have seen that the Trojans were perfectly able to 
model in clay tolerably good representations of men and animals (see 
Nos. 190, 191, 226, and Nos. 333 to 340): why then did they incise on their 
whorls such monstrous figures of men and animals, figures which far 
exceed in rudeness the rudest drawings of the wild men of Africa? Is 
there any analogy whatever between this monstrous art and the other 
handiwork of the Trojans? If we look at the rude but symmetrically 
shaped pottery, or if we contemplate the masses of gold ornaments which 
reveal so much artistic skill, and which can only have been the work of a 
school of artists centuries old,—is it possible to suppose that a people 
so far advanced in civilization could have made such rudest of rude repre- 
sentations of man and animal, unless these latter had been conventional 
figures, intended as votive offerings to the tutelary deity, figures conse- 
crated by the use of ages? This supposition seems certainly to be 
confirmed by the figures themselves, all of which are equally monstrous. 
Nay, the anomaly would otherwise be quite inexplicable, because, if this 
explanation were not correct, there would at least be a difference in tho 
style of the figures, some of which might be bad, others better, and others 


420 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. _ (Cap. VII. 


tolerably good. But, just as the inhabitants of the four upper pre- 
historic cities adhered with fervent zeal to the modelling of the traditional 
and conventional hideous owl-heads on their sacred vases, in the same 
way did they adhere with fervent zeal to the traditional and conventional 
scratchings of monstrous manikins and hideous animal forms on their 
ex-votos to their patron goddess. ‘This at least appears to me to be the 
only way of explaining the strange facts before us, for which we have no 
analogy whatever. | 

The whorl No. 1970 was found at a depth of 12 métres or 40 ft., and, 
therefore, most probably belongs to the second city. But its pattern 
occurs also in the third and fourth cities. The patterns Nos. 1974 and 
1975 occur only once; I call attention to the curious sign in the latter, 
which may be a written character. We again see the written character, 
Haug’s si, on No. 1976. The two patterns of No. 1977, as well as that 
of No. 1978, which represents a flower, are very frequent; the same 
may be said of that which we see on Nos. 1979 and 1981. That of 
No. 1980 with zigzag lines occurs several times. On No. 1982 we again 
see three swastikas. One of the most common patterns is that of 
No. 1985. No. 1986 represents a ball of terra-cotta with a circle on 
each pole and a zone round the middle, in which we see on both sides 
a round groove; the two grooves are joined by a curved line; the whole 
ball is, besides, ornamented with dots. Similar balls, but without the 
grooves and the curved line, are very frequent. In the pattern No. 1987 
we see, besides the usual curved lines, a cH with curved arms radiating 
from a circlein the middle. There isa similar ornamentation on the whorl 


No. 1989, but here the rH has straight arms: the pattern of this latter 


whorl is common. The exact pattern of No. 1988, with two swastikas, 
three curved lines and three rows of dots, occurs only once. So also does 
the pattern of the whorl No. 1992, in which we see a number of spirals 
and 13 bundles, each consisting of three strokes intersected by lines of 
five dots. Very remarkable are the signs which we see on the whorl 
No. 1994, some of which may be written characters; but if we turn the 
page a little to the left, we easily recognize once more, in the large 
sign to the right, the rude representation of a man in monogram, with 
uplifted arms and the feet extended to the right and left; nay, here the 
representation of our species has been more successful than in the three 
examples already described, for the figure is incised with much more 
symmetry. On the whorl No. 1996 are written characters which will be 
explained in the Appendix on the Trojan Inscriptions. The pattern 
which we see on the whorl No. 1995 is very common. 

The most remarkable of all the terra-cotta balls found is no doubt 
No. 1997, which I have discussed before.* We see there on the side ὦ 
two large owl’s eyes with their eyebrows distinctly incised, as on many of 
the idols and on some of the owl-vases; the beak is indicated by a stroke 
which descends vertically from between the eyes: to the left of the owl- 


4 See page 344, 


Cuar. VIL.) ORNAMENTED TERRA-COTTA BALLS. 421 


face we see (at a) a wheel with six spokes; to the right of the owl-face 
(at 6) is a large circle with a small one, and below the circle, between it 
and the vertical stroke, is a small circle: on the back a number of vertical 
strokes seem, aS on many idols, to indicate the female hair. This hair 
is not represented in the engraving; all the rest may be seen at a, J, ὁ, 
as well as in the detailed drawing below them, No. 1998. May not the 
owl’s face be symbolic of the morning springing up between the sun, 
represented by the wheel, and the moon, indicated by the concentric 
circles, having below it the morning star indicated by the small circle ? 

Very curious is also the terra-cotta ball No. 1999, which is divided by 
incised lines into eight fields, developed under No. 2000, in one of which 
we see a ΓΗ, in another a tree, and in all clusters of dots. Professor 
Sayce observes to me that, judging from the analogy of the Babylonian 
cylinders, the latter would represent the planets or stars. 

The whorls are all perforated; and, though they are made of the same 
coarse clay, mixed with crushed mica, quartz, and silicious stone, yet as 
they are well polished and have evidently been repeatedly dipped in a 
wash of fine clay before baking, they generally have a lustrous surface, 
and are of red, yellow, black or grey colours. All those of the third 
city, which were exposed to the intense heat of the conflagration, are 
thoroughly baked, and can generally be at once recognized by their 
colour; but even in the other pre-historic cities there may be found a 
great many thoroughly baked whorls, a fact which is not astonishing, 
as, owing to their small size, the fire could reach them on all sides. But 
in general the whorls of the other pre-historic cities are, like the vases, 
only half baked. The clay of many of those that are well baked, and 
particularly of the black ones, is so compact, that every one thinks it 
15. stone. 

All this may also be said of the balls. The ornamentation has usually 
been incised with a sharp or pointed instrument of bone, wood, or silex, 
before the first baking, and filled in with white chalk so as to strike the 
eye. On many whorls and balls this white chalk has disappeared from the 
decorations ; but, as we see on many hundreds of whorls the ornamentation 
filled with the white chalk, we may with all probability suppose that all 
the ornamented whorls were treated in the same way. But we often see 
whorls with ugly scratches which can only have been made with pointed 
silex after baking. On many whorls the incised decoration is remarkable 
for its fineness and symmetry, as, for instance, on Nos. 1825, 1895, 1902, 
1921, 1940, 1945; but in general it is as rude as.if it were the primitive 
artist’s first essay in ¢ntaglzo-work. 

All the drawings of the whorls and balls have been made by M. 
Burnouf and his accomplished daughter, Mdlle. Louise Burnouf, to whom 
I here make the warmest acknowledgment. All the whorls and balls are 
represented of the actual size. As to the few whorls to which the depth 
in metres is not affixed, it is unknown. 

For what purpose this really stupendous mass of whorls was used, 1s a 
problem not yet definitely settled among scholars. But as nearly all of 
them are so well preserved, and as comparatively but few of them bear 


422 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


marks of having ever been used, I suppose that all, or at least all the 
decorated ones, served as offerings to the tutelary deity of the city, to 
the Ilan Athené Ergané, whose Palladium, as before mentioned, was 
fabled to have fallen from heaven, with a distaff in one hand and a lance 
in the other. | 

Of perforated whorls of steatite there were found in all only fifty, and 
of these only one has a decoration of incised circles; whereas, as has been 
said, of ornamented and unornamented terra-cotta whorls together, I col- 
lected more than 18,000. In my excavations at Mycenae some hundreds 
of stone whorls, for the most part of steatite, were found, and only five 
unornamented ones of terra-cotta. The little terra-cotta discs, from 13 
to 3in. in diameter, of which many hundreds of specimens were found 
in all the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, appear to have served as 
spindles. As they are only 1—5th or 1-6th of an inch thick, and slightly 
concave, there can be no doubt that all of them were cut out of broken 
pottery. They have all a perforation in the middle. Similar discs, found 
at Szihalom in Hungary, may be seen in the glass case No. IX., Nos. 2 
and 4, in the Buda-Pesth National Museum. Similar discs have also 
been found at Pilin® and in German tombs.* We may also compare the 
so-called Kimmeridge coal-money: 

I have still to describe the singular object No. 1809, which is repre- 
sented on the first plate at the end of the book in half-size. It is of a 
lustrous-yellow colour, and quite flat on the lower side; it has an upright 
handle, decorated with an incised tree and. a flower. Close to the handle, 
on the right side, is a hollow to put the hand in; I presume, therefore, 
that this instrument may have served for polishing the newly-made and 
still unbaked pottery. 

Of various objects of clay from this third, the burnt city, I finally 
represent under No. 512 a scoop, but slightly baked, with a trefoil 
mouth and a small handle; under No. 513, a small cup of a very rude 
fabric, unpolished and but slightly baked; a cup of a like shape, con- 
tained in a tomb of Corneto, is in the Royal Museum at Berlin. No. 514 
represents a vase-lid of a very remarkable and unique form: it 1s of 
massive yellow clay, not polished, and bears the marks of the intense 
heat to which it has been exposed in the conflagration. Its lower 
part was sunk like a stopper into the vase, so that its projecting upper 
part completely covered the orifice and shut it almost hermetically by 
the weight of the lid, which exceeds three pounds. We have seen a 
similar vase-lid in No. 304, but of this latter the whole lower part was 
of a semi-globular form and hollow. These two vase-lids or stoppers 
(Nos. 804 and 514) find their analogy in the vase-covers before described, 
found at Szihalom in Hungary, and exhibited under Nos. 26 and 27 in 
the glass case No. IX. in the Buda-Pesth National Museum. 

Under No. 515 I represent a curious object of terra-cotta, with four 
feet and an incised linear ornamentation; it is solid, and may have served 


5 Joseph Hampel, Ant. preh. de la Hongrice, Museum at Berlin, in the Grand-ducal Anti- 
Pl. τοῦ ΝΌΣΟΙΣ quarium in Schwerin, and elsewhere. 
© Similar discs are preserved in the Markisches 


Crap. VIT.J VARIOUS OBJECTS. | 423 





No. 512. Scoop of baked Clay. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 23 to 26 ft.) 











SS ax2"Xz#=#- 


No. 514. Curious Vase-lid of baked Clay. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 23 to 26 ft.) 





No. 513. Small Cup of baked Clay. (2:3 actual size. 
Depth, 23 to26 ft.) 


as an ex-voto. Under No. 516 is represented a fish of wood found in a 
burnt house at a depth of 26ft.; how it could ever have escaped being 
burnt is inexplicable. The head shows 
on both sides a lustrous-black colour, 
the body a lustrous yellow: both these 
colours may have been produced by 
the intense heat of the conflagration. 







































































ἐν 
ah DAC  { 


᾿ iid \ 
| 


my 
a(t 


“1 .}}}}}}}}}}}} 
: ne 
" 































































































feet and incised linear ornamentation. Bes: 
(Actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) No. 516. Fish of Wood. (7:8 actual size. 


Depth, 26 ft.) 


The scales are rudely indicated by small lozenges, produced by cross lines. 
The fish resembles a carp, but as there are no carp in the Troad, it is 
doubtful whether the primitive artist intended to represent that kind 
of fish. But rude as this wooden fish is, it is a real masterpiece of art 
when compared with the representations of men, of which we have passed 
four in review. 

No. 517 is a very curious object of ivory, found in the large house close 








No. 517. Object of Ivory in the form of a crouching animal. (Actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


to the gate. It represents a crouching hog rudely carved, with the hind 
legs under the body and the fore legs under the head. The representa- 


424 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. ({Cuapr. VII. 


tion is identical on both sides; it reminds us vividly of the gold lions at 
Mycenae,’ though these latter certainly show more artistic skill. The back 
part of our ivory figure runs out into something like a fish’s tail, which 
has a vertical opening, 0°7 in. long, and is perforated, leading us to 
suppose that the object must have been used in some way or other in 
weaving. Time, and probably also the heat of the conflagration, have 
given to our ivory hog a dark tint; the head and back are nearly black. 
Professor Virchow writes to me: “It appears to me doubtful whether 
the figure No. 517 represents a hog. ‘The position of the feet and the 
shape more resemble those of a dog.” 

Under Nos. 518 and 519 I represent two objects of ivory, each 
belonging to a lyre with only four strings, and under No. 520 another 
object of ivory, belonging 
to a lyre with seven strings ; 
all these three pieces are 
ornamented with incisions. 





No. 519. Piece of Ivory, belong- oT : 
ing to a Trojan Lyre with four No. 518 has the herring- 
strings. (1:5 actual siz bone ornamentation within 
Depth, 26 ft.) 


a border formed by two 
lines; No. 519 is merely 
decorated with straight 
lines. The decoration of 
No. 520 is very pretty, 
having at the edge, where 
the perforations are, a 
border of only one line; 
on the two other edges 
borders formed by two lines, 
and decorated with a waving 
pattern ; the surface is or- 
No. 518. Fragment of a Lyre ΠΝ Pena Sai namented with spirals, in 
with four chords. (7:8 actual Seven-stringed Lyre. (Actual which we likewise see wave 
size. Depth, 26 ft.) size. Depth, 23 ft.) i 
or zigzag patterns. ° 
The lyre (φόρμυγξ) was the most ancient stringed instrument of the 
Greek singers; it is frequently mentioned by Homer, with whom it is 
especially the musical instrument of Apollo;* but the singers play on 
it also at meals and on other occasions. The φόρμηγξ is mentioned 





7 See my Mycenae, Nos. 263, 470, 471. ® Od. Fills 67. ὃς τὸς: 

8 Fl. i. 603 : κὰδ δ᾽ ἐκ πασσαλόφι κρέμασεν φόρμιγγα λίγειαν, 
οὐ μὴν φόρμιγγος περικαλλέος, ἣν ἔχ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων. λυ κὸν a, ΝΣ 

Il. xxiv. 63: . « πὰρ δ᾽ ἐτίθει κάνεον καλήν τε τράπεζαν, 
δαίνυ᾽ ἔχων φόρμιγγα, κακῶν ἕταρ᾽, αἰὲν ἄπιστε. πὰρ δὲ δέπας οἴνοιο, πιεῖν ὅτε θυμὸς ἄνώγοι. 

Od. xvii. 270, 271: viii. 99: 

ἐπεὶ κνίσση μὲν ἀνήνοθεν, ἐν δέ τε φόρμιγε φόρμιγγός θ᾽, ἣ δαιτὶ συνήορός ἐστι θαλείῃ. 

ἠπύει, ἣν ἄρα δαιτὶ θεοὶ ποίησαν ἑταίρην. xxi. 430: 

Hymn. Hom. Apoll. 184, 185: μολπῇ καὶ φόρμιγγι" τὰ γάρ τ᾽ ἀναθήματα δαιτός. 

τοῖο δὲ φόρμιγξ xxii. 832, 999: 

χρυσέου ὑπὸ πλήκτρου καναχὴν ἔχει ἱμερόεσσαν. ἔστη δ᾽ ἐν χείρεσσιν ἔχων φόρμιγγα λίγειαν 

verse 515: ἄγχι παρ᾽ ὀρσοθύρην " 


φόρμιγγ᾽ ἐν χείρεσσιν ἔχων, ἐρατὸν κιθαρίζων. and others. 


Cuap. VII.] FRAGMENTS OF LYRES AND FLUTES. 425 


together with flutes (αὐλοί) ;" it was often decorated with gold, ivory, 
recious stones, and intaglio-work—hence its epithets περικαλλής, δαιδαλέη, 
ypuoéa. It had at first four, but afterwards seven strings:' to play on 
the φόρμυγξ was called φόρμιγγι κιθαρίζειν " and φόρμυγγα ἐλελίζειν." Τὸ 
was a kind of large guitar, with a cross-bar which joined both arms 
(ζυγόν), and had pegs (κόλλοπες), by which the strings were tuned.’ It 
was hollow (γλαφυρή)," like our harp, but lighter, for the word φόρμυγξ 
signifies the portable κυθάρα, from φέρω, φορέω, φόριμος, because it was 
suspended by a girdle on the shoulder, and was held in the hand when 
it was played.” Professor Rhousopoulos kindly calls my attention to 
Plutarch,® where lyres (φόρμιγγες) with four chords are mentioned. 
No. 521 is an object of ivory of unknown use; its upper part is on 
both sides divided by a band of three lines into two fields, of which the 
~ one is decorated with fourteen, the other with twelve, small circles having 





































OOM 
ἀνὰ 
HOT = 



























Nos. 522, 523. The two sides of a prettily-decorated 
Tube of Ivory. From the Tower. (2:3 actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 














scl 


PAD OO 


ee 



































NA 
UAW 


No. 525. 
A piece of 
No. 521. Object of Ivory, with identical Νο, 524, <A finely-engraved Ivory Tube, prubably Borel curi- 

ornamentation on both sides. (7:8 part of a Flute. Found on the Tower, ously engra- 

actualsize. Depth, 33 ft.) (2:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) ved. (2:3 
actual size, 
Depth, 23 ft.) 








1072; xviii. 495: 2 7]. xviii. 569, 570: 
ale αὐλοὶ φόρμιγγές τε βοὴν ἔχον. τοῖσιν δ᾽ ἐν μέσσοισι πάϊς φόρμιγγι λιγείῃ 
‘ i ix. 186, 187 : ἱμερόεν κιθάριζε . . .. ᾿ 
τι ie ae φρένα τερπόμενον φόρμιγγι Avyeln Pind. @lrix, 25 : 
καλῇ δαιδαλέῆ, . . . ἀνδρὸς ἀμφὶ παλαίσμασιν φό > ἐλελί 
Pindar. Pyth. i. 3-8: vn gts 187: ae 
χρυσέα φόρμιγξ, ᾿Απόλλωνος και ιοπλοκάμων οὐκ νὸν Ὁ φόρμιγγι λιγείῃ 
ἐπ το ee .. on Bd Bice ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἀργύρεον ζυγὸν ἦεν. 
σύρο οι Μοισᾶν κτέανον. 5 Od. xxi. 406, 407 ay ΟΝ 
mae Pyth. ii. 129, 130 : ᾿ ὡς ὅτ᾽ ἀνὴρ φόρμιγγος ἐπιστάμενος καὶ ἀοιδῆς 
έλων ἄθρησον χάριν ἑπτακτύπου ῥηϊδίως ἐτάνυσσε νέῳ περὶ κόλλοπι χορδήν. 
Ht φόρμιγγος ἀντόμενος. 6 Od. xvii. 261, 262: 
ind. Nemea, σι 42-45: περὶ δέ σφεας HAVO iwh 
μοισαν ϑ' κάλλιστος χορός "εν ve μέσαις φόρμιγγος γλαφυρῆς. 
φόρμιγγ Απόλλων ἑπτάγλωσσον 7 Hesychius, 5. v. φόρμιγξ - 7 τοῖς ὥμοις φερο- 
χρυσέῳ πλάκτρῳ διώκων μένη. 
ἀγεῖτο παντοίων νόμων. 8 Opp. Moralia, pp. 1021 Β, 1029 AB, 1187 D, 


1139 B, 1143 E, 1145 C; ed. Wyttenbach. 


496 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 


a dot in the centre; on the lower part there are three such circles on 
each side. The reader will observe the similarity of these circles with 
those on the curious object No. 142 (p. 262), which is probably an idol. 
Nos. 522, 523 and No. 524 are two perforated pieces of ivory decorated 
with linear incisions; No. 524 has two holes: both these tubes appear to 
be parts of flutes. The same is probably the case with the prettily- 





















































No. 526, Ornamented Ivory Tube, probably a Trojan Flute. (2:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


engraved bone No. 525. No. 526 is a curiously decorated tube of ivory, 
in all probability a flute. The bone tubes Nos. 527 and 528 may also 
be parts of flutes. No. 529 is 

pee a perforated piece of ivory cut 

| into a polygonal prism, of which 
each side is decorated with three 
small circles, having a dot in the 
centre like those on No. 142 and 
No. 521. A similar object of 
ivory, with an almost identical 
decoration, was found in a tomb 


, at IJalysus in Rhodes, and is pre- 
Nos. 527-531. Fragments of a Flute, two Astragals (Huckle- din the Baten 
bones), and object of Ivory with ornaments all over. 561 66 10 € DY1tis useum. 


(Half actual size. Depth, 26 to 30 ft.) Nos. 530 and 531 are huckle- 
bones (astragali), of which a 

large number have been found. I have discussed the use of these bones 
in a preceding chapter (see p. 263). Nos. 532 to 535 are objects of 
ivory, rudely ornamented 
with incisions evidently 
made with ἃ silex-saw. 
Two similar objects, found 
at Ialysus, are in the 
British Museum. Of ivory 
also is the object No. 536, 
which resembles the bar 
of our watch-chains, as 
well as the object No. 537, 
which has four perfora- 
tions ; No. 588, which has 
the shape of a fish; and 
No. 5389. This latter has 
a curious engraved pat- 
Nos. 532-539. Various Objects of Ivor. ary whieh, ΠΟΣῚ 4% 

C7 28. abtad σεν Ὁ τὸ τ ΠΑΝ probably πὸ  symbolical 
signification. Prof. Sayce 

observes to me: “These ivory objects indicate trade with the Kast. 
On the Black Obelisk of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser (pc. 840) the 


No. 527. 












































No. 537. 
































































































































































































































No. 538, 















































































































































































































































ORNAMENTS FOR HORSE-TRAPPINGS. 427 


Cuap. VII.] 


people of Muzri on the south-west of Armenia are represented as bringing 
among other tribute an elephant, which must have been imported from 
Bactria.” On the same obelisk is a two-humped Bactrian camel. 

Of ivory are further the curious objects Nos. 540 and 541, which are 
decorated on both sides with a number of small circles with a point in 























Depth, 24 ft.) 


Nos. 540,541. Objects of Ivory, probably for ornamenting a horse-harness. (7:8 actual size. 


the centre, and have a perforation at each end. I would suggest that all 
these ten objects (from Nos. 532 to 541), and perhaps also Nos. 521 and 
529, served as ornaments for horse-trappings. That ornaments-of ivory 
were used in this way is seen from the famous passage in the Iliad: “ As 
when some Maeonian or Carian woman stains with 
purple the ivory, designed to be the cheek-piece of 
horses. As it lies in the chamber itis coveted by many 
horsemen; but it hes, a king’s boast, to be both an 
ornament to the horse, and an honour to the charioteer.” ὃ 
An object of bone or ivory similar to Nos. 540 and 541, 
also ornamented with small circles, was found by Dr. 
V. Gross of Neuveville in the Swiss Lake-dwellings at 
Moeringen, and is in his collection.'° No. 542 is the 
bone handle of a knife or some other instrument, which 
was fastened in it with three copper pins, of which we 
still see one in the upper one of the three perforations ; 
on one side of this handle many cuts are visible. 

Nos. 548, 544, and 545 are of bone,! and cannot but have served as 
handles of sticks or staves (σκῆπτρον, from σκήπτω, to prop, hence Midd. 
σκήπτομαι, to lean upon). No. 546 is also the knob of a stick or staff, 
a fact of which its two perforations can leave no doubt; but it is 
of terra-cotta. It has, but only on one side, that double spiral in the 
form of spectacles, which we have repeatedly seen on the vases. Gene- 
rally Homer means by σκῆπτρον nothing else than a common staff, 












a 
he i . 


No. 542. Bone Handle 
of a Knife or some 
other instrument. 
(Half actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 





® 7). iv. 141-145: by Dr. Gross in the Swiss Lake-dwellings at 


ὡς δ᾽ ὅτε τίς τ᾽ ἐλέφαντα γυνὴ φοίνικι μιήνῃ 
Mpovls ἠὲ Κάειρα, παρήϊον ἔμμεναι ἵππων" 
κεῖται δ᾽ ἐν θαλάμῳ, πολέες τέ μιν Nphoayro 
ἱππῆες φορέειν - βασιλῆϊ δὲ κεῖται ἄγαλμα, 
ἀμφότερον, κόσμος θ᾽ ἵππῳ ἐλατῆρί τε κῦδος. 

” Dr. V. Gross, Résultats des Recherches dans 
les Lacs de la Swisse occidentale ; Ziirich, 1876, 
Pl. i. No. 26. 


1 I see a similar staff-handle of bone, found 


Sutz, represented on PI. ii. No. 28 of his work ; 
but, strange to say, it is explained on p. il. as a 
small hammer (Résultats des Recherches, &c.). 
Professor Virchow observes to me that it is not 
at all astonishing that Dr. Gross should have 
mistaken the staff-handle No. 28 for a hammer, 
since perfectly similar hammers of stag-horn 
frequently occur. 


428 


for we see it used alike by kings, heralds, 


THE THIRD, THE BURNT OCH. 


[Cuap. VII. 


judges, and beggars? 


But in other passages σκῆπτρον means a royal sceptre, as the sign 





















































Nos. 543, 544. Bone Handles of Staves (σκῆπτρα). 
(Nearly half actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 


No. 545. 


“7;0|06Μηῃῃ 


1) 





Bone Handle of a Trojan’s Staff (σκῆπτρον). 
(Half actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 


of power and dignity, and in such cases it was adorned with golden 


studs,? 


or was of artistic metal-work.* 


Nor are there wanting, among 


the remains of Troy, objects well suited to have formed the heads of such 


sceptres of state. 





No. 546. Terra-cotta Knob of 
a Staff. (Half actual 5126. 


Depth, about 26 ft.) No. 547 | 


of the finest crystal ; 


(Half actual size. 


each side, can leave no doubt as to its use. 


of 28 ft., 


2 71. xviii. 416, 417: 
ἕλε δὲ σκῆπτρον παχύ, βῆ δὲ θύραζε 
χωλεύων : ὑπὸ δ᾽ ἀμφίπολοι ῥώοντο ἄνακτι. 
Od. xvii. 199: 
Εὔμαιος δ᾽ ἄρα of σκῆπτρον θυμαρὲς ἔδωκεν. 
Od. xiii, 451: 
δῶκε δέ of σκῆπτρον καὶ ἀεικέα πήρην. 
Od. xiv. 31: 
αὐτὰρ ᾽Οδυσσεὺς 
ἕζετο κερδοσύνῃ, σκῆπτρον δέ οἱ ἔκπεσε χειρός. 
Od. xviii. 103, 104: 
καί μιν ποτὶ ἑρκίον αὐλῆς 
acy dimcaives, σκῆπτρον δέ οἱ ἔμβαλε χειρί. 
Mr. Philip Smith remarks to me: “In the 
etymological sense, it is simply a thing to sup- 
port oneself with, or to lean upon, from σκήπτω, 
‘support’ or ‘prop up,’ Midd. σκήπτομαι, I sup- 
port myself (with), i.e. lean (upon), with -rpov 


A Lion-headed Sceptre-handle 


found on the Tower. 
Depth, 28 ft.) 


No. 547 is such a sceptre-handle of fine rock-crystal, 
representing a rudely-carved lion’s head: 
side into which the staff was stuck, as well as the 


the large hole in the lower 
perforation on 





No. 548. A curious Object, pro- 
bably a Staff-handle of Egyp/ian 
porcelain. (Half aciual size. 
Depth, 26 to 28 ft.) 


It was found at a depth 


on the plateau formed by the two walls which I used to call 


(Lat.-trwm), termination of an instrument. Thus 
the dying Jacob rose in bed to bless his chil- 
dren, /eaniny upon the top of jis staff. (Gen. x\vii. 

1; Heb. xi. 21.) Among the spoil taken by- 
King Thutmes III. in Syria, we find ‘a beauti- 
ful cubit-staff of zagu wood,’ ‘ wands or staves, 
with heads upon them of ivory, ebony, and cedar- 
wood, inlaid with gold,’ also ‘one staj of the 
king, made in the fashion of a sceptre, entirely 
of solid gold.’ (Brugsch, Hist. of Egypt, vol. i. 
pp. 374, 385, Engl. trans. 2nd ed.)” 

3 Jl, i, 245, 246: 

ἌΝ ποτὶ δὲ σκῆπτρον βάλε γαίῃ 

χρυσείοις ἥλοισι πεπαρμένον. 

“ΠΣ 
ἔστη σκῆπτρον ἔχων, τὸ μὲν Ἥφαιστος κάμε 

τεύχων. 


Cuar. VII. SCEPTRE-HEADS: GLASS BEADS, ETC. 429 


the Tower. Not only this lion’s head, but the illustrations drawn from 
the lion, which occur repeatedly in the Iliad, make it seem extremely 
probable that in remote antiquity lions existed in this neighbourhood. 
Homer could not possibly have described the characteristics of this animal 
so excellently had he not had frequent opportunity of watching them, 
and his geographical knowledge of southern countries is too slight for 
us to suppose that he had visited them, and had there become intimately 
acquainted with the characteristics of the lion. 

No. 548 is of green Egyptian porcelain; it was found, together with 
an owl-headed vase and the black box Nos. 266, 267, in a very large 
broken funeral urn on the wall itself, immediately to the west of the royal 
house. It has evidently served as the handle of a staff, for it has on the 
opposite side a quadrangular hole lin. long, 0°6 in. deep, and 0-4 in. 
broad, which gradually diminishes in size towards the end. On each side 
there is an incision lengthwise, in the middle of which is a perforation, 
which communicates with the quadrangular hole, and can only have 
served to fasten the staff inserted in the latter by means of a nail. On 
the outside we see a quadrangular projection with two furrows. As 
Egyptian porcelain is too fragile to serve for the knobs of staves, the staff 
it decorated may perhaps have been a ceremonial one used in funeral 
services. It is quite vitrified on the lower side, and bears all over the 
marks of the fire it has been exposed to; fine black ashes stick to it 
everywhere. Another object of Egyptian porcelain is lying before me 
while writing this; it is also in the form of a staff-knob, but it has a 
large perforation lengthwise. It has suffered so much in the conflagra- 
tion, that its green colour has crumbled away, and it looks as if it were 
a decayed white glass paste. All the Egyptian porcelain, as well as the 

ivory, point to relations between Troy and Egypt. 
; Nos. 549 and 550, the latter perforated lengthwise, are also appa- 
rently knobs of staves or stick-handles, and are of a green glass paste. 
Both have a decoration of white or yellow spirals, which is not painted 


No. 553. 


No, 549. No. 550. No, 551. 








os OE 





Nos. 549-551. Glass Buttons, (Half actual Nos. 552-555. Three glass Balls and one glass Bead. 


size. Depth, the one to the right 6 ft., (3:4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 33 ft.) 
the other two 26 ft.) 


on the glass, but contained in it. No. 551 consists of a green glass 
paste, ornamented with regular white strokes; it is also perforated and 
almost in the form of a whorl, but it does not properly belong here, as it 
was found at a depth of only 6 ft. 

Under Nos. 552, 553, and 554 I represent three small balls; under 
No. 555 a bead of white glass. I call particular attention to the fact that 
the three balls, the bead, and the two staff-handle knobs are the only glass 
objects found by me in all my excavations at Hissarlik; further, that 
these six objects occurred in the third or burnt city, and that no trace 


- 4380 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. (Caapr. VII. 


of glass was found in any of the lower or upper pre-historic cities, unless, 
indeed, No. 551 belongs to the last pre-historic city, which appears to me 
doubtful. I rather think it belongs to the still later city, the sixth in 
succession from the virgin soil, which I may be permitted to believe to 
be of Lydian origin. It is therefore very probable, that all these objects 
were imported by the Phoenicians to Troy. 

No. 556 is a prettily-shaped egg of aragonite. No. 557 represents 
an object of diorite, of unknown use. There were also found several 
unpolished hexagons of crystal, as well as a small finely-polished crystal 
plate with four perforations, which may have belonged toa lyre. — 

Passing from these ornaments to more useful objects: No. 558 repre- 


No. 557. No. 558. 





No. 556. Egg of Aragonite. (7:8 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 
No. 557. Object of Diorite; use unknown. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 to 28 ft.) 
No. 558. Comb of Bone. (7:8 actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) 

















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Cuar. VIL] AWLS OF BONE AND HORN. 431 


sents a very primitive comb of bone, whose teeth may have been sawn 
with the common saws of chalcedony. 

In the accompanying group, No. 559 is an object of ivory with three 
perforations, which may have served as an ornament for horse-trappings. 
Nos. 560-574 are needles, or other implements of bone or ivory for 
female handiwork. As I have said before, similar needles of bone are 
found in the caverns of Dordogne in France, as well as in the Swiss 
Lake-dwellings (see p. 262). They are also frequent in tombs in Germany. 
Nos. 575 to 580 are awls of bone, such as I have discussed before (see 
ibid). Nos. 581 to 584 are four more awls of bone. Nos. 585 to 587 


No. 581. No. 582. No. 583. No. 584, No. 585. No. 586. No. 587. 












































































































































Nos. 581-584, Awls of Bone. Nos. 585-587. Horns of Fallow Deer, sharpened and probably used as awls. 
(Nearly half actual size. Depth, 16 to 26 ft.) 


are, according to Professor Virchow, horns of the fallow deer, sharpened 
to a point, to be used as awls. Similar horns are frequent in the three 
upper pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. 

Nos. 588-590 are boars’ tusks, of which the last two are sharpened 
to a point. But it appears doubtful whether they were sharpened 
artificially ; they seem rather to have been sharpened by the boar him- 
self. Boars’ tusks are very frequent in the débris of all the pre- 
historic cities at Hissarlik. Professor Otto Keller® remarks on the sub- 
ject: “ Boar-hunting is an object of great importance in the narrations 
and plastic representations of the heroic ages. To judge from the boars’ 
tusks found, it was also the favourite occupation of our European Lake- 


5 Die Entdeckung Ihon’s zu Hissarlik ; Freiburg, 1875, p. 46. 


4392 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL, 


dwellers and Cavern-inmates.° To the present day the boar ig frequent 
in the Troad and the adjoining country."” Between Adramyttium and 


No. 588. 





Nos. 588-590. Boars’ Tusks. (Half actual size. Depth, 16 to 26 ft.) 


Assos, and in other parts of the Troad, the boar leaves every morning 
traces on the ground where he has wallowed. The boar is frequent in the 
forests of the Mysian Olympus, that is, close to the Troad ;* and in very 
early times the mythic boar which lacerated Idmon, son of Apollo—an 
episode in the legend of the Argonauts®—and the terrible boar which 
devastated the land of Croesus,” broke forth from those forests. And 
in the oak forests of Ida—acorns being their favourite food—many a 
superb boar may have fattened himself for the ancient Trojans. They 
may also have existed in the swamps in the plain.” ? 

Nos. 591 to 598 represent objects which, according to Professor W. H. 
Flower of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, are vertebre of the 
tunny and small sharks. 


No. 591. 





No. 594. No. 595. No. 597. 


Nos. 591-598. Vertebra of Sharks, Dolphins, and Tunnies. (Half actual size. Depth, 16 to 33 ft.) 


1 now come to the Trojan moulds, of which about ninety in all were 
found, almost all more or less in fragments ; nearly all are of mica-schist; 


6 ‘6See Lubbock, Pre-historic Times, 3rd ed. 9 «“ Hyginus, Fab. ο. 14, p. 44; ¢. 18, p. 47.” 
p- 210.” 10 ἐς Herodot. i. 36: ἐν τῷ Μυσίῳ Οὐλύμπῳ ὑὸς 
7 “Fellows, Lagbuch einer Reise in Kleinasien χρῆμα γίνεται μέγα." 
(Germ. trans.), pp. 45, 73.” 1 “Strabo, xiii. p. 595; see also Columella, 


8“ Hamilton, Reisen in Kleinasien(Germ.trans.), de Re Rust. vii. 9.” 
OE 0. (a 


Cuap. VII] MOULDS FOR METAL-CASTINGS. 433 


a few are of baked clay, and only one is of granite. Nos. 599 and 600 
represent two such stones, with moulds on six sides for casting battle- 
axes and knives, as well as other implements or weapons unknown to us. 





No. 599. A Mould of Mica-schist, for casting various metal Instruments. Found on the Tower. 
(ὦ :4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 28 ft.) 









































No. 600. A Mould of Mica-schist, for casting several metal Instruments. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


Of these large moulds I only succeeded in collecting four intact, or 

nearly so. Without any fear of being contradicted, I may fairly say that 

these moulds with beds on six sides are unique, and have never been 

found elsewhere; but that such moulds, with beds for weapons or imple- 
2F 


484 ‘THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL 


ments on their six sides, were in general use at Troy, is attested by 
the large quantity of broken ones. The ‘moulds found in the Swiss 
Lake-dwellings,” as well as those found in Hungary? and elsewhere, have 
beds only on one side.* In Mycenae I found two moulds, one of them 
with beds on six sides, but only for casting ornaments.° These Trojan 
moulds are further distinguished by the depth of the beds, which 
exactly corresponds to the size of the battle-axes, knives, &c., which 
had to be cast. It is therefore evident that these beds were simply 
filled with fused metal, and then covered with a flat stone until the 
newly-cast objects had become cold. In the moulds found elsewhere 
the casting process was different. There were two stones containing 
the form of the weapon to be cast, but the beds in each of them 
represented only one-half of its thickness: these two stones having 
been joined, so that both beds fitted exactly on each other, the mould 
for the entire object was formed. As we have seen in the mould No. 103 
(p. 248), of the first city, each of the two stones generally had two 
perforations, by means of which they were fastened together:° in each 
stone was a little furrow leading from the border to each bed; and 
when both stones were joined, and consequently the two furrows fitted 
exactly on each other, they constituted together a small funnel-lke 
tubular hole, through which the lquid metal was poured into the 
mould. But, as the reader sees in the engravings, these large Trojan 
moulds have no such furrows through which the metal could have been 
poured; it is therefore evident that the process of casting was here 
the most simple imaginable, the metal being merely poured into the 
moulds, and these then covered with a flat stone. 

The only moulds I ever saw which are somewhat similar to the Trojan 
moulds were found in Sardinia, and are preserved in the Museum of 
Cagliari. A good specimen of them is represented under No. 7 on Plate 1]. 
of Vincenzo Crespi’s work, 11 Museo d’ Antichita di Caglari. It is a 
parallelopiped, said to consist of trachyto-porphyric stone (816), and has 
beds for weapons on two sides: on one side, a bed for a double-edged 
battle-axe, with a perforation in the middle, like No. 958 (p. 506); on the 
other, beds for weapons very similar to the common Trojan battle-axes, 
like Nos. 806 to 809 (p. 476) and No. 828 (p. 486). There is no channel 
by which the fused metal might have been poured into the beds. It is 
therefore evident that here, as in the Trojan moulds, the fused metal 
was poured directly into the beds, and the mould was’ then probably 
covered with a perfectly smooth stone so as to make the weapons even. 

In exactly the same way the battle-axes must also have been cast in 





2 See V. Gross, Résultats des Recherches dans 
les Lacs de la Suisse occidentale, Ziirich, 1876, 
Pl. xvii. Nos. 1-12; and V. Gross, Les derniéres 
Trouvailles dans les Hubitations lacustres du Lac 
de Bienne, Porrentruy, 1879, Pl. i. Nos. 6-8, 10. 

3 Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de 
la Hongrie ; Esztergom, 1877, Pl. xiv. Nos. 1-25. 

4 Professor Virchow, however, observes to 
me that moulds with beds on two sides also 


occur in Europe, but they differ from the Trojan 
moulds, inasmuch as they have a channel by 
which the fused metal could be poured in from 
the border. 

5 See my Mycenae, pp. 107-109, Nos. 162 
and 163. 

6 There are, however, often found stone 
moulds without these two perforations. 


Cuar. VIL] MOULDS FOR WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS. 435 


the mica-schist mould of No. 601, as well ag the curious objects, the 
moulds of which are seen in the stone No. 602, also of mica-schist. 
The round mould in this latter is also seen in Nos. 599 and 600, but 
not the mould of a miniature hammer, which we see here, and which 15 
very curious indeed. On the other hand, in the mica-schist mould, 
No. 603, which has the mould of an arrow-head, like those represented 
under Nos. 931, 933, 942, 944, and 946 (p. 505), we see the system 
exactly as described above, because the stone has two perforations and 
the point of the bed touches the edge of the stone; consequently, another 
mould of an identical form having been fastened upon No. 603, by 
means of the perforations, the liquid metal was poured in through the 
small channel or funnel from above. 

No. 604 is a broken mould for casting arrow-heads of a triangular 
shape, but without barbs: here also the furrow of each arrow-head reaches 
the border ; so that the liquid metal could be poured in with ease. Close 


ΤΉ 
talc 


ΤΕ π 


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ΠΝ 
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i i 

ἡ}}}}}} | i 
{}}}}}}} HUA 
No, 602. A Mould of Mica-schist for ᾿ Ι th ii 
casting copper Implements. (About 1:3 ἡ) "ἢ 
actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) A: 

an ANIMA 

| i | | | : ἢ | ᾿ i ᾿ 

i | i ii | i; ia »ν 


VINA ας HTN ΧΗΣ 





Mould of Mica-schist for casting 
arrow-heads of primitive form. (Actual size. 
Depth, 28 ft.) 


No. 603. 
































































































































Mica - schist. (Half { 
actual size. Depth, ' 
26 ft.) 




















No. 604. Fragment of a Mould of Mica-schist, 
No. 605. Mould of baked Clay. for casting arrow-heads. (Half actual size, 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) Depth, 26 ft.) 


to the left lower corner is one of the holes by which this mould was 
fixed to another of the same shape which was put upon it; the other 
perforation has probably been in the missing part of the stone. The 
mould No. 605 is of very rude clay, which has been much exposed to the 
conflagration and is thoroughly baked. Here, again, there are no per- 
forations nor funnel-shaped holes through which the metal might have 
been poured into the beds; it is therefore certain that the beds were in 


436 | THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL 


this case simply filled with liquid metal and covered with a flat stone. 
The moulds of this stone represent merely bars; similar moulds occurred 
half-a-dozen times. 

A mould of sandstone similar to No. 601 was found at Pilin,’ and Dr. 
J. Hampel informs me that such also occur at Szihalom; but these 
Hungarian moulds are all of the category before described, the fused 











































































































































































































SSS SSS} 







































































































Ϊ ἢ i 
ue ce 
tv Ἧ ᾿ ] 
an Hal Me i fal a 


No. 607. A perforated 
and grooved piece of Mica- 
schist, probably for sup- 
porting a Spit. Found on 
the Tower. (1:5 actual 
size. Depth, 26 ft.) 



























































































































































































































































































































































No. 606. Spit of Mica-schist. (Half 
actual size Depth, 32 ft.) 





No. 608. Patra Object of green 
Gabbro-rock, probably a weight. 
(2:3 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 


metal being poured in between two moulds, each of which had exactly one- 
half of the form of the object to be cast. I may add that before the fused 
metal was poured into the moulds these had to be exposed to a heat as great 
as red-hot iron. Nos. 606 and 607 are of mica-schist ; they are doubt- 
less supports for the spit-rests. 

Similar spit-rests of mica-schist, as well as of clay, occur often. As 
all of them have a furrow on the top, and in an opposite direction a 
perforation through the middle, it appears that two such supports were 
placed at the fireside and joined by a copper bar so as to give stability to 
both; besides, as the furrow for the spit is always along the narrow side, 
the spit could never have been turned on one support standing alone, 
for it would at once have fallen. 

No. 608 is a perforated object of green gabbro-rock, probably a 
weight. Under Nos. 609 to 616 I'represent eight Trojan sling-bullets of 
loadstone or hematite; except No. 616, which is of green diorite. All of 
them are well polished; and, with the rude implements which the Trojans 
had at their disposal, it must have been tremendous work to cut and 
smooth the hard stone into the cylindroid shape of the bullets before 
us. In fact, labour must have had very little or no value at that time, 
for otherwise it is impossible to imagine that whole months should have 
been wasted on the manufacture of one bullet, which was lost as soon as 
it was slung. Similar sling-bullets have never been found except in 
Assyria and in a sepulchre at Camirus in Rhodes. The British Museum 


S———S 


7 Jos. Hampel, Ant. prehist. Pl. xiv. 8. 


Cuar. VIL} ‘ TROJAN SLING BULLETS. 437 


contains a number of such bullets from Assyria, of hematite and magnetic 
iron, also two which seem to be of granite; besides one of loadstone 


No. 609 


























Nos. 609-613, Sling Bullets of Hematite or Loadstone. (7:8 actual size. Depth, 26 00 29 ft ) 












i 
Ἱ 


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= . 
SSS 
ες: --- τ τ = 
~ τ τας . 


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eT, 
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—————— = 





from Camirus. It deserves particular attention that the sling is only once’ 
mentioned by Homer, and that we never find it used as a weapon in the 
poems: “Then he tied the hand with twisted sheep’s wool, torn from a 
sling, which the attendant carried for his lord.” ὃ 

The sling was a common weapon throughout antiquity, and was still 
used in the Middle Ages. Among the Greeks, the Acarnanians and the 
Aetolians were celebrated as slingers (cdevdovfras),. like the inhabitants 
of the Balearic Islands in the later Roman age. In the time of the 
Roman Emperors, Vegetius distinguishes two kinds of slings: the 
Justtbalus, in which the thongs were joined to a staff, and which was 
merely discharged by a jerk; and the sling called funda, consisting of 
thongs or twisted hair, sometimes human hair, which was swung over 
the head before the cast. Acorn-like lead-bullets (glandes), or round 
pebbles (lapides missiles), were slung from both with such violence that 
they crashed through shields and morions. Among the Greeks and 
Romans the slingers (σφενδονῆται) formed, with the javelin-men (ἀκον- 
τισταί, jaculatores) and archers (τοξόται, sagittari), the three kinds of 
light infantry. 


8. 7]. xiii. 599, 600 : 
αὐτὴν δὲ [χεῖρα] ξυνέδησεν ἐῦστρεφεῖ olds ἀώτῳ, 
σφενδόνῃ, ἣν ἄρα οἵ θεράπων ἔχε, ποιμένι λαῶν. 


aS 
©o 
(078) 


THE THIRD, THE BURNT ΟΙΤΥ. [Cuap. VII. 


Nos. 617, 618, and 619 are, according to Mr. Davies of the British 
Museum, of brown hematite, Similar well-polished stones are frequently 


Q 
No. 617. No. 618, 





Nos. 617-619. Well-polished Sling Bullets of brown Hematite. (3:4 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 


found in the stratum of the third or burnt city: as they are very 
heavy, these also may have served as sling-bullets. Bullets of brown 
hematite of an identical shape, and equally well polished, are frequently 
found in Greece. 

No. 620 represents a well-polished battle-axe of green gabbro-rock, 
with two edges and a perforation in the middle for the handle. Stone 





No, 620. Perforated Axe of green Gabbro-rock. (2:3 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 


battle-axes of a perfectly identical form are found in Denmark.’ Pro- 
fessor Virchow tells me that they also occur in Germany. Axes of 
this form are very frequent at Troy, but nearly all the specimens are 
fractured. 

No. 621 is another battle-axe of grey diorite, of a ruder fabric and 
but little polished. It has only one sharp edge; the opposite end runs 


qi 









i ᾿, ᾿ " 


| {1} ἣν i 
Nant 
Ss 


. 
ΠΤ iH i 
x ἣν ae TAN Oe AY 
lege a ny ay i 
Pinte A oo i se we 
Ν ie ὼ - Ἷ ne 
ἀν ἢ ae Suit 


No. 621. Stone Axe, with a groove in the middle. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


me Hi 
i Ὶ rial 















Gi 4“ 


vay 





sa 
Γ 


δ HG HAN he 
ub We Ah ity | 
ie ae in 









bi ἢ 











i 
NA 





Aaa 
Lo 


out nearly to a point; a shallow groove in the middle of each side proves 
that the operation of drilling a hole through it had been commenced, but 
was abandoned. 


®° P. Madsen, Antiquités préhistor. du Dane- J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager ; Copen- 
marc; Copenhagen, 1873, Pl. xxxi, No. 12, hagen, 1859, p. 13, No. 38. 


Cuap. VIL] PERFORATED STONE HAMMERS. 439 


No. 622 is a polished perforated stone hammer of black diorite: similar 
perforated stone hammers are found in England and Ireland,’ and are 
also represented in the Markisches Museum at Berlin. 









































Nos. 622, 623. Perforated Stone Hammers. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 29 to 32 ft.) 





No. 624. Stone Hammer with groove, 
(Half actual size, Depth, 29 ft.) 

No. 623 represents a hammer of porphyry of a very curious form, the 
perforation being at the thick end and not drilled, but evidently punched 
out with a chisel. A very remarkable form of hammer is also represented 
by No. 624, which is of green gabbro-rock: here also the drilling of the 
hole, as the grooves on both sides denote, had commenced, but was again 
abandoned. I have not noticed that this peculiar shape with a furrow 
for fastening the hammer to the handle with a thong ever occurs else- 
where. No. 625 represents another form of perforated hammer, of polished 
porphyry : as the reader will see, the hole here tapers towards the middle 
of the stone. Hammers similar to this have been found in England.’ 
Professor Virchow assures me that they are frequent in Germany. | 

No. 626 is a hammer of silicious rock, of the same shape; but here 
again the perforation has been merely commenced on both sides, but is 
not completed. Of nearly identical form is the polished hammer of 
diorite No. 627, on which likewise the drilling of the hole has not been 
completed: the lower end of this hammer shows that it has been much 
used. A similar hammer, in which the drilling had been commenced on 
both sides, but remained incomplete, was found by Miss Adele Virchow in 
the excavations she made with her father in the graveyard of Zabordéwo. | 
No. 628 is an unpolished hammer of serpentine, with very deep grooves ~ 
on both sides, but the perforation is not completed. No. 629 is a small 
hammer of limestone, likewise with a groove on each side. A hammer 
of identical shape was found in Denmark ;? another one, found on the 





10 John Evans, Ancient Stone Implements, 1 John Evans, Zbid. p. 204. 
Weapons, and Ornaments; London, 1872, pp. 2 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, p. 12, 
199, 200. fig. 33. 


440 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL 


Island of Sardinia, is in the Museum of Cagliari* The shape of the 
hammers Nos. 622, 625-628 is very plentiful at Troy. Specimens of 
































SS 


No. 625. Perforated Stone No. 626. Stone Hammer with a groove No. 627. Stone Hammer, 






Hammer. (Half actual size. on either side. (Half actual size. with a groove on both sides. 
Depth, 32 ft.) Depth, 26 ft.) (Half actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 











a :} 

No. 631. Object of 

Gneiss; use unknown. 
(Half actual size. 


Depth, 29 ft.) 





No. 629. Small Ham- ¥& AW { 
mer of Limestone. (Half τ “a 
actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) 





No. 628. Stone Hammer with a No. 630. Ring of Terra-cotta. 
deep groove on either side. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 
(Half actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) 


similarly shaped hammers may also be seen in the Markisches Museum at 
Berlin. 

No. 630 is a ring of baked clay, which must have served as a support 
for vases with a convex bottom. Twenty-six similar rings, found at 
Kanya, county of Bars, in Hungary, are in the National Muséum at Buda- 
Pesth ;* they are also found in the Swiss Lake-dwellings and elsewhere. 
They are very frequent in the third and fourth pre-historic cities at 
Hissarlik ; a fact explained by the many hundreds of vases with a convex 
bottom. 

It is doubtful whether the object of gneiss No. 631 represents a 
hammer; it has a furrow round the middle, and may have served as'a 
weight for a loom ora door. _ 


3 Vincenzo Crispi, 171 Museo d’ Antichita di 4 Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de 
Cagliari ; Cagliari, 1872, Pl. i. No. 3. la Hongrie, Pl. xiii. fig. 34. 


Car. VIL] MASSIVE HAMMERS OR BRUISERS. 441 


The very large hammer No. 632, which, according to Mr. Davies, is of 
porphyry, has round its middle the marks of the rope by which it was 
attached to the handle; but as the stone weighs more than fifty pounds 
troy, the handle must have been very thick: its upper end seems to show 
long use. Prof. Virchow suggests that this instrument has probably been 
a club for crushing and bruising granite and silicious stone, for mixing 
it with the clay for making pottery. No. 633 is of diorite, of a conical 
shape, and well polished ; both extremities show long use ; it was probably 























































































































No. 634. Hammer or Bruiser of 
Diorite. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 29 ft.) 




















No. 633. Pestle of Diorite for 
bruising. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 26 ft.) 





No. 632. Large Hammer of Porphyry. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 33 ft.) 


used only as a pestle or bruiser. No. 634 is one of the finer specimens of 
the common hammers, which occur by many hundreds in all the four 
lowest pre-historic cities, and are particularly plentiful in the third and 
fourth cities, for in these two cities alone I could have collected some 
thousands of them. Mr. Davies, who examined all the specimens of them 
contained in my collection at the South Kensington Museum, declares 
them to consist of diorite, porphyry, serpentine, hornblende, gneiss, brown 
hematite, silicious rock, or gabbro-rock. Most of these rude stone 
hammers bear the marks of long use, but a great many others appear to 
be quite new. Similar rude hammers are found in almost all countries, 
but certainly nowhere in such an enormous abundance as at Hissarlik. 
The shape of one such rude hammer, found at Scamridge, Yorkshire, and 
represented by Mr. John Evans,’ is the most frequent at Troy. 

Nos. 635 and 636 are two perforated and well-polished balls of ser- 
pentine; but on the ball No. 637 the drilling of the perforation has only 
commenced and then been abandoned. ‘The use of these serpentine balls 


5 Ancient Stone Implements, &c., p. 221, fig. 166. 


449 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII, 


is a riddle to us; may they perhaps have been attached to lassos for 
catching cattle? Iam not aware that they have been found in Europe, 





No. 635, Periorated Stone Ball. No. 636. Perforated Stone Ball No. 637. Sto ce 
| fe : A ne Ball, with a dee di 
(Half actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) (Half actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) on both sides, (Half actual ΑΑΡΩΝ 
Depth, 26 ft.) 


but they occur in Cyprus; there are several specimens of such perforated 
serpentine balls in the collection of Cypriote antiquities in the Louvre, 
Similar perforated balls of greenstone were found in Santa Rosa Island 
California.® 


Nos, 638 and 639 are again two of those spherical stones which 


we have discussed before,’ and of which such enormous numbers are 
found in the débris of the four lower pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, and 





















































































































































; Ao No. 639. Stone Ball for bruising grain. 
No. 638. Round stune for bruising. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 
(Half actual size. Depth, 26 it.) 


particularly in the third, the burnt, and fourth cities. Mr. John Evans ὃ 
shares my opinion that they were used as pounders or bruisers. About 
fifty similar pounders were found by me at Mycenae. Dr. Joseph Hampel 
writes to me that similar corn-bruisers are pretty frequent at Szihalom, 
Toszeg, Magyarad, &c. Professor Virchow informs me that they are 
also very frequent in Germany, and he showed me a number of them 
in the Markisches Museum at Berlin. There is also one in his private 
collection. | 

No. 640 represents an implement of limestone grooved round the 
middle, for fastening the strings or thongs by means of which it was 
connected with the net. Similar implements are found in America ὃ and 





6 Charles Rau, Zhe Arch. Collection of the U.S. 9. See No. 107, p. 27, of The Archeological Col- 
National Museum, in charge of the Smithsonian lection of the United States National Museum, in 
Institution ; Washington, 1876, p. 31, No, 125. charge of the Smithsonian Institution, by Chas. 

7 See page 236. Rau; Washington, 1876. 

8 Ancient Stone Implements, Ὁ. 224. 


ἯΙ 


Cuap. VII.] WHETSTONES AND POLISHERS. 443 


in Denmark.® Nos. 641, 642, and 643 are three objects of steatite, of 
which the first has three holes, the two others only one, through the 





No. 640. Stone Implement, with a deep furrow round it. Nos. 611-643. Perforated Objects of Steatite, 
(Half actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) (7:8 actual size. Depth, 22 to 26 ft.) 


centre. The first two are flat; the last has the shape of a whorl. In 
reviewing, in company with my friend Mr. Athanasios Koumanoudes, 
Assistant-Keeper of the Museums at Athens, the antiquities excavated 
by me four years ago at Mycenae, I find, as before mentioned, that I 
collected there more than 300 whorls of blue stone, of this shape or of a 
conical form. But, as I have said before, stone whorls are rare at Troy. 
Nos. 644 and 645 are whetstones of green stone; the former has a 
furrow around its broader end, the latter a perforation for suspension. 
Similar whetstones occur frequently in all the pre-historic cities of 
Hissarlik. At Mycenae I found only four of them. I have in the 
preceding pages! enumerated the other sites where they are found, and 


No. 646. 





Nos. 644-647, Whetstones of Green Stone and polishing Stones of Jasper. (Half actual size. Depth, 28 to 32 ft.) 


I may add that a similar whetstone, found in a sepulchre at Camirus in 
Rhodes, is in the British Museum. Similar whetstones are also found at 
Szihalom in Hungary, and two of them are in the glass case X. Nos. 82 
and 83, in the National Museum of Buda-Pesth. A whetstone of granite, 
preserved in the collection of the French School here at Athens, was found 
in the pre-historic city, below the strata of pumice-stone and volcanic 
ashes, on the Island of Thera (Santorin). 

Under Nos. 646 and 647 I represent two specimens of polishing stones 
of jasper, and under Nos. 648, 649, 650, and 651, four more of the same 





10 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, p. 18, fig. 88. 1 See p. 248, 


444 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar.: VIL, 


stone, of diorite, and of porphyry, all used for polishing pottery. 
Polishing-stones of a similar shape, of jasper, silicious stone, porphyry, 






—=— = 
————==>. 











= 
—_ 






aS 


== 











—— 













=—— 





Ss 
ΞΕ 











—_— 






ES 





&c., are very numerous at Troy. Of a very peculiar shape is No. 651, 
which is well polished and has almost the shape of an animal, whose eyes 
may be represented by a groove on either side of the head. On the back 
of this object is incised the sign [7] or mo, which also occurs on two 


funnels of the fifth city and on other objects. 















































SS" 


Nos. 652, 653. Little Pyramid of Gabbro-rock and perforated Stone Implement. (Half actual size. Depth, 28 to 32 ft.) 


Under No. 652 I represent a small pyramid, which, according to Mr, 
Davies, consists of gabbro-rock; it is of a variegated colour, green and 
black, and has through the middle a tubular hole filled with lead. We are 
at a loss to guess what it could have been used for. No. 653 is a per- 
forated object of very hard limestone, of a yellowish colour. 


No. 654. 



































































































































Nos. 654, 655. Perforated Stone Implements, perhaps Weights. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


Nos. 654 and 655 are two objects of silicious stone: the latter has two 
perforations, the former only one; both may have served as weights for 
doors or looms. | a 





Cuar. VIL] SILEX SAWS: STONE AXES OR CELTS. 445 


Under Nos. 656 to 659 and 663 to 665 1 represent seven more saws 
of chalcedony or silex, of which several—as, for example, Nos. 656 


656 657 658 659 660 661 662 663 664 























































































































































































































































































IN Ἱ"} 
Nos. θ60-00:. 





ND 








































Silex Saw. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 30 ft.) 






























































Depth, 26 ft.) 







and 665—bear the marks of having been fixed in a wooden handle. 
Nos. 660, 661, and 662 are knives of obsidian; but, as I have fully 
discussed similar objects in the preceding pages, I shall not speak of 
them here any further, merely adding that knives of obsidian have also 
been found in the pre-historic city on the Island of Thera (Santorin). 
Nos. 666 to 677 represent twelve axes or chisels which, according to 
Professor Maskelyne and Mr. Davies, are of blue serpentinous rock, green 





Nos. 671-677. Stone Axes and Chisels. (Halt actual size. Depth, 22 to 32ft.) 


446 


THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. 


[Cuap. VII. 


gabbro-rock, grey diorite, dark-green hornstone, and jade or nephrite. 
The chisel No. 672, and the axes Nos. 671, 675, 676, and 677, consist 


of the latter rare and precious stone. 


Though I have discussed the jade 


axes at great length in the preceding pages, yet I cannot refrain from 
copying here in a foot-note, from the Times, three most interesting letters 
on the subject, written by Professor Max Miller and Mr. Story-Maskelyne, 
as well as the very ingenious editorial article of the Times which accom- 


panies the former friend’s last letter.” 





JADE TOOLS IN SWITZERLAND. 
(To the Editor of the Times: Dec. 18, 1879.) 


Str,—The account sent by your correspondent 
at Geneva (December 15), of a scraper made of 
jade, lately found in the bed of the Rhone, is 
very important. But your correspondent is 
hardly quite right in calling this scraper a soli- 
tary specimen. Scrapers or cutting instruments 
made of real jade are very rare, in Switzerland 
and elsewhere, but I have myself seen several 
beautiful specimens—among the rest, one found 
by Dr. Uhlmann of Munchen-buchsee, whose 
collection of lacustrine antiquities, all taken 
out by his own hand from one and the same 
small lake, the Moossee-dorfsee, is perhaps the 
most authentic and most instructive collection 
in the whole of Switzerland. 

Your correspondent asks whether, as true 
jade is never found in Europe, the Aryan wan- 
derers could have brought that. scraper from the 
cradle of their race in Asia.. Why not? If the 
Aryan settlers could carry with them into 
Europe so ponderous a tool as their language, 
without chipping or clipping a single facet, there 
is nothing so very surprising in their having 
carried along, and carefully preserved from 
generation to generation, so handy and so valu- 
able an instrument as a scraper or a knife, made 
of a substance which is aere perennius. 

Oxford, Dec.17, 1879. F, Max MULLER. 


JADE AS AN OLD-WORLD MINERAL. 

(To the Editor of the Times: Jan. 1, 1880.) 

Sir,—The space you have given in your 
columns to the curious question discussed by 
Professor Rolleston and Mr. Westropp regarding 
the sources of pre-historic jade, emboldens me to 
hope that you may not reject another letter on 
the subject. 

I believe Professor Rolleston is right in assert- 
ing an Oriental, possibly a single Oriental, source 
for the pre-historic jade of the Europ-Asiatic 
continent. I think so for these reasons :—Jade 
celts are very rare; they are found, however, 
few and far between, from Mesopotamia to Brit- 
tany; and they evince the passion of every race 
of mankind for the possession of green stones as 
objects endowed with an intrinsic preciousness. 
Now, if jade was a native product of all or of 
several of the numerous countries in the buried 
dust of which these jade implements are thus 
sporadically scattered, how comes it to pass that 
so remarkable a mineral has never been lit upon 








by the races of raen who haye lived and died in 
those countries since the “old men” wandered 
over them? One does, indeed, see a small jade 
celt once worn in a necklace by a Greek girl 
still pendant, as a talisman probably, from that 
specimen of antique gold jewellery inthe British 
Museum. But it is a celt, not an object of 
Roman workmanship, One single cylinder 
among the hundreds of Assyrian and Babylonian 
cylinders in the same great repository attests 
the exceptional character of jade as a material 
among the peoples who inhabited Mesopotamia, 
where, however, jade celts have been found of 
still older date. But among the numerous 
materials of Egyptian ornamental and sacred 
art, jade is, I believe, unknown. There is no 
evidence that Greeks or Romans ever employed 
jade or (pace Mr. Westropp) had even a name 
for it. Had it been a product of the rivers or 
of the quarries of the Roman world, specimens 
of it would certainly have survived as the mate- 
rial of gems or in some other form of art. It 
may seem a startling proposition to maintain 
that the jade mines of the Kara Kash river, in 
the Kuen Luen range, north of the mountains of 
Cashmere, should have been the sources of the 
jade celts found over the whole of Europe. The 
difficulty of believing this seemed all the greater, 
for that, while white as well as green jade may 
be quarried there, it was only the green jade, 
and not the white, which thus permeated the 
pre-historic world. But a few months ago Dr, 
Schliemann asked me to look at some of the 
strange stones which ne had lit upon in the 
oldest of the cities of Hissarlik, and there, with 
several specimens of green jade—one of them 
being a beautifully translucent specimen of the 
stone—was a single celt of fine white jade, just 
such as might have been dug from one of the 
pits above the Kara Kash, or fashioned from a 
pebble out of its stream. 

In contemplating these sae treasures 
from that old town or fortress, One had to recog- 
nize that Dr. Schliemann had lit upon a place 
of importance, perhaps a sort of emporium 
planted on the stream of a pre-historic com- 
merce, and situated just at one of the points 
where Asiatic products might collect previously 
to their being distributed by a process of barter 
among the peoples of the West. Or was it a 
halting-place at which some great wave of emi- 
gration was arrested for a time by the barrier 
of the Dardanelles? At any rate, there in con- 
siderable numbers were the green jade celts, the 





Cuap, VII.] 


No. 678 is a saddle-quern of trachyte. 


JADE AN OLD-WORLD MINERAL. 


441 


I have discussed saddle-querns 








(1 4 actual size. 


Depth, 33 ft.) 





kind, no doubt, more valued on account of their 
colour; and there too was this solitary white 
celt, their companion probably from a common 
far-distant home in the Kuen Luen Mountains. 
To what cause is the failure in the supply of 
jade to the world lying to the south and west 
of the Pamir, after pre-historic times, to be 
attributed? I do not attempt to answer this 
question; I would only suggest the apparent 
evidence of such a failure. It is far from im- 
probable that the green jade implement had in 
some sense a sacred character in pre-historic 
times, and was borne westwards by emigrating 
peoples, as they might bear their household gods, 
while by a slow process of barter specimens 
might have penetrated from the Hellespont to 
the Atlantic sea-board. And it may be that in 
even that remote age, or towards the close of it, 
people of Chinese race came to dominate over 
the district that produced the jade and closed 
the rugged passes that led south and west from 
that inhospitable region; and so, while China 
has from time immemorial had jade in plenty, 
the rest of the Asiatic continent may have been 
cut off from the source of its supply. Or, pos- 
sibly, the geological changes that have raised 
the level of the lands to the north and east of 
Persia may have been still in action, and were 
gradually increasing the inhospitable features of 
the district towards the close of the period 
which we call the pre-historic period in Asia. 
It is probable that other sources of jade further 
north may have contributed some of the material 
borne westward in the form of celts. The Amoor 
in the far north rolls down jade pebbles from 
the Yablono Mountains of the Trans-Baikal dis- 
trict of Siberia, and the Chinese have probably 
some sources of green jade unknown tous. Their 
jadeite, a different mineral from jade, is supplied, 
though probably not exclusively, by mines in 
the mountains to the north-west of Bhamo in 
the Lao State of Burmah. 
_ The introduction of jade, or at least its use as 


a material for artistic workmanship, in India, 
dates almost from yesterday, since it belongs to 
the time of the early Mogul Emperors of Delhi. 
“The magnificent son of Akbar,” Jehanghir, and 
Shah Jehan seem to have taken pleasure in jade 
cups and ornaments; and the art of inlaid work 
that found such exquisite expression in the Taj 
Mahal was copied under their munificent aus- 
pices in the most precious materials, rubies and 
diamonds and other precious stones being inlaid 
in jade of various colours, which was cut in 
delicate openwork and adorned with enamels, in 
the production of which India is still unrivalled. 
The collection of these beautiful productions of 
Indian art contained in the India Museum is the 
finest ever brought together. It was purchased, 
at a suggestion from myself, when the present 
Chancellor of the Exchequer [Sir Stafford North- 
cote] was Secretary of State for India; a selec- 
tion having been made by the late Sir Digby 
Wyatt and me from an unique collection of 
jade vessels of all sorts, formed at great expense 
and trouble by the late Colonel Charles Seaton 
Guthrie. 

But these may be said to be the only forms in 
which civilized man beyond the confines of China 
has made jade the material for carving artistic 
creations. 

The Mexicans worked a kind of jadeite. The 
Maoris worked jade, which is a native mineral 
in their hornblendic rocks ; and the inhabitants 
of New Caledonia, and indeed of Polynesia gene- 
rally, have fashioned jade or some varieties of 
jadeite into implements, useful, ornamental, and 
perhaps too, in some sense, sacred. 

Jade is erroneously supposed to be avery hard 
substance. It is by no means so. Its most re- 
markable property—a property eminently fitting 
it for an implement—is an extraordinary tough- 
ness. Like well-tempered steel, in which tough- 
ness is combined with only enough hardness to 
do the work of cutting and to retain an edge, the 
implement of jade shared with the implement of 





448 


THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. 


[Cuar. VII. 


in the preceding pages: I repeat that they are very abundant in the 





fibrolite an unique combination of these quali- 
ties, essential alike in a weapon and in a working 
tool. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
NEVIL STORY-MASKELYNE. 
British Museum, Dec. 30, 1879. 


JADE TOOLS. 


(To the Editor of the Times: Jan. 15, 1880.) 

S1r,—The interesting and instructive letters 
on jade tools, to which you have lately granted 
admission in your columns, will, I hope, have 
convinced most of your readers that the theory 
which 1 tried to uphold in my letter, published 
in the Times of December 16, was not quite so 
wild as at first sight it may have appeared. 
What are called wild theories are in many cases 
very tame theories. Students at first laugh at 
them, turn their backs on them, and try every 
possible exit to escape from them. But at last, 
when they are hemmed in by facts on every 
side, and see that there is no escape, they tamely 
submit to the inevitable, and after a time the 
inevitable is generally found to be the intelli- 
gible and the reasonable. 

The problem of the jade tools is really very 
simple. Mineralogists assure us that jade isa 
mineral the identity of which, if properly tested, 
admits of no doubt, and they tell us with equal 
confidence that Europe does not produce true 
jade. These two statements I accept as true till 
they are upset by competent authorities. If, 
therefore, jade tools of exquisite workmanship 
are found in Europe during what is called the 
Stone age, I do not see how we can escape from 
the conclusion that these tools were brought 
from those well-defined areas in Asia—I suppose 
I may leave out of consideration America and 
Oceania—where alone jade has been found, and 
where it is still worked to the present day. 
Some of these are not so very distant, for true 
jade is found in the Caucasus and the Ural 
Mountains. I do not deny that at first one feels 
a little giddy when, while handling one of those 
precious sctapers, one is told that the identical 
scraper was the property of the first discoverers 
of Europe. And it was chiefly in order to 
remove that feeling of giddiness that I wished to 
call’ attention to another class of tools, equally 
ancient, possibly even more ancient, which were 
likewise brought into Europe from Asia by our 
earliest ancestors, and which we use every day 
without feeling the least surprise. Though no 
one nowadays doubts that our language came 
from the East, yet we do not always realize the 
close continuity between ancient and modern 
speech and the unbroken chain that holds all 
the Aryan dialects together from India to 
Ireland. We wonder how jade tools should 
have been brought from the East and passed 
from hand to hand during many thousands of 
years, “before pockets were invented,” and yet 
every word of our language came from the East 


and must have passed from hand to hand 
during thousands of years before pocket dic- 
tionaries were invented. If we take such useful 
tools as our numerals, and consider what is pre- 
supposed by the fact that, making allowance for 
a certain amount of phonetic wear and tear, 
these numerals are the same in Sanskrit and in 
English, we shall, I think, feel less upset, even 
when brought face to face with the jade tools in 
the lacustrine dwellings of Switzerland. Aye, I 
go a step further. Let us look at the fact 
that, of all the numerals from one to ten in 
Sanskrit, saptd (seven) and ashtdwu (eight) alone 
have the accent on the last syllable, and then 
turn our eyes to ancient and even to modern 
Greek, and observe exactly the same exceptional 
accentuation there. Any one who can look with- 
out a tremor into the depth thus suddenly 
opened before our eyes will hardly feel a swim- 
ming of the head when examining the wildest 
theories that have been founded on the jade tools 
unearthed in Switzerland and other parts of 
Western Europe. 

It is not necessary to enter here on the ques- 
tion, whether these jade instruments were 
brought into Europe by Aryan or pre-Aryan 
colonists, It is certainly strange that there is 
no ancient Aryan name for jade, but neither is 
there a pre-Aryan or Turanian name for it in 
any of the ancient Indo-European languages. I 
have collected elsewhere (Lectures on the Science 
of Language, vol. ii. p. 251, 9th ed.) some facts 
which make it seem not unlikely that Aryan lan- 
guages were spoken in Europe during the age of 
stone and the prevalence of the Scotch fir, and I 
may add that the nature of the arguments 
brought forward against that hypothesis has 
strengthened rather than weakened my own con- 
fidence init. Yet it is an hypothesis only. But, 
whether brought by Aryan or pre-Aryan settlers, 
certain it is that these jade tools were not made 
in Europe, and that, though jade is softer in situ, 
they testify to a high degree of humanity and 
mechanical skill among the people who made 
them. 

My friends Professors Rolleston and Maskelyne 
have left me but little to add in support of the 
foreign origin of the jade tools. Two facts only 
I may still mention, because they may help 
others, as they helped me, in forming their own 
opinion on the subject. 

It is a fact, I believe, that with a few and 
somewhat apocryphal exceptidns, such as the 
finds at Potsdam and Schwemsal, no raw or un- 
worked jade has ever been met with anywhere 
in Europe. This, to my mind, speaks volumes. 

It is another fact that there is in Europe no 
ancient name for jade. If on page 311 of H. 
Fischer’s excellent work on Nephrit und Jadeit, 
1875, we consult the chronological list of writers 
by whom jade is mentioned, we find in ancient 
times the name of jaspis, jaspis virens, jaspis 


Cuar. VII.] 


DEEP INTEREST OF JADE. 


449 


four lower pre-historic cities, particularly in the third and fourth; nay, 


viridis, but nothing to enable us to identify that 
name with true jade. Jaspis itself is a name of 
Semitic origin. In Chinese, on the contrary, we 
find from the most ancient to the most recent 
times the recognized name for jade—viz. yu or 
chit. It is mentioned as an article of tribute in 
Professor Legge’s translation of the Sha-King 
(Sacred Books of the East, vol. iii. p. 72), and it 
is curious to find in that, as we are told, most 
ancient among ancient books, articles such as 
“ gold, iron, silver, steel, copper, and flint stones 
to make arrow-heads,” all mentioned together as 
belonging to the same period, and all equally 
acceptable as tribute at the Imperial Court. 
Forsan et haec olim meminisse juvabit! The word 
jade is not met with before the discovery of 
America. The jade brought from America was 
called by the Spaniards piedra de yjada, because 
for a long time it was believed to cure pain in 
the side. For similar reasons it was called 
afterwards lapis mnephriticus (nephrite), Jpis 
ischiadicus, lapis divinus, piedra de los reiones, 
piedra ischada, pietra del fiancho, kidney-stone, 
Lendenhelfer, &c. The first who introduced 
this new nomenclature into Europe seems to 
have been Monardes, in his Historia Medicinal 
de las Cosas que se traen de las Indias Occi- 
dentales; Sevilla, 1569. The name which he 
uses, picdrt de yjadu, is meant for piedra de 
yada, 1.6. groin-stone, or a stone supposed to 
remove paia in the groin. The Spanish ijada 
is, according to the Dictionary of the Spanish 
Academy, w# lado del animal debaxo del vientre 
junto al anca, and there can be little doubt that 
it is derived from the Latin iia. Tliaco in 
Spanish is 7 dolor colico. As the name tj da, 
jada, or jade, and the belief in its healing 
powers, came from America, it can only be an 
accidental coincidence if, as Professor Skeat tells 
us in his excellent /tymological Dictionary, 
there existed in Sanskrit Buddhist texts the 
word yeddé as a name of a material out of which 
ornaments were maie. 

This is the state of the question of the jade 
tools at the present moment. To those who 
wish to study its history in all its bearings, 
Fischer’s exhaustive work on Nephrit und Jadeit 
will give the necessary information. His survey 
of the literature on a subject apparently so 
abstruse and remote from general interest fills 
no less than 248 pages.—Your obedient servant, 

Oxford, Jan. 10,1880. F. Max Miner. 


EDITORIAL ARTICLE, Times, Jan. 15, 1880, 


“Swiss dredgers did something more last 
December than bring up from the bed of the 
river Rhone a piece of polished carved stone. 
They uncovered the very foundations of history. 
It is as if the channel of the Calabrian river 
had been laid bare, and the tomb of the Visi- 
goth conqueror of Italy revealed, with all its 
pomp of pillaged gold and gems, Only, the jade 


scraper found among the lacustrine dwellings of 
Switzerland is the key, not to mere dead remains 
of a vanished civilization, but to the languages 
living men speak and to the thoughts they think. 
Professor Max Miller, in the letter we publish 
to-day, opens up so many suggestive and pro- 
found ideas, that the question on the nature and 
origin of manufactured jade, which was the basis 
of them all, is in some danger of being buried 
under the pile of riches of which it has unlocked 
the doors. Yet, were there nothing beside and 
beyond it, the inquiry would be sufficiently in- 
tricate, how this Rhone jade scraper came among 
the Alps, whence was brought the mineral, and 
whence the skill which sculptured it, why it was 
valued, and in what way it was used. At every 
turn the history of jade involves us in a dense 
thicket of problems. The further the explorer 
advances, the more entangled he finds himself. 
“The Chinese have possessed jade from before 
the beginning of human records. In ‘the most 
ancient among most ancient books’ jade is 
enumerated as an article of tribute to sovereigns 
of China. Throughout the thousands of years 
of human history until the discovery of New 
Zealand the only known worked mines of pure 
jade were on the river Kara Kash, in the Kuen 
Luen Mountains. Over that region China was 
suzerain; and thus the source of Chinese jade 
can be traced. The strange thing is that, 
though Europe also has possessed jale, no one 
can say on more than theoretical evidence 
whence the European jade came. The lake- 
dwellers of Switzerland are discovered in 
possession of it. It is found, however rarely, 
among the ornaments of Roman ladies. Dr. 
Schliemann has dug it up in the ruins of his 
Ilium. It is never found among pre-hi toric 
monuments except with marks of manufacture 
upon it; but the manufacture testifies, often 
unmistakably, if not always, not to European 
art, but to Eastern. This jade scraper, or striqi/, 
from the Rhone could neither have been wrought 
nor, it may be supposed, used by its lacustrine 
owner. It would have had its meaning in a 
Pompeian mansion or in an Oriental vapour- 
bath, but not amid the forests and torrents and 
glacial atmosphere of the Alps. As the in- 
quirer advances into the domain of history, jade 
advances with him. But the secret of its 
presence in Assyrian and Greek and Roman 
palaces is no more plainly solved than among 
stone pile hovels. The ancients, though they 
esteemed it very precious, had not even a distinct 
name for it. They called it jasper, though 
jasper it clearly is not. The Middle Ages of 
Europe valued the stone, but had no more under- 
standing of the process by which it came into 
their hands than Greeks and Romans. India 
itself, while it made much account of it, received 
it as something strange and mysterious. The 
Mogul Emperors of Delhi had the jade, which 


vag 


450 


THE THIRD, ον. 


[πὰρ. VII. 


that I could have collected thousands of them. ‘To the list of localities in 





came they hardly knew whence, cut and jewelled 
and enamelled. They called Italian artists from 
Venice and Genoa, and bid them work it into 
the exquisite shapes which drive European jade 
collectors mad after a special form of insanity. 
But the spring and fountain-head of the material 
which their artists wrought upon remained 
hidden in the clouds of legend and fable. Before, 
however, the Moguls had transformed a cult 
into a passion and a fashion, veins of a mineral 
resembling jade had become known to Europe, 
though not to Asia. The Spaniards, when they 
occupied the southern regions of the New World, 
found there, too, not indeed pure jade, but a 
stone of similar properties, prized and rever- 
enced. The Aztecs wore jadeite ornaments 
carved after their manner, and reposed faith in 
them as charms against disease. Their con- 
querors soon learnt where they obtained the 
substance itself, and then for the first time jade 
acquired a real Kuropean name. As if to confirm 
faith in the occult powers of the mineral, when 
Oceania was explored, pure jade deposits were 
discovered ; and it was discovered, also, that the 
Maoris credited the stone with the same healing 
qualities as the natives of Spanish America. 
“Here, then, is a mineral which four out of 
the five divisions of the globe have agreed to 
covet and adore without understanding in the 
least why or wherefore. Africa alone has re- 
sisted the worship of jade. It does not appear 
among the treasures of the Pharaohs. The 
stone in its natural state has distinctive merits. 
The colour, shading from dark green to milky 
white, is seductive to artistic eyes. It possesses 
also, as Professor Story-Maskelyne has told us, 
the virtue of an extraordinary toughness. Easy 
to work when freshly extracted from the stratum, 
it hardens just sufficiently to do the work of 
cutting yet retain an edge. On that account 
New Zealanders used jade as well for tomahawks 
as for amulets, and the jade relics disinterred in 
Switzerland are often in the shape of hatchets. 
Yet, throughout the early stages of the world, 
there was clearly another use of jae, inde- 
pendent of the commonplace necessities of life, 
and which made its value higher in the eyes 
of primitive man. When Akbar’s son and his 
luxurious successors accumulated their exquisite 
carvings in jade, the texture would seem to have 
constituted the stone’s essential attraction. 
What, however, had at first fascinated the 
world’s regard was not toughness and texture 
or even beauty; it was some recondite associa- 
tion with a sentiment and a legend which had 
engrafted itself for once and for all on human 
nature. There is one problem of jade; another, 
not altogether disconnected from that, is the 
difficult question whence and how the mineral 
has wandered from its only known sources. It 
cannot have been extracted from European rocks, 
or modern traces of it would have been before 


this time unearthed. Jade hatchets have been 
found in Brittany, and even in Ireland, as well 
in Switzerland. If European mines had supplied 
the material of the ubiquitous relics, it would be 
one more enigma added to the rest, that in the 
countless ages since these treasures of museums 
were hammered and carved, modern Europeans 
should never have lighted upon a single un- 
worked morsel of the vein whence they -were 
hewed. By a species of exhaustive process of 
argument, the mind is forced to one particular 
inference. Bretons of Brittany, Celts of Ire- 
land, lake-dwellers under the shadow of Mont 
Blanc, must have conveyed with them their jade 
ornaments and utensils from the far-away home 
of themselves and jade in Central Asia, for the 
simple reason that they could have found the 
material nowhere in their new country. An 
Oriental or Greek or Roman scraper found in the 
Rhone might conceivably have been the fruit of 
old plundering forays across the Alps into Italy. 
But jade hatchets could not have been robbed 
from classical Italy. Greeks and Romans knew 
nothing of the traces of the Stone age which 
students have now discovered alike in the 
learned dust of Italy and the primeval forests 
of America. 

Professor Max Miiller’s argument leads us into 
a loftier region of speculation. There may be 
no alternative for the hypothesis that European 
barbarians brought with them from Asia the 
jade which archeologists have traced to their 
possession. But at first sight the explanation 
appears to be itself inexplicable. Tossed over 
such an ocean of deserts, forests, wildernesses, 
frozen mountains, and parched plains, as those 
poor wanderers, our European forefathers, had to 
traverse, they might be imagined cast up on the 
desolate extremities of the world without a single 
recognizable trace of the similitude they bore 
when launched on their woful journey. That 
these tempest-buffeted Aryans should, when reco- 
vering from their swoon of bewilderment at the 
strange land on which their feet at last were 
resting, have found in their hands a jade hatchet 
or jewel which they had prized as a charm, 
whether against earthquakes or disease, in the 
depths of torrid Asia, doubtless seems as abso- 
lutely impossible as that a child drowned at the 
Tay bridge should be washed on shore holding 
the toy it was playing with at the moment of 
the plunge into the abyss. Professor Miller would 
allow it to be impossible if a more impossible 
phenomenon had not proved itself possible. A 
language is the growth of circumstances. No 
circumstances could be less alike than those 
which environed Indo-Europeans when they were 
Asiatics and when they became Europeans. As 
they passed from their first country to their 
last all must have been tempting them to forget 
their early language and to frame their tongues 
to anew speech. Gradually, it might have been 


Cuap. VII] IMPLEMENTS OF STONE. 
which similar saddle-querns are found, I may 
add the Italian terramare* and Holyhead* in 
England. No. 679 is a large piece of granite, 
flat on the lower side, with a large hole 
through the centre. The hole is too large 
for us to suppose that the stone could, by 
means of a wooden handle, have been used 
as an upper millstone; I rather think that 
it served as a support for vases with convex 
bottoms. Similar to this are the stone discs, 
which are plentiful in the four lowest pre- 
historic cities; they are of course quite 
round, and have a large hole through the 











centre. 


No. 


680 marks a massive hammer of . 


SSS S35 
eS 
==} 
SS SS 
SS | 
aa 
— SS 





Pert 
(About 1: 5 actual size. 


No. 679. ted Object of Granite. 


Depth, 33 ft.) 





expected, first one turn of expression, one tone 
would have dropped away, and then another, 
till nothing of the old survived. On the con- 
trary, they brought with them, wherever their 
lot was cast on this wide world, their vocabulary 
almost intact. So careful were they to lose 
nothing that, though everything - counselled 
change, so delicate a thing as an accent on a 
couple of numerals has withstood what might 
have seemed the irrepressible genius of Attic 
and Doric and Ionic Greek. If they could 
transport their Aryan speech to the banks of the 
Rhone, they might, yet more easily, urges Pro- 
fessor Miiller, transport a few fragments of 
stone. They might as easily, he might have 
proceeded to argue, transport the undefined 
instinct and the religion which made those frag- 
ments of stone precious in their eyes. It is a 
wide field of thought to which the Professor has 
led us. Traversing it we feel composite beings, 
centos and compilations, ourselves and all our 
belongings, of the dead past, which in us lives 
and breathes. In one respect Professor Miller 
is even too successful in meeting the argument 
of the supposed impossibility of the transport of 
jade by the more than equal hypothetical im- 
possibility of the transport of a language. In 
the case in point the jade has been conveyed ; 

the name for jade, the Professor himself tells us, 
was not conveyed. If any addition were needed 
to the many physical and historical and _philo- 
sophical mysteries of this strange mineral, there 
it is.” 

JADE. 
(To the Editor of the Times: Jan. 19, 1880.) 


Str,—It is curious to find the remark in a 
leading article in the Zimes of Thursday to the 
effect that the ancients had no distinct name for 
jade confirmed also in the case of the Chinese. 
They call it Yuh or the gem, and they have 
classified the different kinds known to them 
under seventy-seven headings, but for the mineral 


itself they have no distinct generic name. Unlike, 
however, the admirers of jade in other countries, 
they have at least tried to explain why, to use 
the words of the leading article, they ‘“ covet 
and adore it.” According to the celebrated 
philosopher Kwan Chung, who wrote in the 
seventh century B.c., the contemplation of a 
piece of jade opens to the eyes of a true China- 
man a whole vista of poetic visions. In it he 
sees reflected nine of the highest attainments of 
humanity. In its glossy smoothness he recog- 
nizes the emblem of benevolence; in its bright 
polish he sees knowledge emblematized ; in its 
unbending firmness, righteousness ; in its modest 
harmlessness, virtuous action; in its rarity and 
spotlessness, purity; in its imperishableness, 
endurance; in the way in which it exposes its 
every flaw, ingenuousness; in that, though of 
surpassing beauty, it passes from hand to hand 
without being sullied, moral conduct; and in 
that when struck it gives forth a note which 
floats sharply and distinctly to a distance, music. 
“It is this,” adds the philosopher, “ which makes 
men esteem it as most precious, and leads them 
to regard it as a diviner of judgments, and as a 
charm of happy omen.” 

Other philosophers who have dived into the 
depths of the very being of this mysterious 
mineral have pronounced it to be no other than 
the essence of heaven and earth. Hence its 
enhanced title to honour, and its supposed 
potency asacharm. That the veneration shown 
for jade in China rests on no more substantial 
basis than the visions of mystics need not sur- 
prise us. Are not most of the beliefs which lead 
men captive founded on dreams ?—I am, Sir, 
your obedient servant, Roperr Kk. DouGLas. 

5, College Gardens, Dulwich, Jan. 17. 

3 W. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene ; Leip- 
zig, 1879, pp. 17, 101. 

* See Mr. Owen Stanley’s paper in the 
Archeological Journal. 


452 THE THIRD) ΤΕ BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII 


diorite. Nos. 681 to 684 are objects of white marble or compact lime- 
stone, and probably phalli or priapi. 
















































































No. 681. Probably a Priapus, 
(Halfactual ize. Depth, 29 ft.) 





No. 680. Massive Hammer of 
Diorite. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 33 ft.) 








No. 682. Object of white Marble, 
probably a Priapus. (Actual size. 
Depth, 30 ft.) 


No. 684. Object of Stone, probably a Priapus, 
(Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 





No 683. Object of Stone, probably a Priapus. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


As I have had occasion to mention before,’ Prof. Sayce writes to me: 
“When travelling in Lydia last year (September 1879), I discovered a 
curious monument hidden in bushes on the northern slope of Mount 
Sipylus, about half a mile to the east of the famous statue of Niobé, and not 
far from the top of the cliff. It was a large phallus, with a niche cut out 
of the rock on either side of it, and two pit-tombs in front similar to 
the pit-tomb in front of the statue of Niobé. The phallus was a natural 
formation, like that near Bidarray in the Pyrenees, which I once visited, 





5 See p. 278. 


Guar. VILA THE GREAT TREASURE. 453 


and which is still an object of veneration and a place of pilgrimage 
among the Basque women. The natural formation, however, had been 
assisted by art. The artificial niches at the side were each about half 
a foot from the image. It must plainly have been a place of pilgrimage 
in the pre-historic days of Lydia, and the Lydian women may have visited 
it, just as the Basque women still visit the so-called ‘Saint of Bidarray,’ 
in the hope of getting offspring. I noticed my discovery in a letter to 
the Academy of October 18th, 1879.” 

I now come to discuss the metals of this third, the burnt city, and 
I begin with the objects contained in the large Treasure discovered by me 
on the great wall close to the ancient royal mansion to the north-west 
of the gate, at the place marked A on Plan I. I shall here first name 
the various articles contained in the Treasvre in the order in which I took 
them out :— 
. The copper shield, No. 799. 
. The copper cauldron, No. 800 
. The copper plate, No. 782. 
. A fractured copper vase. 
The globular gold bottle, No. 775. 
. The large δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, Nos. 772 and 778. 
. Six silver talents, Nos. 787 to 792. 
. Three silver vases, Nos. 779, 780, 781. 
. One silver vase-cover, No. 778. 

10. A silver cup, No. 785. 

11. A silver cup or dish (φιάλη), No. 786. 

12. Two silver vases, Nos. 783 and 784. 

13. Thirteen bronze lance-heads, of which I represené six in the 
engravings Nos. 801 to 805 and 815. 

14. Fourteen battle-axes of bronze, of which five are represented under 
Nos. 806 to 809 and 810. 

15. Seven double-edged bronze daggers ; see the four represented under 
Nos. 811 to 814, and the two curious bronze weapons Nos. 816, 817. 

16. A bronze knife, like No. 956 or No. 967. 

17. The copper (or bronze ?) key, No. 818. 

The silver vase, No. 779, was found to contain on the bottom ;— 

18. A gold diadem (πλεκτὴ ἀναδέσμη), Nos. 685 and 686. 

19. Another such diadem, No. 687. 

20. A gold fillet, No. 767. 

21. Four gold ear-rings with pendants, Nos. 768-771. 

Among and upon these lay :— 

22. The fifty-six gold ear-rings, like Nos. 694, 695, 698-704, 752-764. 

23. The 8700 small gold rings, perforated prisms, dice, gold buttons, 
small perforated gold bars, small ear-rings, &c., represented by the 
separate cuts Nos. 696, 697, 705 to 738, 765, 766, and by those of the 
thirteen necklaces, Nos. 739-745 and Nos. 746-751. 

Upon these lay :— 

24. The six gold bracelets, No. 689, four of which are shown separately, 
Nos. 690 to 693. 


CON A σι μὰ wpe 


454 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL. 


And on the top lay :— 

25. The gold goblet, No. 776. 

26. The goblet of electrum, No. 777. 

As I found all these articles together, forming a quadrangular mass, 
or packed into one another, it seems to be certain that they were placed 
on the city-wall in a wooden chest (φωριαμός), such as those mentioned 
by Homer as being in the palace of King Priam: “And he opened the 
beautiful lids of the boxes; he selected from out of them twelve gorgeous 
garments, then twelve simple vestures and as many carpets, also as many 
mantles and as many tunics. Weighing then the gold, he took ten full 
talents ; also two shining tripods and four cauldrons ; also a most beautiful 
goblet, a rich possession which the men of Thrace had presented to him 
when he went thither as ambassador: even this the old man did not spare 
now in the palace, but he excessively desired in his mind to ransom his 
beloved son.”® The contents of Priam’s chests may, therefore, well be 
compared with the articles of the treasure before us. 

It is possible that in the conflagration some one hurriedly packed the 
treasure into the chest, and carried it off without having time to pull out 
the key ; that when he reached the wall, however, the hand of the enemy 
or the fire overtook him, and he was obliged to abandon the chest, which 
was immediately covered to a height of from 5 to 6 ft. with the reddish or 
yellow ashes and the bricks of the adjoining royal house. This was 
certainly my opinion at the time of the discovery ; but since then I have 
found, in the presence of Professor Virchow and M. Burnouf, on the very 
same wall, and only a few yards to the north of the spot where the 
large treasure was discovered, another smaller treasure, and three more 
treasures on and near the walls of the adjoining royal house. I, there- 
fore, now rather believe that all these treasures have fallen in the con- 
flagration from the upper storeys of the royal house. 

This appears to be the more likely, as, a few days previously to the 
discovery of the large treasure, I found close to it a helmet in fragments 
and the silver vase No. 793, with the goblet of electrum No. 794, all of 
which articles I shall discuss in the subsequent pages. 

On the wood-ashes and bricks, which covered the treasure to a depth 
of 5 or 6ft., the people of the following, the fourth city, erected a forti- 
fication wall, 20 ft. high and 6 ft. broad, composed of large hewn and 
unhewn stones and earth: this wall, which has been demolished in the 
subsequent excavations, extended to within 81 ft. of the surface of 
the hill. 

The gold diadem (πλεκτὴ dvadéopun),’ No. 685, of which No. 686 


6 7]. xxiv. 228-237: 
7H, καὶ φωριαμῶν ἐπιθήματα Kar’ ἀνέῳγεν, 
ἔνθεν δώδεκα μὲν περικαλλέας ἔξελε πέπλους, 
δώδεκα δ᾽ ἁπλοΐδας χλαίνας, τόσσους δὲ τάπητας, 
τόσσα δὲ φάρεα καλά, τόσους δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖσι 
᾿ς χιτῶνας. 
χρυσοῦ δὲ στήσας ἔφερεν δέκα πάντα τάλαντα, 
ἐκ δὲ δύ᾽ αἴθωνας τρίποδας, πίσυρας δὲ λέβητας, 
ἐκ δὲ δέπας περικαλλές, ὅ οἱ Θρῇκες πόρον 
ἄνδρες 


ἐξεσίην ἐλθόντι, μέγα κτέρας " οὐδέ νυ τοῦ περ 
φείσατ᾽ ἐνὶ μεγάροις ὃ γέρων, περὶ δ᾽ ἤθελε θυμῷ 
λύσασθαι φίλον υἱόν. / 

7 Mr. Gladstone has ingeniously suggested 
that these gold diadems, Nos. 685 and 687, 
must be identical in form with the πλεκτὴ ava- 
δέσμη which Andromaché casts from her head in 
her profound grief over the death of Hector; the 
order of the words implies that this ornament 
was worn over the κρήδεμνον : “ Far from her 


Cuar. VII] GOLD DIADEM: πλεκτὴ ἀναδέσρη. ABD 





uae Hattie 


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gives another view, consists of a fillet, 22in. long and nearly } in. broad, 
from which there hang on either side 7 little chains to cover the 





head she threw the glistening adornments, Ti. xxii. 468-470 : 

the fillet, the net, and the beautifully entwined τῆλε δ᾽ ἀπὸ κρατὸς βάλε δέσματα σιγαλόεντα, 
diadem, also the veil which golden Aphrodité ἄμπυκα, κεκρύφαλόν τε ἰδὲ πλεκτὴν ἀναδέσμην 
had presented to her.” κρήδεμνόν θ᾽, & ῥά of δῶκε χρυσέη ᾿Αφροδίτη. 


456 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap, VII. 3 


temples, each of which consists of 50 double rings, and between every 4 of 
these rings is suspended an hexagonal leaf having a groove lengthwise : 


Ww’ 4 = {i = SS 





51] 
4 1} ἣ 
Νὰ = \ 


\ 





No. 686. Another View of the same Diadem. 


these chains are joined to one another by four little cross chains. At the 
end of each of the side chains hangs a figure similar in shape to the 
Trojan idols. Indeed, after having looked over the whole series of Trojan 
idols, no one can suppose that the primitive goldsmith could have intended 
to represent here anything else but idols. The only difference between 
these and the stone idols is that the eyes and the beak, instead of being 
incised, are here given in relief, and that the latter reaches down to the 
bottom ; further that the knees (or feet ?) are indicated here, like the eyes, 
by protruding points, and that both eyes and knees are surrounded by 
circles of small dots. Each idol is nearly an inch long; their breadth at 
the lower end is about 3-4ths in. The entire length of each of these 
chains, with the idols, amounts to 10°4in. Between these ornaments for 
the temples there are 50 little pendant chains, each of which consists of 21 
double rings, and between every 4 of these rings there is an hexagonal leaf. 
At the end of each little chain hangs an idol of identical form, 3-5ths in. 
high; the length of these short chains with the idols is only 4in. The 
number of double rings, of which the 64 chains of this diadem is composed, 
amounts to 1750, and the number of hexagonal leaves to 354; the number 
of suspended idols is 64. 

The other gold diadem (πλεκτὴ ἀναδέσμη), No. 687, is 204 in. long 
across the top. Instead of a fillet, as in No. 685, it consists of a gold 
chain, composed of 295 rings of double gold wire, from which are sus- 
pended on each side 8 chains, 158 ἴῃ. long. Each of these consists of 
360 rings made of double gold wire, and between every 3 of such rings 
is fastened a lancet-shaped leaf. At the end of each of these chains is 
suspended a figure 1:3in. long, in which we again recognize the usual 
form of the idol; but here no face is indicated: we only see one dot where 


457 
each 


Between these ornaments 


3 


ANOTHER GOLD DIADEM. 


the forehead ought to be, another in the middle, and three below 


idol is also ornamented with lines of points. 


Cuap. VIL] 


5 . a 
“τ 5 BRE 
ssf -2- * WZITa= SS -ἰςςς-.»» 

be Pet ae EB i ; : 3 rye” 


Seas Ss 


IS SS 


<> 
>> 
ΣΕΥ ΣΕΥ ΟΣ ἘΞ τᾷ 
=p 225 > > a p= 
>>>) ΞΞΞΞΘ 
32324272 = 


2 


Sos 





ich 


s of double gold wire, and is adorned with 28 lancet- 


’ 


leaves of 


1 


Ings anc 


aves. 
1920 


Le 


16,353 


995. 
.. 12271 & 4066 





Ring 


oo 


Depth, 28 ft.) 


double r 


s suspended a large leaf of a 


1 


1η 


(1:3 actual size. 


ins: 


Length 20°4in., with 74 short and 16,long chains 


h cha 


compute the number of 


ess 


J 


ὃ 


). 


ains 


conn 
ings 


ὃ 


> 


Ἢ ava 
(16 x 360) 


shaped leaves 


S 
. 
. 


double r 
(74 x 84) 


aped leaves 


. 
. 


sh 
large lancet-shaped leaves .. 


n 


Grand total of pieces (with the 16 idols).. 


Total of rings and leaves .. 
All the leaves are suspended by holes to the wires. 


74 short forehead cha 
rings 
et- 


ing 
At the end of eac 


contained in the large Trojan treasure. 
Let us 


360 double rings 
Small lancet 


Gold Diadem (Aexr 
In each of the 


ves. 
e upper cha 
84 double 1 
Small lane 
Besides these 


lar form. 


this wonderful head dr 
In each of the 16 temple ch 


No. 687. 
In th 


a 


§1mM1 


for the temples there are likewise 74 small chains, 4 in. long, each of wh 
shaped lea 


consists of 84 r 


458 THE. THIRD,’ THE BURNT-CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


My friend Mr. Carlo Giuliano, the celebrated London goldsmith of 
antiques, who kindly devoted six hours of his precious time to examining 
the Trojan jewels with me, explains to me that all the idols and leaves 
of both diadems (Nos. 685 and 687) were cut out with a bronze punch 
from thin gold plate. To make the very thin wire the Trojans could have 

used only ingots of very 
= pure gold, which they forced 
through the holes of the 
draw-plate, and which they 
could gradually and easily 
reduce to an extreme fine- 
ness. Alloyed gold could 
not have been used to make 
such very fine wire. 

Our illustration No. 688 
represents the diadem No. 
E87 as it might have been 
worn by a Trojan lady. 

No. 689 represents the 
entangled mass of six gold 
bracelets precisely in the 
state in which I found them. 
Two of these bracelets, re- 

) presented separately under 
“-- Nos. 690 and 691, are 

ihe ἥξει εξ | double, 1-4th in. thick, but 
τῆν ΒΡ 5. “Ses \ quite plain, and have at 
j | \ | each end a knob similar to 
that which we see at ome 
end of the bracelet No. 918. 
Two others, of which I represent one under No. 692, are only 1-6th in. 
thick; they are also simple and closed: a fifth is likewise closed, but. * 
consists of an ornamented band 1-25th in. thick 
and 1-3rd in. broad. According to Mr. Giuliano, 
this has been made in the following way :—Two 
gold wires were twisted in opposite directions, the 
one to the right, the other to the left; then a 
gold wire was soldered to the twist on each side, 
as is evident from the many places where the 
soldering is deficient. I do not give here a 
separate engraving of this bracelet, as the photo- x) gc9._ six ou cane 
graph has not succeeded. ‘The sixth bracelet, stuck together in one packet, 
which I represent under No. 693, is double, and ate wee. oe 3 
consists of a quadrangular wire which has been μα ὅρος. Depth, 28 it. 
twisted. I call particular attention to the small 
size of these bracelets, especially to that of the bracelets Nos. 692 
and 693, which seems to denote that the Trojan ladies had astoundingly 
small arms. 









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No. 638. The Diadem (No. 687) shown as it was worn. 





Cuap. VIL] GOLD BRACELETS, 459 
HAP. . 


No. 690. 





Nos. 690-693 represent in actual size four of the six Bracelets contained in the packet No. 689 


460 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL, 


Of the 56 gold ear-rings, I represent the different shapes under 
Nos. 694, 695, Nos. 698 to 704, and Nos. 752 to 764. With the excep- 
tion of Nos. 703 and 704, all these ear- 
rings consist of solid gold wires, which 
were soldered together, one end being beaten 
out into a ring and point; then grooves 
were sunk to receive the beads which we 
see on Nos. 698, 700, 701, and 702. The 

from the small Gold Jewels in the Silver  gyrious ear-ring No. 703 isin the form of 
Jug (No. 779) of the large Treasure. ; 
(Half actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) two serpents, and No. 704 in form of three 
such serpents. They consist, as Mr. Giuliano 
explains, of as many plates as there are serpents: these plates were 
bossed out, and rows of grooves made in each of them; then the two 
bossed plates were joined together and the lines of grooves filled with 
elobular grains; after that a gold bead was soldered to each end; into 
the bead at the one extremity was then soldered a globular piece of 
gold, such as we see it on the thick end of the ear-ring No. 841, whereas 
a gold wire was soldered to the other side to form the ear-ring. Here, 
therefore, we see for the first time granular work. 

Very simple but highly curious are the gold ear-rings Nos. 705 and 
706, of which about a dozen were found. They are nearly in the form of 
our modern shirt studs, and are 0°3 in. long. They are, however, not 





696 697 





00000 000000000000000 0000000 00000000000000 







112 713714 


115. 18.111 118 


Φ ΤΠ 719 720 721 722 
παῖσαι ΠΤ Oe aa 
726 727 728 729 730731 732 733 734 "35 


Boss hoG8oes IO) > 


Nos. 696-733. S lection from the small Gold Jewels in the Silver Jug (No. 779) contained in the 
large Trojan treasure. (About 2:3 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 





soldered, but simply stuck together; for, as we see in No. 707, from 
the cavity of the one-half there projects a tube (αὐλίσκοςν 1-4th in, long, 
and from the other, No. 708, a pin (ἔμβολον) of the same length, and the 
pin was merely stuck into the tube to form the ear-ring. Each half of 
these ear-rings consists of two small gold plates, of which the one has 


Cuar. VII.] SMALL GOLD JEWELS OF THE TREASURE. 461 


been hammered into a miniature bowl, the other turned into a small 
tube or into a pin. Then the little tube was soldered into one of the 
little bowls, the pin was soldered into the other, and the ear-ring was 
formed by merely putting the pin of the one half into the tube of the 
other. 

My friend Professor Wolfgang Helbig® does not admit that jewels 
such as Nos. 694, 695, 698, 700, 701, 702, and 752 to 764 can have been 
used ag ear-rings. He is of opinion that they served as ornaments for the 
hair. Professor Virchow observes to me that they look more lke nose- 
rings than like ear-rings. But I certainly believe they were used as 
ear-rings, and for nothing else. 

Very curious also are the gold studs, 1-5th in. high, of which I 
represent three under Nos. 709 to 711; they have in their cavity a ring 
1-8th in. broad for sewing them on: of these studs about a dozen were 
found. 

Under Nos. 712-738 I represent the various shapes of the 8700 small 
objects of gold, already mentioned as having been found in the silver vase, 
No. 779. 1 haye strung these in two sets; one of which, consisting of 
4610 objects, is represented by the 13 necklaces, Nos. 739 to 745 and 
Nos. 746 to 751. The other set of 12 necklaces, containing 4090 objects, 
is precisely similar. The reader sees here gold rings only 1-8th in. in 
diameter ; perforated dice, either smooth or in the form of little indented 
stars, about 1-6thin. in diameter; gold perforated prisms, 0-1 in. long and 
1-8thin. broad, decorated longitudinally with eight or sixteen incisions; 
and small longitudinally perforated leaves, like No. 712, consisting of very 
fine double plates, which were made, as Mr. Giuliano explains, by placing 
the mandril between them, pressing on both sides, and soldering. The 
gold square prisms, like No. 722, are so perfect that they must have 
been drawn through a metal drawplate. This was done by bending the 
fine gold plate into the form of a long pipe, then drawing it through 
the square holes of the metal plate and soldering it afterwards; but for 
the most part these prisms are merely bent over, and are not soldered. 

To make the little indented wheels and stars, like Nos. 714-717, 726, 
128, 729, 732, 734, the Trojan goldsmith took a piece of gold, put it on 
charcoal, and melted it with the blow-pipe, thus making a globular grain ; 
then he perforated it with a round punch, placed it on a mandril, and cut 
out the grooves with another oblong punch; but before doing so he beat 
it square, 

Mr. Giuliano further explains that the Trojan goldsmith, in order to 
make the very small plain gold rings or beads, like No. 731, took a long 
gold wire, wound it round a copper or bronze mandril, and cut off the 
rings; he then put the latter on charcoal in long rows, and soldered the 
two ends of each of them separately with a minute portion of solder in 
order not to increase the bulk of the wire. He could do this because the 
gold was more malleable than ours, through being very pure. To make 


ὃ Volfango Helbig, Sopra il Trattamento della Capellatura ὁ deila Barba all? epoca Omerica ; 
Roma, 1880, 


462 THE. THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


objects like No. 723, he took a small bar of gold, beat it out at one end, 
and flattened and perforated it with a punch; to the other end he soldered 
a thick bead. As Mr. Giuliano has shown me, the singular rings, like 


Depth, 28 ft.) 


ize. 


3 actual s 


Nos. 765, 766. Gold Bars with many 


an treasure, (About 2 


'oj 


Nos, 752-764. 13 Gold Ear-rings. 


g (No. 779) found in the large Tr 


Nos, 739-745 and 746-751. Necklaces, composed of small Gold Jewels. 


perforations, All these jewels were contained in the Silver Ju 





No. 725, consist of two spirals of gold wire, each with three or four 
turns. These two spirals were placed one upon the other and soldered 
together; but so that a hole remained on either side between them, for 
stringing the object on the thread of the necklace. 


Onir. VIL] GOLD FILLET AND EAR-RINGS. 463 


The large gold beads, like No. 736, were made in the following 
manner:—Two small cups were beaten out of fine gold plate, a piece 
haying first been cut out from each of them, on either side, one-half of 
the size the hole was to have; and then the two cups were soldered 
together. Objects like Nos. 718 and 719 consist of from eight to sixteen 
small gold rings, like No. 720, which were soldered together. Objects 
such as No. 735 were made of a gold bar, of which one end was flattened 
and perforated ; the other end was made pointed, and ornamented with 
seven circular cuts. This object looks like a screw, but it is not one. 
Objects like No. 730 were thus made:—A piece of gold was put on 
burning charcoal, and by means of the blowpipe it was melted into 
a bead, which was perforated, and then hammered and punched into 
the desired form. Files were certainly unknown, for I found no trace 
of them in any of the pre-historic cities of Troy, nor at Mycenae. 

How the primitive goldsmith could do all this fine work, and parti- 
cularly how he could accomplish the minute granular work on the ear- 
rings Nos. 703 and 704, where grains of gold infinitely minute were to 
be soldered into the microscopic grooves—how he could do all this without 
the aid of a lens—is an enigma even to Mr. Giuliano.? But it was done, 
and with a powerful lens we can easily distinguish the soldering, even 
on the smallest rings of a less size than No. 720. 

The objects Nos. 696, 697, 765, and 766 consist of long flat pieces of 
gold with a large number of perforations, on which ornaments composed 
of small objects like Nos. 712-738 were no doubt suspended. 

I represent under No. 767 the golden fillet (auav&) of the Treasure, 


















(a τ. 








No. 767. Golden Fillet (dumvé), above 184 in. long, contained among the Jewels in the Silver 
Vase No. 779. (Depth, 28 ft.) 


which is 18:4 in. long and 0°4 in. broad. It has at each end three perfora- 
tions for fastening it round the head, and is ornamented all round with a 
border of dots in punched work. Eight quadruple rows of dots divide it 
into nine compartments, in each of which there are two large dots. 

Of the four ear-rings with pendants, Nos. 768-771, only two, Nos. 
768 and 769, are exactly alike. Each of them is composed of 16 round 
gold wires, soldered together and bent round into the form of a basket, 
to the upper part of which three gold wires are soldered horizontally 
in parallel lines, thus forming two fields, in the upper of which are 
soldered 12, in the lower 11 gold beads. ‘To the lower part of the 
baskets is soldered a small flat plate of gold, on which 6 rings are 
soldered ; and from each of these is suspended a gold chain made of links 
of double gold wire, each adorned with 6 quadrangular gold rings, 





® Professor Virchow remarks to me that in the Mexican gold jewels there may be seen granular 
work of equal fineness. 


404 THE |. THIRD, THE ΒΝ (CITY, [Cuar. VII. 


between every two of which there is a cylinder made of thin quad- 
rangular gold plate, which is merely bent over and not soldered together, 


No. 770. No. 771. 





Nos. 768-771. Four Gold Ear-rings, with Pendants or Tassels (θύσανοι), each 3} in. long, 
from the small Jewels in the Silver Jug (No. 779), found in the Trojan treasure. (Depth, 2s ft.) 


At the ends of the chains are suspended little figures of gold plate, similar 
in shape to the usual form of the idols; but they have only one dot on 
the head, and three on the lower part. To the middle of the basket 
described above was soldered the hook of the ear-ring with a sharp end. 

Still more remarkable are the gold ear-rings Nos. 770 and 771; for 
their upper basket consists of 40 round gold wires; 18 very fine wires 
being on each side, and in the centre a bunch of 4 thicker wires which 
have been beaten flat. All the 40 wires are soldered together, and 
the 4 central ones are ornameuted with linear patterns. On the upper 
part of this basket are soldered horizontally three parallel wires, thus 
forming two fields, into each of which are soldered 7 or 8 rosettes, 
composed of large gold beads surrounded by a number of minute beads. 
To the lower part of the baskets is attached a gold plate with incised 
linear patterns, and 5 perforations, in which are suspended 5 chains, 
formed of links of double gold wire. Every chain is adorned with 23 gold 
leaves, each having two holes, by which they were suspended on the wire 
of the links before its ends were soldered together. At the end of each 
chain is suspended an idol-like figure, cut out of thin gold plate and 
adorned by the punch with 4 large dots, around each of which is an 
infinite number of small ones: but this punched work is only on the idols 
of No. 770; those of No. 771 are quite plain. 

I now come to the large double-handled gold goblet, the δέπας 
ἀμφικύπελλον, Nos. 772 and 773, which Mr. Giuliano declares to be 
23 carats fine. It weighs exactly 600 grammes (about 1 lb. 602. troy); 
it is 3°6in. high, 75 in. long, and 78 1η. broad. It is in the form of a 
ship; its handles are very large; on one side there is a mouth 2°8 in. 
broad for drinking out of, and another at the other side, which is 
1:4 in. broad. As my friend, Professor Stephanos Koumanoudes of Athens, 
remarks, the person who presented the filled cup may have first drunk 
from the small mouth, as a mark of respect, to let the gdest drink from 
the larger mouth; or, as suggested in the Quarterly Review for April 1874, 
a person, holding the cup before him by the two handles, may have 


Cuap. VII.] 


THE GOLD δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον. 


465 


poured a libation from the further spout and then have drunk out 


of the nearer. 
libations to Zeus.’” The 
δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον has 
a foot, which projects 
about 1-12th in. and is 
1:4 in. long and 4-5ths 
in. broad. Mr. Giuliano 
declares this cup to have 
been beaten out of a 
single plate of gold, but 
that the two handles, 
which are hollow, have 
been beaten out of sepa- 
rate plates of gold, the 
edges being then soldered 
together and the handles 
also joined by soldering 
to the cup. He explains 
that this soldering could 
only be done by mixing 
silver with gold, by beat- 
ing the mixture very 
fine, and by cutting it 
into very small pieces 
which would melt, whilst 
the pure gold would not 
melt; thus the soldering 
could easily be made by 
means of the mixture 
and a little borax: in- 
stead of borax, 
might have been used. 





Thus Achilles used a choice goblet (δέπας) for pouring 


No. 772. 


glass Nos. 772,773. Outside and Inside Views of the remarkable Two-handled 
Cup of pure Gold (δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον), weighing about 1 lb. 6 oz. troy, 
contained in the large Trojan treasure. 


(Depth, 28 ft.) 





OP Dis, RVI. 225-297 s 

ἔνθα δέ of δέπας ἔσκε τετυγμένον, οὐδέ τις ἄλλος 
οὔτ᾽ ἀνδρῶν πίνεσκεν am’ αὐτοῦ αἴθοπα οἶνον, 

οὔ τέ τεῳ σπένδεσκε θεῶν, ὅτε μὴ Διὶ πατρί. 

But we do not see here that Achilles himself 
drank after the libation. We are indebted to Mr. 
J. W. Lockhart for the following account of the 
double-spouted boat-shaped bronze vessel, used 
in a similar manner in the Chinese temples, and 
represented in the engraving No. 774:—“In 
China there is a vessel of very nearly the same 
shape, but with ears prolonged till they rise an 
inch above the cup. The cup stands on three 
legs, and is, in fact, a tripod. Such cups are 
used in the temples, especially in the ancestral 
temples of the real religion of China, when 
offerings are made to the manes of ancestors. 
The cups are filled with wine when placed 
on the altar before the idol-shrine, or before the 


ancestral tablet; and the wine is afterwards 
partly drunk and partly poured out asa libation.” 
Such vessels are used in pairs, and our drawing 
is made from one of a pair in Mr. Lockhart’s 
possession. It is of bronze, 6 in. long and 63 in. 
high, including the legs. The width is 2 in. 
between the upright ears, and 23in. at the 
broadest part. There is only one handle. Mr. 
Lockhart calls attention to the “key” ornament 
round the cup, which is so well known in the 
purest Greek art, as a sign of Chinese influence 
on the art of Western Asia and Europe. Mr. 
Lockhart also reads Chinese characters on some 
of the Trojan whorls. I am under a deep 
obligation to Mr. Lockhart for his spontaneous 
offer of this very interesting illustration of one 
of the most striking and unique objects dis- 
covered by me at Troy. 


25 


466 


THE "THIRD; THE BURNT? CITY. 


[Cuar. VII. 


In this soldering process the Trojans seem to have been far more advanced 
than the Myceneans, for on the gold vessels I found in the royal tombs 





at Mycenae the handles 
had not been soldered, 
but merely joined with 
pins.’ - In fact, the only 
objects of gold found 
at Mycenae on which 
soldering is perceptible 
are the greaves.” 

No. 775 represents 
the globular gold bottle 
of the treasure. Mr. 
Giuliano declares this 
bottle to be of gold, 
20 carats fine, and says 
that it has been beaten 
out of a single plate of 
gold with punches and 
hammers. When the 
bottle was ready as far 
as the neck, it was filled 
with cement or clay, 
and the neck was then 
beaten out and its rim 
turned back and bent 


over again. This bottle weighs 403 grammes (6220 grains, or nearly 1 lb. 
1 oz. troy); it is exactly 6 in. high, 5°6 in. in diameter, and has a zigzag 


decoration on the neck, which, how- 
ever, is not continued all round. 
The second gold goblet is repre- 
sented under No. 776. According 
to Mr. Giuliano, it is 23 carats fine ; 
it weighs 226 grammes (71 oz. troy) ; 
itis -o On, “high and ol ih. τῇ 
diameter; it has 16 flutings, which 
were obtained by filling the goblet 
with wood or clay and then beat- 
ing it with a hammer. I further 
represent under No. 777 a small 
goblet of the treasure, which, ac- 
cording to Mr. Giuliano, is of gold, 
18 carats fine, mixed with silver. 
It consists therefore of electrum. 
It weighs 70 grammes (2} 02. troy), 
and is 3°4in. high and above 2°6in. 


























No. 775. Globular Bottle of Gold, weighing ahout 1 lb 
troy ; contained in the large Trojan treasure. 
(Depth, 28 ft.) 

Note.—-The objects seen be)Sw are merely pieces of 
wood to support it. 





1 See my Mycenae, pp. 232, 233, Nos. 340-343. 


2 See my Mycenae, pp. 328, 329. 


Cnar. VIL] VESSELS OF GOLD, ELECTRUM, AND SILVER. 407 


broad; its foot is only 4-5ths of an inch high, 1 in. broad, and not 
level; so that the goblet can hardly stand on it, and appears to be 











No. 111. A small Cup of Electrum (i.e. 4 parts of Gold 
No. 776. Gold Goblet, weighing τς 0z. troy; contained to 1 of Silver); contained in the large Trojan treasure. 
in the large Trojan treasure. (Depth, 28 ft.) (Depth, 28 ft.) 


intended to be put down on the mouth: like the goblet No. 776, it has 
16 flutings. Its foot has been beaten out of a separate plate, and has 
not been soldered to the bottom, but merely overlaps it. It bears the 
marks of the great heat to which it has been exposed in the conflagration. 

As nothing similar to any one of these various articles of gold has 
been ever found elsewhere, it will for ever remain a riddle to us whether 
they were home-made or imported ; but if we compare them with the rude 
works of terra-cotta or the implements and weapons of stone or bronze 
found in the third city, we certainly feel inclined to think that they 
were imported. wales 

The small silver vase-cover No. 778 is ornamented with an incised 
zigzag line. 

Under Nos. 779, 780, and 
781, I represent the three silver 
vases of the treasure. The 
largest of them, No. 779, which 
contained all the small gold 
articles, is 8:4 in. high and 8 in. 
in diameter, and has a hollow 
handle, 5°6 in. long by 3°6 in. 
broad. Its lower part is globular, 
and the foot convex; the neck 





No. 779. Large one-handled Silver Jug, contained in the 
No. 778. A small Silver Vase Cover; contained in large Trojan treasure, in which the small Ornaments 
Shean seep eetazeies (Depth, 28 ft.) were found. (Depth, 28 ft.) 


varies slightly from the cylindrical form. It has been beaten entirely 
out of a silver plate into its present form; there is no soldering except 
that of the huge handle, the soldering of which to the body of the 
vase is distinctly visible. This handle itself must certainly have been 
hammered out of a silver plate and soldered together; but no soldering 
is perceptible, even with a powerful lens. ‘The silver vases Nos. 780 


468 THE ΤΗΣ THE“BURNT 3Ciry. [CHar. VII. 


and 781 are also globular, with a neck varying from the cylindrical 
form. The former is 7-4in. high and 6°4in. in diameter. The foot 











SSS ΞΞΞΞΞ ——<— 


No. 780. Silver Vase, with a quantity of copper fixed to No. 781. Silver Vase, to which part of another Silver 
its bottom by the fire; found in the large Trojan Vase is attached by the cementing power of the chlo- 
treasure. (Depth, 28 ft.) ride of silver; contained in the large Trojan treasure. 

(Depth, 28 ft.) 

of this vase is convex, and has a great deal of copper fused on to 
it, which must have dripped from the copper objects contained in the 
treasure during the conflagration. No. 781 is 7in. high and 6 in. 
in diameter; the foot is flat. Another silver vase, of which, however, 
only portions have been preserved, is cemented upon it.* All these 
three silver vases have on the outside a thick incrustation, which Pro- 
fessor Roberts of the Royal Mint has found “to consist of chloride of 
silver, which can, in most instances, be easily cut with a knife, and resem- 
bles horny chloride of silver, which may be deposited from solution in 
translucent layers.” To this chloride of silver adhere wood-ashes, clay, 
and very small stones, probably the detritus of bricks. 

Another fractured silver vase, 43 in. high and broad, with tubular holes 
for suspension on the sides, may be seen cemented to the copper plate, 
No. 782. This plate is 2-5ths. in. thick, 6-4 1η. broad, and 17°6 in. long ; 
it has a rim 1-10th in. high; at one end of it there are two immovable 
wheels with an axle-tree. The plate is very much bent in two places; 
the curvatures can only have been produced by the heat to which the 
object was exposed in the conflagration. 

This remarkable object lay on the top of the whole mass; hence I 
suppose it to have been the support to the lid of the wooden chest in 
which the treasure was packed, and that the two immovable wheels 
served as hasps. Professor Roberts, who examined this object care- 
fully and analysed a fragment of the silver vase, writes to me as follows 
on the subject:—‘ The small portion of metal 1mm. thick from the 
fractured silver vase, No. 782, consists of three layers; a central one of 

i 


3 The cause of this cementing will be explained presently. 


Cuar. VIL] COPPER PLATE: SILVER VASES. 469 


silver, about 0-2 mm. thick, the external layers being chloride of silver, 
in which grains of sand and earthy matter are imbedded. The cementing 


No. 782. Curious Plate of Copper, having probably served as a support of the wooden lid of the chest, with two 
immovable discs, which may probably have served as hasps. A Silver Vase is cemented on it by the action 
of the chloride of silver and the oxide or carbonate of copper. Found in the large Trojan treasure. (Depth, 28 ft.) 





action of this chloride, so beautifully shown in many of the silver articles, 
is interesting, and is specially remarkable in this object, in which a vase 
of silver is cemented to an article of copper. In other examples sand, 
charcoal, and shells adhere tenaciously to silver articles by the pseudo- 
morphous layer of chloride of silver in which they are imbedded.” 

Nos. 783 and 784 represent the two pretty silver vases of the treasure, 
which have rather an Egyptian form. They are, however, Trojan, for 
the former has on each side of the body and of the cap-like cover one 




































































Nos. 783, 784. Two Silver Vases, with caps, and tubular rings for suspension with strings. 
No. 785. Α Silver Cup, 34 in. high and nearly 4 in. wide. 
No. 786. A Silver Dish (φιάλη), with a boss in the centre. 
TLese four objects were contained in the large Trojan treasure. (Depth, 28 ft.) 


vertical tubular hole, while the second has on each side of the body and 
the cap two vertical tubular holes, for suspension with a string, a system 
which is not found in Egypt. Both vases have been hammered out from 


470 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL 


plates of silver in the manner already described. There is no soldering 
about them, except the projections with the tubular holes on the sides, 
The caps only are covered with chloride of silver; the vases themselves 
are free from it. The smaller vase is 6°8 in. high and 3:2 in. thick in 
the body; the larger, 8in. high and 3°6 in. thick in the body. 

The silver goblet, No. 785, is 81 in. high, and has a mouth 4 in. in 
diameter. It is thickly covered with chloride of silver. Much better 
preserved is the flat silver cup or dish (φιάλη) No. 786, which is 54 in. 
in diameter, and has a boss (ὀμφαλός) in the middle; it has little or no 
chloride of silver. 

The next object I took out was a package of the six blade-like ingots 
of silver, which I represent here under Nos. 787-792, which were stuck 


789 790 









ian Wy 


(i ᾿. 1): ii 


i 
᾿ 


Hi ' | 


Η ι 






" 


i al 
4 ᾿ 


787 ᾿) 








ΠΝ 


fi i A 
y (᾿ les 
᾿ 














i 
h 
Ah 
| 


me 


















Nia) WTA 
Nyy Ἷ 
ἡ 
























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Nos. 787-792. Six blade-like Ingots of Silver (Homeric Talents ?), contained in the large Trojan treasure. 
(Depth, 28 ft.) 


together by the cementing action of the chloride of silver; I have sepa- 
rated them not without difficulty. Professor Roberts, who kindly analysed 
a small portion of one of them, sends me the following note :— 

“Weight of portion submitted to analysis: 0°6408 gramme. 


Analysis :— Silver .. γὉ es οὖ as ae 90° GM 
Copper oe on Ἂς: 46 a 9:1] 
Gold .. os Be Ἢ τ 4 17, 


TON} .- ae ὃν τς ΩΝ x 38 

Lead .. % os τ “ie ES 22 

Nickel tas Ἂς ον x bie traces. 
99:79 


The amount of lead present points to the silver having been purified 
by cupellation. Alloys of silver are known to vary, in composition 
throughout the mass, but it is probable that the results of the analysis 
fairly ‘indicate the amount of precious metal in the talent.” 





Cuar. VII.] "STH SIX: SILVER “TALENTS” 471 


The six pieces of silver before us are in the form of large knife-blades, 
haying one end. rounded, and the other cut into the form of a crescent; 
they have all been wrought with the hammer. The two larger blades are 
8:6 in. long and 2 in. broad, and weigh respectively 190 and 183 grammes. 
The next two pieces are 7.4 in. long and 1:6 in. broad; one of them 
weighs 174, the other 173 grammes. The two containing pieces are 
nearly 7 in. long and 1.2 1η. broad; one of them weighs 173, the 
other 171 grammes.* 

Are we to see in these six ingots of pure silver Homeric “ talents” ? 
These latter could only have been small, as, for instance, when Achilles 
offers for the first prize in the chariot-race a woman, for the second a 
horse, for the third a cauldron, and for the fourth two gold talents.° 

Professor Sayce sends me the following interesting note on the subject 
of these six curious silver wedges : — 

“In the Academy of Nov. 22, 1879, Mr. Barclay V. Head shows that 
‘the silver mina of Carchemish,’ the Hittite capital, mentioned on an 
Assyrian tablet, is identical on the one side with the Babylonian silver 
mina of about 8656 grains troy (561 grammes), and on the other with 
the mina in use in Asia Minor. The Lydian silver money of Croesus, 
says Mr. Head, ‘follows this so-called Babylonic silver standard, fifty 
staters of Croesus, each weighing 173 grains (11:2 grammes), age) 
one Babylonic silver mina of 8656 grains. 

““ Nevertheless, that this Babylonic silver mina was in use Eto bak 
Asia Minor long before the age of Croesus for weighing bullion silver, 
may, I think, be inferred, not only because the earliest silver coins ᾿ 
nearly the whole of Asia Minor are regulated by it, but from the fact 
that it was also in use among the Phrygio-Thracian mining tribes, 
who must have brought it over with them from Asia, together with 
the worship of the Phrygian Bacchus, when they separated from their 
brethren of the same stock who remained behind. More than. this, 
I believe that there is proof positive that this weight was used in the 
Troad at the period of the burial of the. treasure discovered by Dr. 
Schliemann. There are in that treasure six wedges or bars of silver, 
about 7 or 8in. long by about 2in. in breadth. These weigh re- 
spectively 171, 173, 173, 174, 183, and 190 metric grammes. ‘he 
heaviest and best preserved appears to have gained slightly by oxy- 
dization and incrustation at one end to the amount of about 40 or 
50 grains troy. Supposing its original weight to have been about 
187 grammes, or 2885 4 grains troy, what else can this be but precisely 
the third part of the Babylonian silver mina of 8656 grains? That these 
bars or wedges are thirds and not halves or fourths is, to my mind, a 


* The two largest weigh, respectively, a little καὶ τρίποδ᾽ ὠτώεντα δυωκαιεικυσίμετρον, 
over and a little under 6 ozs., and the other four τῷ πρώτῳ᾽ ἀτὰρ αὖ τῷ δευτέρῳ ἵππον ἔθηκεν 
are a little over 53 ozs. troy. The gramme is éteré’, ἀδμήτην, βρέφος ἡμίονον κυέουσαν - 
15°43235 grains; that is, a little less than αὐτὰρ τῷ τριτάτῳ ἄπυρον κατέθηκε λέβητα 


152 grains. καλόν, τέσσαρα μέτρα κεχανδότα, λευκὸν ἔτ᾽ 
eal. Xxil1 300. 70: avTws* 

« a \ A »" A “ “A 

Immevow μὲν πρῶτα ποδώκεσιν ἀγλά᾽ ἄεθλα τῷ δὲ τετάρτῳ θῆκε δύο χρυσοῖο τάλαντα, - 


θῆκε γυναῖκα ἄγεσθαι ἀμύμονα. ἔργα ἰδυῖαν πέμπτῳ δ᾽ ἀμφίθετον φιάλην ἀπύρωτον ἔθηκεν. 


472 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL. 


strong point in favour of their being fractions of the Babylonian mina, 
the shekels of this standard being very generally divided by three, while 
those of the Phoenician standard are halved and quartered. . 
«Dr. Schliemann calls his wedges Homeric talents, but, be this as 
it may, they are certainly thirds of the Babylonic silver mina of from 
8645 to 8656 grains. If my proposed identification -of the mina of 
Carchemish with the mina in use in the Troad about the fourteenth 
century B.c. be accepted, may it not prove suggestive when considered 
in connection with the Egyptian text (the poem of Pentaur), in which 
the people of Ilion, Pedasos, Dardanos, Mysia, and Lycia are mentioned 
as allies of the Kheta (Hittites) in their wars with Ramses II. about 
the same period? . . . When, therefore, we find a particular silver mina 
specified in Assyrian documents as the mina of Carchemish, I think we 
shall not be wrong in concluding that this is the weight which the 
Hittites used in their commercial transactions with the peoples of Cilicia, 
Pamphylia, Lydia, Phrygia, the Troad, &c., and that this name was given 
to it in Assyria to distinguish it from the other heavier silver mina of 
about 11,225 grains used in Phoenicia. . . . The earliest coined money 
on this standard is the Lydian electrum of the time of Gyges. Croesus 
appears to have been the first to strike silver coins on the same standard ; 
and, as town after town begins to coin money, we perceive that from 
the Gulf of Issus in the east to Phaselis in the west, as well as in Lydia, 
and here and there in Ionia, in Cyprus, and perhaps even in Crete, the 
earliest coins are staters of 173 grains or fractions of such staters.’ ” 
Under No. 793 I represent the silver vase found a few days previous to 
the discovery of the large treasure, and very close to it; its lower part is of 
elobular shape, and its neck slopes outward, like part of an inverted cone. 
It has been damaged by the pickaxe of the labourer who found it. Like 
the other large silver vases, it is covered with chloride of silver; it is 
7:2 in. high and 5°6 in. broad. It deserves particular attention that all 
these silver vases are only covered with chloride on the outside, and that 
they are exempt from it on the inside. The vase No. 793 contained the 








SSS 











᾿ς SSAvr 
WSN 


near to the large Treasure, at a depth of 28 ft. 


Cuar. VIL] HELMETS AND SHIELD. 473 


elegant cup of electrum, No. 794, which is 4:4 in. high and 3°6 in. wide 
at the mouth. This cup bears the marks of the intense heat to which it 
was exposed in the conflagration, but otherwise it is exceedingly well 
preserved. Only its upper part is externally covered with a thick in- 
crustation ; for the rest it is of a dazzling white, both outside and inside. 
Electrum, which, as before mentioned, occurs three times in the Odyssey, 
is ἃ word unknown to the Iliad ; but we find in the latter® the word 
ἠλέκτωρ for “sun.” It, therefore, appears that the poets intended to 
indicate by ἤλεκτρον a substance capable of being compared in brilliancy 
with the sun. 

Together with this latter vase was found a helmet, but so much 
destroyed by the chloride of copper, that it fell into minute fragments 
when it was being taken out, and it cannot be recomposed. Only its 
upper portions, Nos. 795 and 796, have been preserved. I shall revert to 
these in the subsequent pages, when I come to discuss similar portions 





No. 796. 





No. 798. 





ee 
Nos. 795-798, Fragments of Bronze Ξ Ξ = 
Helmets found with the Silver : 
Vase No. 793. (About 1:3 No. 799. A Copper Shield with a boss (ἀσπὶς dudadderoa), found in the 
actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) large Treasure. (Depth, 28 ft.) 





























of another helmet, represented under No. 979. Nos. 797 and 798 appear 
to be also fragments of the upper portions of helmets. 

No. 799 represents the large copper shield of the treasure (the ἀσπὶς 
ὀμφαλόεσσα of Homer) in the form of an oval salver, in the middle of 
which is a large boss encircled by a small furrow (αὖλαξ). This shield is 








OST yin 013 ; xix. 398: 


474 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 


a little more than 20in. in diameter. It is quite flat, and is surrounded 
by a rim (ἄντυξ) 1} in. high. The boss (ὀμφαλός) is 2.4 in. high and 
4:4 τη. in diameter ; the furrow encircling it is 7'2in. in diameter, and is 
3-5ths in. deep. It has evidently been composed of four and perhaps five 
pieces. First the high projecting boss (ὀμφαλός) was beaten out of a plate, 
with the furrow and a high border round it ; round this was soldered a plate 
in the form of a flat ring, and round it the high protruding rim (dv7v6), 
on which a narrow strip of thin copper plate was again soldered all round. 

This shield of copper, with its central boss and the furrow and rim so 
suitable for holding together a covering of ox-hides, reminds us irresistibly 
of the seven-fold shield of Ajax: ‘Ajax came near, bearing before him 
his tower-like copper shield, covered with seven layers of ox-hide, the work 
of Tychius, the best of artificers that wrought in leather; he had his home 
in Hylé. He made him the easily-wielded shield with seven-fold hides of 
fat bulls, and laid over them an eighth plate of copper.”"’ It is equally 
striking to compare this shield of the treasure with the description 
of Sarpedon’s shield, with its round plate of hammered copper, and its 
covering of ox-hides, fastened to the inner edge of the rim by long 
golden rods.® 

No. 800 marks the copper cauldron of the treasure, with two horizontal 
handles, which certainly gives us an idea of the Homeric λέβης. It is 





































































































No. 800. Great Copper Cauldron (λέβης), contained in the large Trojan treasure 3 
found at a depth of 28 ft. 


16:8 in. in diameter and 5:6 in. high; the bottom is flat, and is 8 in. in 
diameter. This cauldron shows the marks of the fearful conflagration, 
and near the handle, on the left side, are seen two fragments of bronze 
weapons (a lance and a battle-axe) firmly fused into it. 10 deserves par- 
ticular attention that whilst in Mycenae there is hardly any soldering, and 





1. 7]. vii. 219-223 : Compare also vv. 245-247. 
Αἴας δ᾽ ἐγγύθεν ἦλθε φέρων σάκος, Hite πύργον, 8 ἢ. xii. 294-297 : 
χάλκεον, ἑπταβόειον, ὅ of Τυχίος κάμε τεύχων, αὐτίκα δ᾽ ἀσπίδα μὲν πρόσθ᾽ ἔσχετο πάντοσ᾽ ἐΐσην 
σκυτοτόμων ὄχ᾽ ἄριστος, Ὕλῃ ἔνι οἰκία ναίων, καλὴν χαλκείην ἐξήλατον, ἣν ἄρα χαλκεύς 
ds οἱ ἐποίησεν σάκος αἰόλον ἑπταβόειον ἤλασεν, ἔντοσθεν δὲ Buelas pare θαμείας 


ταύρων ζατρεφέων, ἐπὶ δ᾽ ὄγδοον ἤλασε χαλκόν. χρυσείῃς ῥάβδοισι διηνεκέσιν περὶ κύκλον. 





COPPER CAULDRON: BRONZE LANCE-HEADS. 478 


Cuar. VII.] 


the different pieces of which the copper cauldrons consist are all joined 
together with pins, here at Troy we see only soldering, and nothing 
fastened together with pins. As the two handles of the cauldron before 
us were too thick to be easily soldered on, the two ends of each of them 
were sawn into or split, and then the rim of the vessel was placed in the 
opening and soldered on. | oe 

We find λέβητες mentioned ten times in the Lad, usually as prizes in 
games ;° also as presents.’ The λέβης had the value of an ox ;* only once 
we find it used as a cauldron.’ In the Odyssey it is for the most part used 
as a washing bowl, in which the hands were washed before the meal and 
at the sacrifice. It was often of silver and ornamented : 2 it was also of 
copper and used for a foot-bath.* Mr. Philip Smith observes to me, that 
“among the tribute received by Thutmes III., apparently from Western 
Asia (the name of the country is imperfect in the record), was ‘a brass 
cauldron, the work of Kefthu.’* This special mention of it, as an article 
of foreign workmanship, may be compared with the value evidently set on 
the Trojan cauldron, by its preservation in the treasure.” 

Upon and beside the gold and silver articles, I found in the treasure 
thirteen bronze lance-heads, more or less fractured, five of which are 
shown under Nos. 801-805 and one under 815. They are from 7 to above 
121 in. in length, and from 1°6 to 2°4in. broad at the thickest point. 
At the lower end of each is a perforation, in which, in most cases, the nail 
or peg which fastened the lance-head to the wooden handle is still sticking. 
The pin-hole is clearly visible in the lance-head No. 805, which the con- 
flagration has fused on to a battle-axe. 

The Trojan lance-heads were therefore quite different from those of 
the Myceneans,’ as well as from all those found in the Swiss Lake- 
dwellings,’ in the tombs of Fronstetten,’ in those of Hedingen,® Ebingen,° 
Rothenlachen,” Laitz,t and many other sepulchres in Germany, Austria, 
and Italy,? at Hallstatt,* in Denmark,‘ and in Hungary,’ all of which have 


3. Fl. san 209": 

νηῶν δ᾽ ἔκφερ᾽ ἄεθλα, λέβητάς τε τρίποδάς Te. 
xxili. 485: 

δεῦρό νυν, ἢ τρίποδος περιδώμεθον ἠὲ λέβητος. 
10 7]. ix, 263, 265: 
‘ ὑπέσχετο δῶρ᾽ ᾿Αγαμέμνων, 

αἴθωνας δὲ λέβητας ἐείκοσι, δώδεκα δ᾽ ἵππους. 
1 Tl axxii 885: 

κὰδ δὲ λέβητ᾽ ἄπυρον, Bods ἄξιον, ἀνθεμόεντα. 
1 ΠΣ ΣΙ 502: 

ὡς δὲ λέβης Cet ἔνδον, ἐπειγόμενος πυρὶ πολλῷ. 
2 Od. i. 136-138: 

χέρνιβα δ᾽ ἀμφίπολος προχόῳ ἐπέχευε φέρουσα 

καλῇ χρυσείῃ ὑπὲρ ἀργυρέοιο λέβητος, 

νίψασθαι " 

and Od, iii. 440, 441: 

χέρνιβα δέ σφ᾽ ”Apntos ἐν ἀνθεμόεντι λέβητι 

ἤλυθεν ἐκ θαλάμοιο φέρων. 
3 Od. xix. 386, 387: 

“Ὡς ἄρ᾽ ἔφη" γρηῦς δὲ λέβηθ᾽ ἕλε παμφανόωντα, 

τοῦ πόδας ἐξαπένιζεν, ὕδωρ δ᾽ ἐνεχεύατο πουλύ. 


Od. xix. 469: 
ἐν δὲ λέβητι πέσεν κνήμη, Kavaxnoe δὲ χαλκός. 

* Brugsch, Hist. of Egypt, vol. i. p. 385, Eng. 
trans., 2nd ed. 

5 See my Mycenae, pp. 
No. 441. 

§ Victor Gross, Moeringen et Auvernicr, Pl. iv., 
Nos. 1, 8-13. Ferdinand Keller, Pfahibauten, 
vii. Bericht, Pl. iii. Nos. 14, 18. 

7 L. Lindenschmit, Die Vaterléndischen Alter- 
thiimer, Pl. iii. Nos. 27 and 28. 

S) Fide ΒΤ ty. Nos. 2; Ὁ. 10.19.14: 

9. Dba Pl, vii. Nos. 3,-4,: 9, 11. 12. 

10. Tings Pl xii. No. 10: 

1 Jbid. Pl. xii. Nos. 5-7. 2) [hide Pinan 

ὃ Ed. Freih. von Sacken, Das Grabfeld von 
Hallstatt, P|. vii. Nos. 1, 3-6. 

4 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, Pl. 38 
and 82. 

5 Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistorizues 
de la Hongrie, Pl. ix. Nos. 1-6, and Pl. xv. No.1: 
and Cutalogue de Exposition préhistorique, p. 25, 
No. 10; p. 27, Nos. 13, 14. 


278, 279, fig. 


aN 
-- 
(= 


THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL 


No. 803. No. 804. 


No. 805. 


No. 801. No. 802. 





Nos. 801-804. Trojan Lance-heads of Bronze. 
No. 805. Bronze Lance and Battle-axe fused together by the conflagration. The pin-hole of the lance is 
visible. (Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


No. 808. 


No. 807. 





Nos. 806-809. Trojan Battle-axes of Bronze.’ 
Nos. 807 and 809 have pieces of other weapons fused on to them by the fire. 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


a tube in which the wooden lance-shaft was fixed. The Homeric lance- 
heads seem to have had a similar tube in which the shaft was fixed, for 


Cuar. VII] BRONZE BATTLE-AXES. 


the poet says: 
of the lance.” δ 
collections several specimens of bronze lance- 


heads found in tombs in Cyprus, which are 
identical with the Trojan lance-heads.* 

I further took out from the treasure four- 
teen battle-axes of bronze, of which I represent 
four entire ones under Nos. 806-809 and a 
fractured one under No. 810. They are from 
6:4 to 12:4 in. long, from half an inch to 
4-5ths in. thick, and from 1:2 to 3in. broad. 
The largest of them weighs 1365 grammes, 
or about 3 pounds avoirdupois. M. Ernest 
Chantre, Assistant Director of the Museum 
at Lyons, sent me the result of the analysis 


417 


“And the brain ran out from the wound along the tube 
But the British Museum and the Louvre contain in their 





No. 810. Trojan Battle-axe. 


(Nearly 1: 3 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


of these battle-axes made by the famous chemist, M. Damour of Lyons. 


I had drilled two of them and sent him the drillings:— 


No. 1.—Drillings from one of the battle-axes of the treasure :— 


For analysis ‘ 
Deducting the sand ΓΤ is in κ᾿ 


Analysed metal .. 


This consists of copper .. a 
Do. do. tin vid oe 


oe ee ee 


Grammes, 
0°3020 
0 0100 





0: 2800 





In 1 0000 part. 
0. 9580 
0᾽ 0584 


Grammes. 
0:2740 = 
O° O110" = 








0:2850 = 0°9964 








No. 2.—Drillings of another battle axe from the treasure :— 


For analysis 
Deducting the sand ἀπ μ᾽ in ἢ 


Analysed metal .. 


This consists of copper .. oe 
Doms do. tin oe oe 


Grammes. 
0: 2970 
0°0020 





0° 2950 





Grammes. In 1 +0000 part. 








oo . Ο᾽ 2675 = 0:9067 
ee . 0°0255 = θ᾽0864 
0°2930 = 0:°9931 





I have still to mention a curious sling-bullet of copper ore which was 
analysed by M. Damour of Lyons with the following result :— 


6 Ti. xvii. 297: 
ἐγκέφαλος δὲ παρ᾽ αὐλὸν ἀνέδραμεν ἐξ ὠτειλῆς. 

7 Professor Virchow kindly calls my attention 
to Evans, Petit Album de ? Age du Bronze de la 
Grande Bretagne, London, 1876, Pl. xi., where a 
series of similar blades, called there “ couteaux de 
poignards,” are represented. But, in my opinion, 
Similar weapons can never have been used for 
anything else than lances; for a dagger we ne- 
cessarily must suppose a handle such as we see 


on the real daggers Nos. 811-814, 901, and 927. 
As the blades before us (Nos. 801-805) do not 
fulfil this indispensable condition, they cannot 
be daggers. Professor Virchow adds that similar 
blades occasionally occur also in Germany, but 
that the lower end of them is usually broad and 
has two perforations for fixing in the lance-shaft. 
He showed me, however, in his own collection a 
lance-head found on the island of Riigen, which 
is perfectly similar to the Trojan lance-heads. 


478 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL 


“ Drillings of one of the Trojan sling-bullets, externally covered with 
verdigris, and internally of the colour of iron. 








ANALYSIS. G 
rammes,. 
Quantity of analysed metal ,, οὐ “- 0° 2410 
In 1 0000 part. 
Consisting of sulphur .. ον Ὁ 5. θ᾽ 0470ὺ.Ξ- Ὁ 1050) 
Do. copper... oe oe - O'1920- = 7900 
Do. iron 3: “ὃ oe ~- » 0°0002'= 0°0008 
Do. quartzose .. oe oe -» 0°0005 = 0:0020 
Ο 2997 = 0°9944” 








Professor W. Chandler Roberts, of the Royal Mint, who also bored two 
of these battle-axes and analysed the drillings, writes to me that one axe 


gave— and the other— 
95°41 copper. 93°80 copper. 
4°39 tin. 5°70 tin. 


99°80 99°50 
He adds that he found them free from zine. 

The lance-heads have not been analysed, but we may with all pro- 
bability suppose that they are of bronze, since the battle-axes, which are 
fifty times heavier, are of that metal. 

Professor Virchow kindly calls my attention to the compte rendu of 
the Berlin Anthropological Society of 29th July, 1876, p. 8, where a 
perfectly similar battle-axe is represented, which was found, together 
with five similar ones, at a depth of 3 ft., at Bythin, in the duchy of 
Posen. _ All these six axes consist of pure copper. Virchow says of 
them: “ Their form approaches most to that of the ancient stone axes. 
It is true that they are not so massive as the stone axes generally are, 
but this was not necessary when metal was used. Such a form might 
pass as an excellent proof of how the stone form has gradually been 
transferred into a metal form, and how people manufactured of metal an 
implement analogous to the stone axe.” 

Battle-axes of a lke form, of pure copper, were also found in 
Hungary. My honoured friend, Professor James D. Butler, LL.D., 
kindly sends me his learned dissertation’ on the pre-historic antiquities 
of Wisconsin, illustrated by excellent photographic plates, on which seven 
similar battle-axes of pure copper found in Wisconsin are represented. 

Similar battle-axes occur, though very rarely, in company with silex 
saw-knives and axes of diorite, in India. The British Museum contains 
in its collection of East Indian antiquities 9 perfectly similar bronze 
battle-axes, found at Gungeria in the Mhow Talook district of Burrha, in 
Central India; their length is from 20 to 28in. The British Museum 
contains also 2 bronze battle-axes, in all respects like the Trojan, found at 
Tel-Sifr in Babylonia. The Ethnographical and Pre-historic Collection of 

® Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistor. de la nual Address before the State Historical Society 


FTongrie, Pl. viii. Nos. 13, 15. of Wisconsin, in the Assembly Chamber, Feb- 
® James D. Butler, Pre-historic Wisconsin, An- ruary 18, 1876. 





7 


Cuar. VIL] ANCIENT SOURCES OF TIN. 479 


General Lane Fox in the South Kensington Museum contains 7 bronze 
battle-axes of an identical shape, found in tombs in Cyprus. Further, 
2 exactly similar battle-axes, found in ancient Egyptian tombs, are pre- 
served in the Egyptian Collection in the Louvre. At Mycenae I found 
only one such battle-axe " and the fragment of another. These Trojan 
bronze battle-axes are nothing but exact copies of the primitive stone 
battle-axes ; only they have been made longer for greater convenience and 
usefulness, as they could then be more easily fastened to the wooden 
shafts and could be used on both sides. 

Having described the battle-axes of the Trojan Treasure, which have 
been proved to consist of bronze, it may not be out of place to discuss 
here the important question, whence the pre-historic peoples, and par- 
ticularly those who now occupy us—the inhabitants of the third, the burnt 
city of Hissarlik—obtained their tin. M. Burnouf,’ judging from the 
resemblance of the Greek word for tin (κασσίτερος) to the Sanscrit 
“kastira,” thinks it probable that they received it from India. But 
Professor Sayce observes to me: “ Kastira is as little a Sanscrit word as 
κασσίτερος is a Greek one, and both seem borrowed from the same source. 
In Arabic kazdir is ‘tin,’ in Assyrian /izasaddir, and in the primitive 
Accadian of Babylonia kasduru or kazduru. The Arabic and Assyrian 
may be borrowed from the Accadian, but more probably both words, 
together with the Accadian, the Sanscrit and the Greek, have been 
imported from a common source, which was perhaps one of the early 
languages of the Caucasus, where ancient tin mines have been found.” 
Sir J. Lubbock, on the other hand, thinks it more probable that the 
ancients obtained tin through “the Phoenicians from Cornwall:” he 
says, ‘As Cornwall, Saxony, and Spain? are the only known European 
sources from which tin can be obtained in any quantity, the mere pre- 
sence of bronze is in itself a sufficient evidence, not only of metallurgical 
skill, but also of commercial intercourse.” * 

Again, in another passage: “Unless the ancients had some source of 
tin with which we are unacquainted, it seems to be well established, and is 
indeed admitted even by Sir Cornewall Lewis, that the Phoenician tin was 
mainly derived from Cornwall, and consequently that, even at this early 
period, a considerable commerce had been organized, and very distant 
countries brought into connection with one another. Sir ©. Lewis, 
however, considers that the tin was ‘carried across Gaul to Massilia, and 
imported thence into Greece and Italy.’ Doubtless much of it did in late 
times come by this route, but the Phoenicians were in the plenitude of 
their power 1200 years B.c., while Massilia was not built until 600 B.c. 
Moreover Strabo expressly says that in early times the Phoenicians 
carried on the tin trade from Cadiz, which we must remember was nearer 
to Cornwall than to Tyre or Sidon. We are, therefore, surely quite 





10 See my Mycenae, p. 306, No. 463. 3 Pre-historic Times, p. 47. 

1 Mémoires sur  Antiquité ; Paris, 1879. 4 Mr. Philip Smith observes to me “that the 

* Tin is said to have been anciently obtained account of the overland traffic between Britain 
in Pannonia, near the modern Temesvar, but I and the Greek cities of Southern Gaul, given by 
do not know whether the mines were extensive. Diodorus and Strabo, refers clearly to the time 
See Howorth, Stockholm Pre-historic Congress, οἵ those writers, and we have no evidence of 
Ρ. 533. its high antiquity.” 


480 


justified in concluding that between 8.0. 1500 and 8.0. 1200 the Phoeni- 
cians were already acquainted with the mineral fields of Spain and Britain, 
Under these circumstances, it is, I think, more than probable that they 
pushed their explorations still farther, in search of other shores as rich in 
mineral wealth as ours. Indeed, we must remember that amber, so much 
valued in ancient times, could not have been obtained from any nearer 
source than the coast of the German Ocean.” 

I may add that the general use of tin in remote antiquity could not 
be better proved than by its frequent mention in the Homeric poems, as 
well as in the Old Testament. That its mixture with copper was also 
known at a very remote age, could not be better shown than by the 
weapons of bronze found even in the third, the burnt city of Hissarlik, 
But in the classics the fact of its being a mixture of tin and copper is 
seldom mentioned. Polyaenus informs us that Perdiccas being short of 
silver coins had a coin made of tin mixed with copper.® Aristotle 
mentions that the copper of the Mossynoeci was said to be very brilliant 
and very white, not because tin was mixed with it, but because a sort 
of earth was added to it and calcined with it. It was said that the 
inventor of this alloy did not teach it to any one: for that reason the 
first works of copper made in that country were superior; those which 
succeeded were not so good. 

Copper (probably bronze) was highly prized in remote antiquity, and 
constituted, next to gold, or perhaps even more than gold, the principal 
form of wealth. Thus we see in the Iliad Ulysses offering to Achilles on 
the part of Agamemnon, in order to appease his anger, to fill his ship 
after the capture of Troy with all the gold and bronze it could carry.® 
But Achilles refuses, saying that he will take with him gold and red 
bronze, as well as women and grey iron, which fell to his lot.?. According 
to Lucretius,’ bronze was in remote antiquity valued even more highly 
than gold or silver. 

Rossignol ° is of opinion me “to consecrate the remembrance of the 
services which the primitive copper had rendered, and the high value 
which men had attached to it, religion affected at a later time to use it, as 


THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


Macrobius says.1° A law of Numa ordered the priests to cut their hair 
”1 Rossignol 2 also explains the 


with scissors of copper, and not of iron. 
” from brunus aes. 


etymology of the word “ bronze 


5 iv. 10.2: Περδίκκας, Χαλκιδεῦσι πολεμῶν 
ἀργυροῦ νομίσματος ἀπορούμενος χαλκόκρατον 
κασσίτερον ἐχάραξε, καὶ οὕτως ἦν μισθοφορὰ 
τοῖς στρατιώταις. 

811, τ τς ΠΣ 200% 

νῆα ἅλις χρυσοῦ καὶ χαλκοῦ νηήσασθαι 

εἰσελθών, ὅτε κεν δατεώμεθα ληΐδ᾽ ᾿Αχαιοί. 

7 Il. ix. 365-367 : 

ἄλλον δ᾽ ἐνθένδε χρυσὸν καὶ χαλκὸν ἐρυθρόν 

ἠδὲ γυναῖκας ἐὐζώνους πολιόν τε σίδηρον 

ἄξομαι, ἅσσ᾽ ἔλαχόν γε. 

8 Vv. 1268-1273: 

“‘Nec minus argento facere haec auroque para- 
bant, 

Quam validi primum violentis viribus aeris : 

Nequicquam, quoniam cedebat victa potestas, 


Nec poterant pariter durum sufferre laborem ; 
Nam fuit in pretio magis aes, aurumque jacebat 
Propter inutilitatem, hebeti mucrone retusum.” 

9. Les Métaux dans I Antiquité, p. 219. 

10 Saturn. v. 19. 11: “Omnino autem ad rem 
divinam pleraque aenea adhiberi solita, multa 
indicio sunt.” Professor Sayce suggests to me 
that aenea must mean here “bronze,” not 
“ copper.” 

1 Lydus, de Mens. i. 31: Kal τοῦτο δὲ πρὸς 
τοῦ Νουμᾶ διατέθειται, ὥστε τοὺς ἱερεῖς χαλκαῖς 
ψαλίσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ σιδηραῖς ἀποκείρεσθαι. Here 
no doubt, also, bronze is meant. 

2 Opvcitmpaes 1. : 

3 « Brunus, fuscus color, subniger, nigricans. 
Gall. Brun, Ital. Bruno, Germ. Braun... Sic 

7 


Cuap. VIL] ; ANCIENT METALLURGY. 481 


Francois Lenormant‘ is of opinion that “the Aryan tribes which 
peopled Greece and Asia Minor seem to have had almost no knowledge of 
metals at the time of their arrival. We have the proof of this in their 
language, in which the names of the metals are not those found among 
the other peoples of the same race and which all have in common ; 
in fact, their names for metals have for the most part been borrowed 
from foreign sources. So χρυσός, ‘ gold, is the Semitic hharouts, and 
was manifestly imported by the Phoenicians. The name even of the 
mine and of metal in general (μέταλλον) is the Semitic matal. No 
satisfactory Aryan etymology can be found for χαλκός, ‘ bronze,’ while 
this word has a quite natural relation—and this is a fact accepted by 
philologists as strict as M. Renan—with the Semitic root hhalaq, indi- 
eating ‘metal worked by the hammer.’ ‘The origin of the name χαλκός 
would thus appear to indicate the source whence the Graeco-Pelasgic 
peoples received a knowledge of the real alloy of bronze, after a first 
age of pure copper and a certain number of attempts to find the 
proportion of tin which was to be mixed with it,—attempts which must 
have resulted from the desire to imitate more perfect models of metal- 
lurgy, which had probably been brought from another quarter. I may 
add that the very fact, that there was tin to alloy with copper in more 
or less suitable proportions, proves that the people whose vestiges we 
are studying had a foreign commerce. ‘Tin is one of the metals which 
are the least generally diffused in nature. At Hissarlik, the two nearest 
points from which its ore could be imported were the Caucasus and 
Crete, where deposits are found in the mountains of Sphakia. I am 
inclined to think that it was brought from Crete, this being the nearest 
point. For the rest, it is certain that from the remotest antiquity there 
was a certain maritime intercourse, by means of a coasting trade still in 
its infancy, from isle to isle, and from cape to cape, between the popula- 
tions whose civilization was on the same level, and which extended at 
that time from Cyprus to the Troad.” 

But, besides the alloy with tin, the ancients had still another way of 
hardening their copper, namely, by tempering it in water. We find this 
method mentioned by Homer: “As the coppersmith dips into cold water 
the great axe or the hatchet, which violently hisses, tempering it (for this 
gives new strength to iron itself).” ° 

In the same way Virgil represents the Cyclopes plunging the hissing 


copper into water :— 
“, .. Alii stridentia tinguunt 
Aera lacu.” 5 


Pausanias, also, in speaking of the fountain of Pirene at Corinth, 


forte dictus a prunorum colore, ut censet Octa- 4 Les Antiquites de la Troade, p. 11. 

vius Ferrarius, vel quod Bruniae, seu loricae, 5 Od, ix. 391-393 : 

colorem referat; unde nostri Bronze pro aere, ὡς δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἀνὴρ χαλκεὺς πέλεκυν μέγαν ἢὲ 
ex quo Bruneae et statuae conficuntur, a cujus okémapvov 

colore subfusco, Bronzer dicimus, Itali Adbron- εἰν ὕδατι ψυχρῷ βάπτῃ μεγάλα ἰάχοντα 

zare, fusco colore illinire, depingere.” (Glossarium φαρμάσσων: τὸ γὰρ αὖτε σιδήρου γε κράτους 
mediae et infimae latinitatis conditum a Domino ἐστίν" 

Du Cange : Parisiis, 1840, t. i. p. 788.) 6 Aen, viii. 450; Georg. iv. 172. 


ΠΣ 


482. THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. ὙΠ, 


says that bronze was dipped into it while it was still ignited and burning.’ 
Rossignol* quotes Pollux, “who confirms the passage of Pausanias by 
a remarkable example. Noticing the use of Baus instead of βαφή, 
Antiphon, he observes, speaks of the tempering (Gawuis) of copper and 
iron.-* 

I have further to mention the 7 large double-edged bronze daggers of 
the Treasure, of which I represent one under No. 811, 11 in. in length and 
2°2in. broad at the broadest part. A second dagger, No. 812, which is 
1? in. broad, has had the point broken off, and is now only 9 in. long, but 
it appears to have been 11 in. long. A third dagger (not engraved) is 
8:0 in. long, and measures 1} in. across at the broadest part. A fourth, 
No. 813, has become completely curled up in the conflagration, but appears 
to have been above 11 in. long. Of the fifth, sixth, and seventh daggers 


No. 811. 




















Nos. 811-814. Trojan two-edged bronze Daggers, with hooked stems that have been fastened into wooden handles ; 
the Dagger No. 813-is curled up by the conflagration. No. 815. Six Battle-axes, Daggers, and Lance-heads 
molten together. Nos. 816, 817. Quadrangular bronze Bars, probably weapons, with a sharp edge at the end. 
(1: 5 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


I only discovered fragments, such as No. 814: these are from 4 to 53 in. 
long. But in the mass of lance-heads and battle-axes, No. 815, which 
have been fused together by the intense heat of the conflagration, 
another entire dagger is visible in the front of the engraving. All these 
daggers have handles from 2 to 2.8 in. long, the end of which is bent 
round at a right angle. These handles must at one time have been 





* 


7 71.3.3: Kal τὸν Κορίνθιον χαλκὸν διάπυρον 8 Les Métaux dans I Antiquité, p. 241. 
καὶ θερμὸν ὄντα ὑπὸ ὕδατος τούτου βάπτεσθαι 9. vii, 169: ᾿Αντιφῶν δὲ εἴρηκε Baw χαλκοῦ 
λέγουσιν. καὶ σιδήρου. 


Cuar. VIL] NO SWORDS FOUND AT TROY. 483 


encased in wood; for, if the cases had been made of bone, they would 
have been still wholly or partially preserved. The handle was inserted 
into a piece of wood, so that the end projected half an inch beyond it, 
and this end was simply bent round. I can only represent these singular 
Trojan daggers to the reader, as similar ones have never yet been found 
elsewhere. 

Of common one-edged bronze knives, like No. 956 or No. 967 (pp. 505, 
507), I only found one in the Treasure. 

I also thought at first that I had found in the Treasure a fragment of 
a bronze sword; but, as visitors to the South Kensington Museum may 
see in my collection, the object referred to is no sword, but merely a very 
thin bronze saw: the fragment is nearly 9 in. long and 2 in. broad. Τῇ 
swords had been in use at all, I should probably have found some of them 
in this Treasure, among so many other weapons ; or at least I should have 
found them elsewhere in this third city, which was destroyed so suddenly 
and unexpectedly by a fearful catastrophe, that the inhabitants had not the 
time even to save their treasures, of which ten were left for me to discover. 
Eyen with the skeletons of men, apparently warriors, I found only lances; 
never even so much as the trace of a sword. Neither did I find a trace of 
a sword even in the ruins of the two upper pre-historic cities. Moreover, 
had swords been in use, I should probably have found the moulds in 
which they were cast; but among the 90 moulds or thereabouts, which 
I collected, and which have forms for all the weapons I discovered, as 
well as for others which I did not find, there is not one for a sword. This 
absence of swords is the more astonishing to me, as I found hundreds 
of bronze swords in the royal tombs of Mycenae. Their non-existence 
at Hissarlik, even in the latest of its pre-historic cities, is the clearest - 
proof of the very high antiquity of these ruins, and of the great distance 
of time which separates them from Homer, with whom swords are in 
common use. But if from the absence of this weapon, seemingly so 
indispensable, we might be forced to infer a low state of barbarism at 
Troy, our minds are bewildered when we look at the Trojan gold 
ornaments, which in artistic execution come fully up to those contained 
in the Mycenean treasures; and we are still more bewildered when we 
consider the Trojan inscriptions, since written characters were altogether 
unknown at Mycenae. I may here add that no swords have ever been 
found in the ancient British tumuli of the Bronze period. 

But I return to the description of the Trojan Treasure, from which 
I also took out the four-cornered bronze bar No. 816, 
which ends in an edge; it is 15 in. long, and may 
have served as a weapon. The bronze bar No. 817, 
which likewise ends in a sharp edge, was found 
elsewhere in the burnt city. i a 

Perhaps the most curious object I found in the Ἀν peloneetine 
Treasure is the copper (or bronze ?) key No. 818, ta actual eee pene ee 
which is 4:2 in. long, and has a head 2 in. in 
length and breadth; it greatly resembles a large key of an iron safe. 
Curiously enough, this key has had a wooden handle; there can be no 





484 THE THIRD) ΤῊΝ BURNT ΟἸΤΥ. [Cuar. VIL, 


doubt of this, from the fact that the end of the stalk of the key is bent 
round at a right angle, as in the case of the daggers. We read in Homer 
of a bronze key (κληΐς), with a handle encased in ivory, in the hand of 
Penelope; but that was not like the key before us, because it was in the 
form of our pick-locks, having, instead of the head, a crooked hook.’® With 
this key—by means of a hole into which it was stuck—the bar (or bolt) of 
the door was pushed back.’ On the other hand, in the Jlad the κληΐς 
is merely the bolt or bar which fastens two folding doors.? Of such a 
κληΐς I found four specimens in the third, the burnt city; two of them, 
which have been already engraved in the Introduction,’ I picked up 
at the gate itself, the larger one between the two first projections of 
masonry in coming up from the plain, the other between the two next 






















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 820. Large Silver Vase found in the Royal House. 
(About 1:3 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 





No. 819. Trojan Key in form of a Bolt. 
(Actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


PEO xxi o lve of the ancient Egyptian keys was similar to this. 
εἵλετο δὲ KANO εὐκαμπέα χειρὶ παχείῃ; (See Wilkinson’s Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 354, 
καλὴν χαλκείην " κώπη δ᾽ ἐλέφαντος ἐπῆεν. No. 123, new edit.)” 

1 Od. xxi. 47, 48: 2 σιν ΡΠ 16s | f 
ἐν δὲ κληΐδ᾽ ἧκε, θυρέων δ᾽ ἀνέκοπτεν ὀχῆας : πυκινὰς δὲ θύρας σταθμοῖσιν ἐπῆρσεν 
ἄντα τιτυσκομένη. κληΐδι κρυπτῇ " τὴν δ᾽ οὐ θεὸς ἄλλος ἀνῷγεν. 
Mr. Philip Smith observes to me that “the form 3 See Nos. 11 and 12, p. 36. 


ἵ 


Cuar. VIL] THE THREE SMALLER TREASURES. 485 


projections. Of this latter κληΐς a piece is broken off. A third bronze 
(or copper ?) κληΐς, found in a house of the third, the burnt city, at a 
depth of 28 ft., is represented under No. 819. Both these KAnioes are 
of quadrangular shape; at one end thick and gradually tapering towards 
the other. 

Of objects found in the Treasure, and not represented here, I may 
mention a copper vase 5$in. high and 4: in. in diameter. 

No. 820 is another silver vase found in the royal house. 

IT now come to the three smaller treasures, found at the end of March 
1873, at a depth of 30 ft. on the east side of the royal house and very 
close to it, by two of my workmen, one of whom lives at Yeni Shehr, 
the other at Kalifath. One of them was found in the owl-headed vase 
No. 232, which was closed by the pointed foot of another vase; the two 
other little treasures were found, together with the battle-axe No. 828, 
close by. But as the statements of the labourers differ as to the particular 
objects contained in each treasure, I can only describe them here conjointly. 
The two workmen had stolen and divided the three treasures between them- 
selves, and probably I should never have had any knowledge of it, had it 
not been for the lucky circumstance that the wife of the workman of Yeni 
Shehr, who had got as his share of the plunder all the articles Nos. 822— 
833, besides two more pendants like Nos. 832 and 833, had the boldness to 
parade one Sunday with the ear-rings and pendants Nos. 822 and 823. 
This excited the envy of her companions; she was denounced to the 
Turkish authorities of Koum Kaleh, who put her and Ποὺ husband in 
prison ; and, having been threatened that her husband would be hanged if 
they did not give up the jewels, she betrayed the hiding- place, and thus 
this part of the treasure was at once recovered and is now exhibited in 
the Imperial Museum of Constantinople. The pair also denounced their 
accomplice at Kalifatli, but here the authorities came too late, because he 
had already had his part of the spoil melted down by a goldsmith in 
Ren Kioi, who, at his desire, had made of it a very large, broad, and 
heavy Pace, with clumsy flowery ornaments in the Turkish ΓΕ ΤΑ 
Thus this part of the treasure is for ever lost to science. I can, therefore, 
represent here only that part which was taken by the Yeni Shehr ie 
because it exists, and everybody can see it in the Constantinople Museum. 
As both thieves declared separately on oath before the authorities of 
Koum Kaleh that the owl-vase No. 232, with part of the gold, was found 
by them immediately to the west of the well (marked az on Plan I. of 
Troy), and that the two other treasures were found close by, and indicated 
the exact spot of the discovery, there can be no doubt as to its accuracy. 

No. 821 is a bar of electrum, 64 in. long, weighing 87-20 grammes. 

Each of the ear- rings, Nos. 822 and 823, consists of 23 gold wires, 
which are soldered ἜΣ and bent round in the form of a basket ; the 
middle wire, which is beaten flat and is as broad as three of the τ 
Wires, 1s ornamented with horizontal incisions; the wire baskets are 
decorated with four horizontal plates ornamented with vertical incisions ; 
to the middle of the upper part of the baskets are soldered the ear-rings, 
which are flat at the top and decorated with incised vertical and hori- 


486 THE ‘THIRD ΗΠ BURN ΤΕΥ: [Cuar. VII. ' 


zontal strokes. To the lower part of the baskets is soldered a gold plate 
decorated with linear patterns; and to this latter are soldered 6 rings, 
from which are suspended as many long chains ornamented with leaves 


No. 822, 










































i No; 821. 
Bar of 
Electrum. 


grammes. 
(3:5 actual : 

size. Nos. 822-828. Two Gold Ear-rings, with long pendants; Gold Beads; a large lump of melted Gold, 
Depth, 30 ft.) with traces of Charcoal in it, and a bronze Battle-axe. (Nearly 3:5 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 





of lancet form, in precisely the same way as those of the πλεκτὴ ἀναδέσμη, 
No. 687, with the sole difference that the leaves are here larger. A large 
double leaf of lancet form is suspended at the end of each chain. The 
length of each of these ear-rings with the pendants is 10 in. 


ὕπαρ. VIL] OBJECTS IN THE THREE TREASURES. 487 


The necklace No. 824 consists of 70 quadrangular gold beads. The 
large gold beads, Nos. 825 and 826, are in the form of whorls. No. 827 is 
a lump of melted gold weighing 97°30 grammes, or a little less than 3 oz. 
troy. Several pieces of charcoal are visible in it: a large one is seen in front. 
No. 828 is a bronze battle-axe, similar to those we have passed in review.‘ 
The thieves asserted that they had found the battle-axe together with one 
of the treasures. No. 829 is a gold bracelet, 3 in. in diameter ; it is merely 
bent together. At the place where the two ends join is a soldered plate 
of oval form, decorated with incised linear patterns. Nos. 830 and 831 
are two ear-rings in the form of serpents; they are hollow, and have been 
punched out of thin plates of gold and soldered. On the thick end was 
soldered a thick quadrangular bead, and on it a grain of gold in the form 
of a button. On the upper and lower parts three rows of small holes were 
punched, into which were soldered small grains of gold; to the thinner 
end of the serpents was soldered the ear-ring proper. Nos. 832 and 833 


No. 832, No, 833. 





No. 829. Bracelet of Gold, with an ornamented 
oval plate, (3:4 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) 


No. 831. 





Nos. 830, 831. Gold Ear-rings, in the form of serpents. Nos. 832, 833. Pendants of Gold. (3:4 actual 
(3:4 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) size. Depth, 30 ft, 


are gold pendants, consisting alternately of leaves and chains made in 
the same manner as those of Nos. 685 and 686, which we have explained 
above (pp. 455, 456). At the end of each is suspended a figure similar 
in shape to those of No. 687 (p. 457). As already stated, there are four 
of these pendants or hangings. 

Both thieves concur in their statement that the other part of the 
treasures, which was melted down, contained, amongst other jewels, a pair 





4 See Nos. 806-809. 


488 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 


of golden ear-rings with long pendants, like Nos. 822 and 823, and a very 
large round plate of gold with most curious signs engraved on it. The 
loss of this latter object grieves me more than anything else. 

Of gold ear-rings of an identical shape with those figured under Nog, 
830 and 821, I found one at a depth of 30 ft. in a large bundle of 25 silver 
bracelets, which were cemented together by the chloride of silver: this 
bundle contained also 4 or 5 ear-rings of electrum, in form like Nos, 
752 to 764. 

The pretty golden hair or breast pins, Nos. 834 and 849 (p. 489)" were 
found by me in my north-western trench, at a depth of from 46 to 48 ft., 
exactly 16 ft. below the 
great Hellenic wall attri- 
buted to Lysimachus. The 
stratum of the third, the 
burnt city reaches at this 
point much deeper than 
usual, and the two brooches 
certainly belong to it. 
No. 834 is 3 in. long and 
very massive, consisting, 
according to Mr. Carlo 
Giuliano, of gold 23 carats 
fine. Itis ornamented with 
a quadrangular plate of 
gold, 1} τη. long and 0°7 in. 
broad, the lower side of 
which is soldered on a 
band of gold, which has 

been turned at both ends 
Nos. 834, See aheic acct ἧι actual size. into spirals with 7 wind- 
ings. On the top has been 
soldered another flat gold band, on which again are soldered 6 vases of 
solid gold, each with 2 handles, placed in such a way that each vase 
is turned with one handle towards the front; the covers of these vases 
are circular. The surface of the plate is divided by five vertical flat 
bands, soldered on it, into four vertical fields, each of which is filled up 
with a spiral ornament made of thin gold wire and soldered on. These 
ornaments are identical with those found by me in the third royal tomb 
at Mycenae;° but to enhance the beauty of this ornamentation the 
Trojan goldsmith, or whosoever may have been the maker of this brooch, 
has taken care to represent the spirals in two columns with their heads 
upwards, and in two others head downwards. The 6 little gold vases 
have exactly the shape of the terra-cotta vase No. 261, if we suppose 
its three feet removed. 


I found the other gold brooch, No. 849, hardly 1 ft. distant from 





5 Tam obliged occasionally to refer the reader to other pages on account of the grouping of the 
cuts according to the taste of the engrayer. 6 See my Mycenae, p. 196, Nos. 295, 296. 


Onar. VIL] ORNAMENTS OF GOLD. 489 


No. 834; it is somewhat longer, but lighter and simpler. Its upper 
end is ornamented with a solid gold ball, both below and above which is 
a spiral decoration, precisely like a Mycenean ornament,’ with the sole 
difference that here each spiral has only four turns. The top ends in 


No. 838. 











Nos, 836-850. Gold Ornaments: Beads for Necklaces, Ear-rings, Ear-rings with pendants, Hair-rings, and Brooches. 
(About 3:4 actual size. Depth, about 26 to 23 ft.) 


an object which has a large flat cover, and looks much like a screw; but 
on closer examination we find that it is merely ornamented all round 
with six horizontal parallel incisions. 





7 See my Mycenae, p. 196, No. 295. 


490 THE .THIRD,. THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. ᾿ 


Another treasure was found by me on the 21st October, 1878, αὖ ἃ 
depth of 26 ft. 5in., in the presence of seven officers of H.M.S. Monarch, 
to the north-east of the royal house (an the place marked r on Plan I.), in 
a chamber of the buildings which may have been its dependencies. It was 
in a broken wheel-made vessel of terra-cotta, containing a good deal of 
powder, chiefly snow-white, but here and there bluish, which lay in an 
oblique position, about 3 ft. above the floor, and must have fallen from an 
upper storey. The jewels consisted of 20 gold ear-rings, of which 16 
are precisely similar to those found in the large treasure, which are repre- 
sented under Nos. 694 and 695. ‘The other 4 ear-rings, of which No. 840 
is one, are similar in form to those given under Nos. 830 and 891, 
There were also 4 very pretty gold ornaments, of which I represent 
3 under Nos. 836, 838, 853. Precisely similar gold ornaments were found 
by me in the third royal sepulchre at Mycenae.* They must have been 
used for necklaces, as they have in the middle a long tubular hole. They 
were made in the following manner :—To each end of a small gold tube 
were soldered two thin gold wires, which were on either side turned five 
times round, and the spirals thus formed were soldered together, the 
outside twist of each being also soldered to the tube. Of the lke pattern 
is the gold hairpin No. 848, from the top of which runs out on either side 
a gold wire, forming spirals with 4 turns. Of a similar pattern is 
another gold hairpin, No. 850, the top of which is ornamented with a 
solid gold ball, and with spirals on both sides: on the ball is soldered 
a piece of round gold wire, covered with a round plate, so that the object 
resembles a bottle. 

There was also found a very large quantity of gold beads of the various 
shapes represented under Nos. 851 and 854-858, as well as of those 





Nos. 851-853. Objects of Gold and Cornelian for necklaces. 
(About 3:4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 28 ft.) 


found in the large Treasure and represented under Nos. 708-738 (p. 460). 
The shape of the buttons on the necklace No. 858, of which Nos. 859 
and 860 are two separate specimens, were found here for the first time. 
They are made of gold plate, hammered out in the shape of a boss, and 





8. See my Mycenac, p. 196, Nos, 297, 299. 


Cuar. VIL] ANOTHER TREASURE DISCOVERED. 491 


in the centre of the hollow an ear is soldered; the row of dots is of 
punched work, ΤῸ this treasure belonged also the bracelets of electrum, 


‘SON, 


(Ἢ 85 03 9% γπΠ0α8 ‘qydeq 9Ζ18 ΤΌΏ10Ὁ 7: 8) ‘saovTyoou Joy 89 deqs 5πομῦλ Jo eptag PIOD κο ες: 
Ἔς8 ὋΝ 





Nos. 861 and 802, The former is composed of three turns; it is 0°16 in. 
thick, and so small that it could only fit a child's arm. To this bracelet 


492 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


one of the gold ear-rings had been fused in the great conflagration, ag 
well as a large number of the gold beads, and parts of a necklace of 


No. 862. 





Nos. 861, 862. Two Bracelets of Electrum, to one of which a large number of silver rings and gold beads, also a gold 
ear-ring, were fused in the conflagration, and have been firmly attached together by the cementing agency of 
the chloride of silver. (3:4 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


small silver rings, which are also cemented together by the chloride of 
silver; all these objects form, as it were, one solid mass with the bracelet. 

The little treasure further contained 11 silver ear-rings of the same 
form as Nos. 694, 695 (p. 460), and 754-764 (p. 462), except one which 
resembles a pair of tongs. This latter is attached by the chloride of silver 
to another silver ear-ring, and to two gold beads. Of the other silver ear- 
rings also, four are cemented together by the chloride in one packet, and 
three in another. There are, besides, 20 parts of necklaces, like Nos. 863 


No. 863. 





No. 865. A Hairpin of Electrum. - 
(Actual size.) 





Nos. 863, 864. Parts of Necklaces, consisting of innumerable silver rings 
cemented together by the chloride of silver and strung on sticks of ivory. 
(3:4 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


and 864, consisting of innumerable silver rings, each 0°28 in. in diameter, 
which are stuck together by the cementing action of the chloride. They 
are strung on pieces of a substance which I believe to be ivory, and 





Cuap. VII] TWO MORE SMALL TREASURES, 493 


my lamented friend Dr. Edward Moss (in 1878 of H.M.S. Research) fully 
confirmed this. All the parts of necklaces form curves, and seem to have 
retained the shape they had when in use. In one instance two of these 
parts of necklaces are cemented together by means of a silver ear-ring. 
I further counted 158 similar silver rings, either single or joined by the 
chloride. In a like manner there were also many parts of necklaces 
composed of silver beads, cemented together by the chloride, to which are 
attached numerous gold beads. I further mention a cylindrical bar of 
electrum, 1-9th in. long, as well as a hairpin of the same metal, which I 
represent under No. 865: it has nearly the common form of the bronze 
brooches, being in the form of a nail with a globular head. 

To the west of the gate visitors see the longest wall of the house of 
the king or town-chief. It runs parallel with the great city wall (see 
Plan I., of Troy), and is 53 ft.4in. long and 4ft. 4in. high. Near the 
north-western extremity of this wall, and just 3 ft. above the ground,’ 
I found in a layer of grey ashes two more small treasures, both contained 
in broken hand-made terra-cotta vases, with a good deal of the same white 
powder which I noticed in the other treasure. Of these vases, the one lay 
in an oblique, the other in a horizontal position, from which circumstance 
I conclude that both had fallen in the catastrophe from an upper part 
of the house; the orifices of the two nearly touched each other. The 
vase which lay in a horizontal position contained 6 round and 4 oval 
beads of cornelian, like those under No. 852 (p. 490); a flat plain gold 
frontlet, having at each end three perforations for stringing them together ; 
43 large globular gold beads, like those under No. 856 (p. 491), and innu- 
merable small gold beads of various shapes; the gold bar No. 866, with 
18 perforations, apparently for suspending ornaments, probably chains 
with pendants ; a gold plate, ornamented with zigzag lines and crowns of 
tolerable intaglio-work, but, either by the action of the fire or by the 
hand of man, this plate has been folded together four or more times, 
and, as it is very thick, it is impossible to unfold it with the hand. 


No. 866. 












"ὦ ὦ @ OOS 


ἢ pa ee ΠΣ τ: πη 
(nil ἘΠ ΒΗ ERAT τ ριον 





No. 866. Object of Gold for suspending ornaments. 
Nos. 867-872. Six Lumps of Gold. 
(3:4 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 


There were also large and small lumps of gold, Nos. 867, 868, 869, 870, and 
871; also a very large one, No. 872, which seems to have been inten- 


7 At the point marked ¢ on Plan I. 


494 ΤῊΝ THIRD; ΠῚ BURNT UCITY, [Cuar. VEL q 


tionally melted into the shape of a bell: to this lump has been fused 
in the conflagration a good deal of silver, now turned into chloride. I 
have also to mention a nugget of silver, which latter has turned into 
chloride, to which are cemented ten gold beads of different forms; a 
long quadrangular gold wire, almost in the form of an ear-ring; 14 gold 
ear-rings of the common Trojan type, like Nos. 694, 695, 754-764; a 
gold ear-ring in the form of a serpent, like Nos. 840, 841 (p. 489); and a 
gold ear-ring in the shape of an inverted vase, to the mouth of which a 
gold wire with 21 windings is soldered (see No. 844). There was also a 
gold ear-ring with a plain pendant and two pointed ends, so that it could 
be put through the ear by either of them; further, a pretty gold ear- 
ring, in the shape of No. 847, formed of 14 gold wires, which had been 
bent over in the form of a basket and soldered together; the inner side 
had then been smoothed and polished. On one of the external sides it 
is ornamented with one row, on the other with two rows, of 5 rosettes, 
with one rosette at the top. To the lower part is soldered a small gold 
plate, ornamented with five triangles between two lines—all of intaglio- 
work; and below each triangle is a perforation: from each of these latter 
is suspended a gold chain, covered with 16 gold double leaves orna- 
mented with dots, and at the end of each chain hangs a gold ornament, 
much hke a Trojan idol, but terminating in four leaves decorated with 
dots. ‘This and all the other articles of gold and silver I can unfortunately 
only show as they are; for, except the spirals and rosettes, which occur 
frequently in Mycenae, and also abundantly in Assyria and Babylonia, 
nothing like these Trojan gold articles has been ever found elsewhere. 
Professor Sayce thinks the ornamentation with rosettes to have been 
invented in Babylonia, to have passed into the handiwork of the Phoeni- 
cians, and to have been brought by them to the West.® 

I further mention an ear-ring of electrum, ornamented with a little 
crown, in which is fixed a pendant, apparently of silver, for it is much 
destroyed by the chloride; to this latter object have been cemented a 
silver ear-ring and innumerable silver beads: also a pendant of electrum, 
to which are attached numerous gold and silver beads: also about ten 
silver ear-rings, all cemented together by the chloride, and covered with 
gold beads, which likewise stick firmly to them; these ear-rings have the 
usual Trojan shape (see Nos. 694, 695, 754-764): also a gold dise with 
18 incisions. Close to the two vases with the jewels there lay embedded 
in the ashes a bronze battle-axe, 9: in. long, of the common Trojan shape 
(see Nos. 806-809 and 828), and two of those strange weapons repre- 
sented by Nos. 816 and 817 (p. 482). 

Only 3 ft. from this discovery, but on the house-wall itself, and at a 
depth of 26 ft. below the surface, there was found another and larger 
treasure of bronze weapons and gold jewels :° these latter again more or less 
embedded in the same sort of white powder. The weapons consisted of two 
lance-heads, like Nos. 803 and 804, a knife like No. 964 (p. 506), and two 
small weapons like Nos. 816 and 817—all fused together in the conflagra- 


8 Contemporary Review, December 1878. 
9. The place where this treasure was found is marked 5. on Plan I. 


Cuar, VIL] ANOTHER LARGER TREASURE. 495 


tion; further, a battle-axe, like those previously described ; also a broken 
copper vessel, with many gold beads cemented to the oxide on its surface. 
It contained the two heavy gold bracelets Nos. 873 and 874, each of which 
weighs nearly as much as 18 sovereigns, and is, according to Mr. Giuliano, 
of the fineness of 25 carats. They are almost an inch broad, and consist of 
a thick gold plate, which on No. 873 is piped with gold wire, on No, 874 








Nos. 873, 874. Gold Bracelets, found on the wall of the Royal House. (7:8 actual size, Depth, 26 ft.) 


with silver wire. The outside of the former is divided by four vertical rows 
of three rosettes in each, into four nearly equal fields, which are filled up 
by two rows of the spiral ornamentation which we see on the Mycenean 
jewels ; 10 and, to enhance the beauty of the bracelets, the primitive artist 
has taken care to represent the ornament in one row with the head up- 
wards, and in the other with the head downwards. The one row contains 
8, the other 9, of such spiral ornaments ; there is, besides, a vertical row of 
four of them, and thus all round the bracelet there are 72 such ornaments, 
made of gold wire and soldered on the plate. The ornamentation of the 
other bracelet, No. 874, is almost identical with this, the only difference 
being that, instead of rosettes, the vertical columns are filled with beads. 
These vertical columns, of which 5 are to the right of the spectator, 4 to 
the left, and another 4 on the other side, are bordered by vertical gold 
wires soldered to the plate of the bracelet. In each central column there 
is a border of double wires. Each of these vertical columns has 8 rings, 
except one which has only 7; thus they contain 103 rings altogether. 
The number of spiral ornaments is 54, there being 18 in each field. I may 
also mention large lumps of melted gold, one of which is similar to the 
gold nuggets found in mines; also a lump of gold, evidently cut from a 
bar, similar to Nos. 869 and 870. 

Together with these objects was found the lower half of one of those 
large Trojan goblets of terra-cotta with two handles (δέπα ἀμφικύπελλα), 


10 See my Mycenae, p. 196, No. 295. 


496 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII, 


from which 16 bars of gold protruded, each being 4°33 in. long, and 
having from 52 to 60 horizontal incisions. 


I represent here under Nos. 875-877 three of these gold bars, 1 









SS SSS ————S——— 


PAN ABM AHA A a ae 






Has ane 









SE a ae a ΞΡ τος 








13 {1331 EEE EEE EEE 















Ἔ) 571 





Nos. 875-877. Three Bars of Gold, with 52 to 60 horizontal incisions. (About 7:8 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


again ask, if the 6 blades of pure silver (Nos. 787-792) are not Homeric 
talents, have we to recognize the latter in these 16 gold bars? Professor 
Roberts, of the Royal Mint, who kindly analysed a portion of one of 
them, writes to me the following note on the subject :— 

“A very small portion cut from the end of one of the gold rods was 
scraped clean and submitted to analysis, the weight of metal examined 
being 2°536 grains. It was found to contain 65°10 per cent. of gold and 
33°42 per cent. of silver, together with minute traces of lead, copper, and 
iron, but the amount of these metals collectively does not exceed 1:5 per 
cent. The alloy of which the talent is composed is, therefore, electrum.” 

Having pulled these 16 bars out of the goblet, I found below them two 
pairs of very heavy gold ear-rings, of which I have represented one pair 
under Nos. 842 and 843 (p. 489). Hach of them is made of 40 gold wires, 
soldered together, beaten round, and cut out in the upper part, so as to 
have the shape of a crown, in the middle of which was soldered the hook or 
ear-ring proper, at first flat and ornamented with vertical incisions, and 
tapering gradually to the point. On the inner side the wires were polished 
toa smooth surface ; on the outer side of each ear-ring basket were soldered 
four rows of 7 rosettes, making in all 28 rosettes on each, except on one 
of them, which has only 27. To render the ear-rings more solid, a gold 
wire, which may be easily discerned in places where it is detached, was 
soldered all round the edges. To the lower part of each basket were 
soldered two gold plates: on that in front we see, between an upper 
border of two flat gold stripes and a lower one of a very narrow stripe, a 
row of 18 beads soldered into grooves; the other gold plate is not orna- 
mented, as it was on the side of the head. To each of these plates are 
fastened 8 rings, made of double gold wire, so that, as there are 16 rings, 
we may with all probability suppose that to each of these ear-rings were 
suspended 16 chains, which must, however, have been strung on thread, 
because they have disappeared; but the many hundreds of gold beads 
which have remained are silent witnesses to their splendour. The beads 
are either quadrangular and ornamented with incisions, like those shown 
at No. 855, or of round or oval form, like No. 857 or No. 721; or they 
consist of long and very thin rings, like Nos. 894-897. 

I represent the other pair of ear-rings under Nos. 881 and 882. 
Both were made of gold plate, to either side of which were soldered 18 
gold wires; then the whole was turned round into the form of a basket, 
the hook or ear-ring proper being soldered on the top in the middle, and 


¥ 


Cuap. VIL] GOLD EAR-RINGS AND OTHER JEWELS. 497 


decorated at its lower end with 20 beads soldered into grooves. Each 
side of both ear-rings was then decorated with 5 rows of 25 beads, soldered 


878 879 880 





Nos. 878-900. Three Rings for fastening and ornamenting the.tresses or locks of hair, four richly ornamented 
Ear-rings, and Beads for pendants and necklaces—all of guld. (3:4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 33 ft.) 


into grooves, between 6 borders of double horizontal wires: thus there 
were in all, on both sides of each ear-ring, 270 beads. Very simple 
linear patterns are incised on both sides of the plate in the middle, 
as well as on the plate soldered below: in this latter there are 5 holes 
for suspending ornaments. M. Alessandro Castellani thinks that “the 
primitive goldsmiths imitated the types of the Diademiae, the pseudo- 
Diademiae, and the family of Echinae, covered as these aquatic creatures 
are with a variety of lines and raised points. It is natural that artistic 
decoration should derive its elements from surrounding nature.” 1] 

Mr. Giuliano estimates the fineness of these two pairs of ear-rings to 
be 23 carats. But the gold beads are of different degrees of fineness ; 
Mr. Giuliano considers some to be 20, others 18 or only 16 carats fine. 
This agrees with the analysis made by Prof. Roberts, who writes to me: 
“0°0910 gramme of gold beads were found by assay to contain 67:91 per 
cent. of gold. <A single bead, weighing 0:0920 gramme, of richer colour 
than the rest, contained 75:8 per cent. of gold. The standard of these 
beads varies, therefore, from 16 to 18 carats. In all the beads submitted 
to me the colour of the surface of the metal appears to have been brought 
out by artificial means, and it may be well to remember that the Japanese, 








" Alessandro Castellani, at the German Archeological Institute in Rome, Jan. 3, 1879. 


2 -- 


498 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL, 


who employ an interesting series of gold alloys, use plum-juice vinegar 
for this purpose.” : τᾷ 

There were further found in this treasure 9 simpler gold ear-rings, 
one of which, No. 837 (p. 489), is ornamented with four rows of two 
spirals in each, resembling those on the second Mycenean tombstone, 
Another, No, 879 (p. 497), has a pendant in the shape of a bell-clapper. 
Three others have the usual Trojan form of Nos. 694, 695, and 754-764, 
The remaining four, of which I represent two under Nos. 878 and 880, are 
merely spirals with two twists, and, on closer inspection, I find both 
extremities of them far too thick to be put into the lobe of the ear, 
They must, therefore, have been used for holding together the locks of 
the hair, and they may, in my opinion, perfectly explain the passage in 
Homer: ‘“ Dabbled with blood were his locks, which might vie with the 
Graces, and the braids twined with gold and silver.”? I suppose the 
curious ring No. 879, which has no point, could also not have been any- 
thing else but an ornament of the hair. 

I further collected from the Treasure two gold bars like No. 866, the 
one with 18, the other with 20 perforations for suspending ornaments; 
also 45 gold buttons of a semi-globular form, like those marked Nos. 858, 
859, 860, with an ear in the hollow and a border decorated with 25 dots 
of punched work; also a small plain hairpin, ike No. 865, but with an 
octagonal head. 

I have still to mention another smaller discovery of gold, made by 
me in November 1878, in my excavation on the north side of the hill, 
exactly at the north-east corner of the brick wall.* It consisted merely of 
a pair of heavy massive ear-rings, like No. 841, in the shape of a serpent 
decorated with three rows of beads soldered into grooves, a small object 
of silver with six perforations, and a silver plate of oval form measuring 
2.4 in. in its broadest part: its length cannot be well determined, as it 
has been folded in the fire and both ends are bent over, but it appears 
to have been about 5in. long. Together with these objects were found 
hundreds of gold beads, among which are many in the form of leaves, 
like No. 912, with tubular holes in the middle. Finally, I have to record 
the finding of the pretty gold hairpin, No. 835 (p. 488), which exhibits 
on each side a rosette with eleven flower-petals; but this round part with 
the two rosettes consists of two distinct gold discs with no punched work. 
They were made in the following way:—A small semi-globular gold 
plate was soldered in the centre, and around it a border of gold wire; 
then the leaves were formed of gold wire and soldered on symmetrically. 
When the two discs had been thus decorated, they were joined by a 
broad flat gold band, which projects slightly over both of them. Then 
this double dise was soldered on the long pin, the upper part of which is 
decorated with incisions. The pin was then stuck through a flat gold 
band, which was soldered on both sides of the double disc, and coiled at 
both ends into a spiral with three turns. The pin was further pierced 





1 See my Mycenae, p. 81, No. 140. 3 See Plan I. (of Troy) and Sectional Plan 
2 TI, xvii. 51, 52: IIL. w 

αἵματί of δεύοντο κόμαι χαρίτεσσιν ὅμοϊαι 

πλοχμοί θ᾽ οἱ χρυσῷ τε καὶ ἀργύρῳ ἐσφήκωντο. 


Cuar. VIL] TWO MORE SMALL TREASURES. 


499 


through a small gold disc, which we see soldered below the gold band. 
Lastly, a gold band was soldered on the top of the disc, and turned on 


either side into spirals of five turns. 


I have further to mention among the discoveries of 1878 the remark- 
able silver dagger, No. 901, which was discovered in the royal house at a 


depth of 28 ft. The good preservation of this object, its 
horizontal lines and its black colour, would lead any one 
to believe that it was of meteoric iron. But Professor 
Roberts of the Royal Mint, who scraped off a little of 
the thin black layer with which the dagger is covered 
and analysed it, proved it to be chloride of silver. I may 
also state that the metal below the black layer is per- 
fectly white; there can, therefore, be no doubt that 
Professor Roberts’s analysis is correct, and that we have 
here a silver and not an iron dagger. 

Mr. Gladstone thinks the silver dagger must have 
been a ceremonial weapon. It is 6 in. long, double-edged, 
and pretty sharp. Near the lower end of the blade are 
two openings, 0°53 in. long and 0°12 in. broad, which 
have probably been made only for the sake of ornament. 
The end of the long handle is bent round at a right 
angle, which proves that it has been cased in wood; 
it can hardly have been cased in ivory, as all the ivory 
I found in the burnt city is so well preserved. I have 
to add that this silver dagger has 
precisely the form of the daggers 
found in the large Treasure (see 
Nos. 811-814). We may probably 
recognize another ceremonial weapon 
in the gold arrow-head, No. 902, 
which was found on the plateau of 

the two large walls (the Tower). 
Cea οἱ Of precious metals, I also dis- 
τ ee aa covered two small treasures during 
size. Depth, 26 ft.) my excavations in 1879. The first 
of these was found in April, on the 
north side of the hill, about 66 ft. outside the brick 
city wall (see Plan 1., of Troy, the place marked na), 
at a depth of only 13 ft. below the surface; it lay on 
a fallen house-wall, and had probably dropped from an 
upper storey. As explained in the preceding pages, the 
stratum of the third, the burnt city does not always 
occur at the.same depth below the surface: within the 
precincts of the burnt city it is generally reached at a 
depth of 23 ft., but, for reasons before explained, it is 
also struck immediately below the foundations of the 








No. 901. Dagger of 

Silver, probably a cere- 

monial weapon. 
(Actual size. 
Depth, 28 ft.) 


Temple of Athené; and, on the north-east and east sides, outside the 
brick wall of the burnt city, it generally occurs at so small a depth as 





500 THE THIRD, THE ΘΕ CITY: [Cuap, ‘VII. 


12 ft. Visitors will have no difficulty in convincing themselves of this 
fact in my trenches. At all events, this appears to be confirmed by the 
shape of the gold ornaments contained in this small treasure, all of 
which are perfectly similar to those found in the treasures discovered 
near the royal house in the city proper, except the gold discs Nos. 903 
and 904, of which three were found, and which now occurred here for 
the first time. But similar gold discs were abundant in the royal 
sepulchres of Mycenae ; where, in the third tomb alone, I collected 701 of 
them.* No. 903 represents a pretty star flower within a small border, and 
we see a similar one in No. 904 within a treble border, all in repoussé- 
work. It 15 difficult to 
explain how the Trojans 
produced such patterns. 
Mr. Giuliano thinks 
with Mr. Landerer that 
the gold plate was laid 
on a block of lead and 
the ornamentation ham- 
mered or pressed into 
it. In the treasure was 
also the gold breast or- 
nament No. 905, which 
is 18-in. long. The 
Eee upper part, in the form 
1 of a basket, is 1:8 in. 
long and 14 in. broad; 
it consists of twenty- 
five gold wires, which 
were beaten flat, sol- 
dered together, bent 
over, and joined by 
means of a small gold 
plate, 0°12 in. broad, 
and of two gold pins; 
to the upper border 
were soldered two gold 








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Nos. 903, 904. Discs of Gold-leaf, richly ες Ae exo hooks, 24 in. long.’ One 
ornamented. (About half actual size. “ΠΕ ao emis τὶ - 
Depth, 13 ft.) (ἢ; 1 Deas ees side of the gold basket 


No. 905. Gold Ornam ni; probably ig ornamented. with 

(i:actual size, Depth, sf) three rows of eleven 

gold rings, and two 

more such rings are seen on the lower part of the hooks. All these 
rings were filled up with a substance like white glass, which seems 
to have once had another colour, and may probably have been blue. 
At the lowe: end is soldered a gold plate, with ten holes, from which 


ten chains hang down, consisting of double rings of gold wire, and on 





4 See my Mycenae, pp. 165-172. 


Cnar. VIL] BREAST ORNAMENT, EAR-RINGS, ETC. OF GOLD. 001 


each link is fixed a leaf of gold, 0:2 in. in diameter. Each gold chain 
has 155 such links and 155 such leaves, and there are, consequently, 


911 912 


ΟΦ 


913 914 915 
@ @ @ 
916 


Ry st ae 


























Nos. 906-920, Ear-rings, Bracelet, Fillet, Beads for necklaces, Ear-ring with pendant, all of gold. 
(3:4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 33 ft.) 
1550 double rings or links, and 1550 leaves. At the end of each chain 
1s suspended a gold idol of the usual form, with two eyes well indicated. 
This ornament had not come under the notice of the labourers, and, with 


502 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


other débris, it had been put on the wheelbarrow to be shot over the 
incline; but it was discovered by the keen eye of Professor Virchow, 
who lifted it from the wheelbarrow and saved it from certain destruction. 
There were also found the fragments of seven much larger gold idols. 

Another treasure was found by me, in the presence of M. Burnouf and 
Professor Virchow, at a depth of 33 ft. below the surface 
(in the place marked v to the north of the place marked A 
on Plan 1., of Troy), on the slope of the great Trojan 
wall, close to the house of the ancient town-chief or king, 
and close to the spot where the large Treasure was found 
in 1873. It consisted of two gold ear-rings, of which 
I represent one under No. 920. Both have the usual 
basket form, and are ornamented with three rosettes. 
To the basket is soldered a gold plate, ornamented with 
very simple incised linear patterns. To this gold plate 
are fixed, on the one ear-ring five, on the other only four, 
gold rings; from which are suspended gold chains covered 
with leaves. 

I further mention the very large gold ear-rings of 
the common form, Nos. 906 and 907, of which the latter 
is ornamented with three rosettes : 
—another gold ear-ring, just like 
No. 920, but without pendants :— 
two more small gold ear-rings of 
the usual form, of which I repre- 
sent one under No. 910:—a small 
gold ring, like Nos. 878 and 880, 
for holding the hair locks or braids: 
—one plain gold fillet, 21 in. long, 
which I represent under No. 921; 
it has at one extremity three per- 
forations, and on the other one per- Νο. 922. Six Silver Ear-rings, 
foration, for fagtemine if sound the. < a, caer cata 


’ menting action of the chloride 
head:—nine gold ornaments with οἱ silver, many gold beads 


four spirals, like Nos. 836 and 838 ; al aoe Death aie ay 
and some smaller ones of the same 
kind, like No. 909. Similar ornaments are very abundant 
in the royal tombs of Mycenae.° 
No. 921. Fillet of This treasure further contained two very large and 
ἐπὶ eet, Sa heavy gold bracelets, of which I represent one under 
No. 918. It consists of a very thick round gold rod, 
having at one extremity only an ornament in the form of a flower- 
button. In the treasure were also hundreds of gold beads, in the form 
of rings or leaves, with a tubular hole, like Nos. 911-916, and 885-899 ; 
the six silver ear-rings, No. 922, which are fastened together by the 
cementing action of the chloride of silver, and to which also many gold 


beads are stuck; and the large silver spoon, No. 923, of good repoussé- 








5 See my Mycenae, No. 297. 


_ 


i 





Omar. VIL] SILVER SPOON AND GOLD EAGLE. 503 


work. Like the shield, No. 799, this spoon has in the centre a large navel- 
like boss (ὀμφαλός), surrounded by a furrow (atAaé) and by a projecting 
border. The handle has a floral orna- 
mentation in intaglio; its end is _per- 
forated, and has a large ring for sus- 
pension. The large size of this spoon, 
and particularly its boss, make it pro- 
bable that it had a sacred use, and was 
employed for libations. Further, the 
treasure contained the pretty gold fillet, 
No. 919, which has two perforations at 
each end. It is decorated, in punched 
work, with a border of dots, 9 double 
concentric circles, and 27 vertical rows 
of dots. There were also found nine 
gold ear-rings of the shape represented 
by No. 917, which had never yet occurred 
except of silver (see No. 122, p. 250). 
They have the ee of a primitive boat, , ἘΠ΄ 
and consist of simple gold plate. The [ 
two ends are turned round in the form 
of spirals, and by the holes of the latter 
they were suspended in the ear by means 
of a thin gold wire. Each of these 
boat-like ear-rings is ornamented with 
21 dots made with the punch. There 


| 


in 


| 





in the middle. The handle is ornamented; a 
are gold ear-rings similar to these in ring for suspension is attached to its end. 


(Half actual size. Depth, 33 ft.) 


the gold room of the British Museum, 
but I could not find out where they came from. 

I have further to mention gold rings with a spiral ornamentation like 
No. 839 and No. 845, the thick ends of which can leave no doubt that 
they served to fasten and ornament the hair-tresses. Also plain ear-rings 
like No. 846, and ear-rings in the form of a serpent, with a granular orna- 
mentation like Nos. 883 and 884. 

Among the gold objects found I have finally to mention the pretty 
eagle, which I represent in three different positions, under Nos. 924, 925, 
926. Its form resembles a pigeon, but the head is decidedly that of an 


. eagle. It is nearly 2in. long and 13in. broad; the tail has a breadth and 


length of 0-6in. It is made of two gold plates joined by two gold pins,° 
and presents an example of pretty good repoussé-work. In the lower part 
of the hollow belly (see No. 925) is a round hole, which makes it likely 
that the eagle was fixed on an object of wood. The upper side is 
ornamented with linear patterns of intaglio-work; the wings and tail 
have also an incised decoration on the reverse side. The ornamentation 
of the wings reminds us of that of the double-headed eagle in the Hittite 
sculptures of Boghaz Kioi and Eyuk. 


6 This is the only instance at Troy in which. we see metal plates no¢ soldered; but joined 
with pins. 


504 


THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL. 








Nos. 


At a depth of from 30 to 33 ft., immediately to the east of the royal 
house, was found the remarkable bronze dagger, No. 927, which is 


No. ‘927. Dagger of 
Bronze; with a hilt 
in the form of a cow 
with long horns. 
(Half actual size. 
Depth, 30 to 33 ft.) 





8.2 in. long, very well preserved, and of a dark grey 
colour, just like iron. The blade is 4:2 in. long, and 
nearly 11 in. wide at its thickest part. The handle is 
quadrangular, and is decorated with incised triangles, 
which makes it probable that it was not cased in wood. 
The end of the handle is ornamented with a couchant 
cow or ox with long horns. I hold with Mr. Gladstone 
that this also was a ceremonial dagger, as, on account 
of the cow, it seems too unhandy to have served for 
common use. By the cementing power of the chloride 
of copper there stick to this dagger five glass beads, 
which are now white, but which have apparently once 
been blue. Most certainly these glass beads have never 
served as ornaments of the dagger; they can only have 
come in contact with it accidentally: but their presence 
seems to prove that they were in general use here. But 
were they imported by the Phoenicians or home-made ? 

Under Nos. 928-930, 934-936, 940, 941, and 945, 
I represent some of the common bronze pins or brooches, 
which are found in large quantities in the burnt city, 
and also frequently in all the other pre-historic cities of 
Hissarlik; they have a globular head, and were in use 
before the invention of the fibula. Nos. 939, 947, and 
951 are similar; the only difference is, that the head is 
here turned in the form of a spiral; but this is hardly 
visible, owing to the oxide or carbonate of copper with 
which the brooches are covered. No. 932 is a brooch 
with a double spiral. 

Nos. 931, 938, 942, 944, and 946 are primitive arrow- 
heads of bronze or copper. No. 937 is a fish-hook; 
No. 938, a curious object of lead in the form of an ear- 





Cuap. VII.] BRONZE BROOCHES, ARROW-HEADS, KNIVES, ETC. 905 


ring, but, being far too thick to be stuck into the ear, it very probably 
served to fasten and ornament the hair. Nos. 948, 948, and 949 are 


935 936 














SES εἰς 


ἘΞ 







aT hes Ὁ 





= 
Zz 





ΞΕ ταν 












Ere 
ieee ey 





Nos. 928-953. Primitive Brooches, Arrow-heads, a Punch, Rings, &c. of Bronze. 
Depth, 24 to 32 ft.) 


rings ; No. 952 is a needle, and No. 953 a. punch of bronze. Nos. 954 
and 956 are bronze knives; in the handle of the former may be seen one, 


No. 954. No. 955. 





No. 956. 














—s = 


Nos. 954-957. Knives, Arrow-head, and Lance-head of Bronze. (Half actual size. Depth, 22 to 32 ft.) 


in that of the latter two round heads of the pins by means of which the 
handles were fixed in the wooden casing. 


506 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VII. 


No. 955 is the only bronze arrow-head with barbs ever found by me 
in this third, the burnt city, all the other arrow-heads being of the shape 
described before. But that similarly shaped arrow-heads were in use, 
though without barbs, seems also to be proved by the mould No. 604, 
which has the forms for casting them. 

No. 957 is another lance-head of bronze. In its handle may be seen 
two pin-heads, by which it was fastened to the shaft. No. 958 is a bronze 
battle-axe, with a perforation for the handle. Only four were found by 
me of the like shape, and all of them in the burnt city. Similar 
battle-axes of bronze haye been found on the Island of Sardinia, and are 
preserved in the Museum of Cagliari.° Numerous battle-axes of a similar 


A) 
ANN) 











ie 
ὯΝ 








Nos. 958-964. A Battle-axe perforated in the middle, two common Battle-axes, three Knives, and another 
instrument—all of bronze. (1: 6 actual size. Depth, 23 to 33 ft.) 


shape, but of pure copper, were found in Hungary.’ Nos. 959 and 960 
represent two more of the bronze battle-axes of the common Trojan shape. 
Nos. 961, 962, and 964 are bronze knives; No. 963, a pointed implement 
of bronze. 

Under Nos. 965 and 966 I represent two bronze knives of a 
remarkable form; both run out into a spiral. No. 965, which is 
single-edged, has evidently had its handle encased in wood; No. 966 
is double-edged: the singular shape of its handle makes it hardly 
possible that it can have been cased in wood. Mr. Basil Cooper calls 
my attention to the exact Egyptian type in the form of these two 
knives. I represent under No. 967 one more one-edged knife of the 
common form. The Trojan knives had in no instance the shape of our 
present pocket-knives ; they were much longer, had handles of wood, and 
were worn attached to the belt, as we see in Homer. 

No. 968 is again a bronze lance; in its lower end may be seen the 





6 See Vincenzo Crespi, JJ Museo d’Antichita di  préhistorique des Musées de Province ét des Collec- 
Cagliari ; Cagliari, 1872, Pl. ii. Nos. 4,5, 6. On — tions particuliéres de la Hongrie, Buda-Pesth, 1876, 
the same plate we also see represented, under pp. 139, 140, Nos. 146, 150, 152; and Joseph - 
No. 7, a mould, with a bed for casting a similar Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques de la Hongrie, 
battie-axe. Esztergom, 1876, Pl. vii. Nos. 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 

7 See Joseph Hampel, Catalogue delExposition 14, 15. 


Cuar. VII.] BRONZE KNIVES AND LANCE. 507 


holes for the pins by which it was fastened in the shaft. It was picked 
up by the side of one of the two entire skeletons of men, which I found in 
the room of a house to the east of the plateau of the Tower, immediately 


966 





No. 965. Actual size. Depth, 24ft. No. 966. Actual size. Depth, 24 ft. No. 967. 2:3 actual size, Depth, 23 ft. 


to the north of the nine jars (see Plan I., of Troy, the place marked e s), 
and which appear to be those of warriors, as they had helmets on their 
heads. One of the skulls was fractured, the other was uninjured; but 



































SS 
SS τ 
= —— S—SS—* 
SSS Ὁ-- - 









































No. 968. Bronze Lance of a Trojan Warrior, found beside his Ske'eton. (Half actual size, Depth, 23 ft.) 


this latter was also fractured on its way to London. Professor Virchow, 
who kindly recomposed both skulls and made the accompanying excellent 
geometrical drawings of them (Nos. 969-972 and Nos. 973-976), has sent 
me the following interesting note. 


508 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuar. VIL 


“ DIMENSIONS OF THE Two Srutis (IN Mrximit res). 





Nos. 969-972. Nos. 973-976. 

Length of the skull Ree ΤΣ vee “4 193 191 
Greatest breadth of the skull ... wae ΠΕΡ 132°5? 141 
Auricular height ... ὅρα aoe wie Te 110 110 
Breadth of the frontal bone at its base... = 90 99 
Height of the face a aul ae aise 104°5 106 
Breadth ᾿ς bias Ban Bi sie -- 89 
5 of lower jaw... ἘΝ aes Bas 88? Gd 
Orbit, height sie vee nee eee ata -- 90 
4) breadth eee vee eee eee eee rel 38 
Nose, height coe eee eoe eco ooe 47? 49 
se DECREE. | ees ἘΝ τος nike se 23 26 
Height of the alveolar apophysis of the upper jaw 15 16 
Horizontal cireumference of the skull... ἘΝῚ 521 537 


“From which the following indices may further be calculated : 














Nos. 969-972. Nos. 973-976. 
Longitudinal index : σοῦ Bole 68°6 198 
Auricular index ... ae bee he Bais 56-9 57°5 
Nasal index : A . 135 48:9 53°0 
Orbital index Φ eee vee eee = 78:9 





Nos. 969-972. Professor Virchow’s geometrical drawing of the skull of one of the two warriors found, with helmets 
on their heads and a lance-head, in the room of a house of the burnt city. (Depth, about 26ft.) The defi- 
ciencies replaced by gypsum are indicated by oblique lines. 





Car. VIL] SKULLS OF TROJAN WARRIORS. 509 


“The skull Nos. 969-972 is evidently that of a male; judging from 
the good preservation of the teeth-crowns, it belongs to a young man, 
who, however, has had time to wear deeply down the edges of the incisors. 
The forehead is broad; the glabella moderately deepened. The vertical 
curve (curve of the vertex) is long and well shaped, with a rapid falling 
off of the occiput, which for the rest is rounded; lambdoidal suture ser- 
rated. The eyebrow projections are strongly developed; maxillary bones 
quite orthognathous; the chin projecting, broad and angular. The middle 
of the lower jawbone above the chin is inflected; the upper alveolar pro- 
cess very low. The upper part of the nose is narrow, the spine much deve- 
loped. The face is somewhat coarse and narrow, with deep Fossae caninae. 


No. 973. 





Nos. 973-976. Professor Virchow’s geometrical drawing of the skull of the other of the two warriors found, with 
helmets on their heads and a lance-head, in the room of a house of the burnt city. (Depth, about 26ft.) The 
deficiencies replaced by gypsum are indicated by oblique lines. 


“The skull Nos. 973-976 is probably that of a young man, though it 
has a very delicate appearance. The superciliary arches are slight; the 
frontal and parietal tubera distinct, but not strongly protruding ; the 
teeth but little worn down. It is distinguished by a continuous frontal 
suture and prognathism pretty strongly developed. Though almost the 
whole occiput and the right side had to be artificially reconstructed, in 
consequence of which the uncertainty of the measuring is great, yet the 


510 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VIL 


chief results may be considered as trustworthy. On the whole, the skull 
is narrow and high; its greatest height is two finger-breadths behind the 
coronal suture. Owing to the restoration, it broadens perhaps more than 
is necessary towards the back and below. In the Norma temporalis it 
appears high and long. The face is moderately high ; less coarse than 
the preceding, but not pretty. The nose appears to be broad; its back 
especially is somewhat flattened at its beginning. The eye-holes are low; 
the Fossae caninae deep; the incisors large; the alveolar apophysis of the 
upper jaw projects obliquely. The lower jaw is strong; the chin broad 
and projecting ; the alveolar part of the lower jaw is on the whole some- 
what bent forward; high processes; low coronoid apophysis. 

“While the two male skulls have many resemblances to each other, 
they are essentially distinguished from the female skull (No. 147). This 
is brachycephalic (index 82:5), while the two others are distinctly stamped 
dolichocephalic, with an index of 68°6 in the first, of 73-8 in the second. 
Probably their narrowness has been partly caused by the pressure of the 
masses of earth which lay upon them, and somewhat higher numbers 
ought to be taken; but this makes no difference in the contrast between 
the skulls. It is only in the prognathism that the skull Nos. 973-976 
approaches the female skull No. 147, whilst the strongly orthognathic 
skull Nos. 969-972 is in contrast with both. 

“The question whether all three skulls belong to the same people, 
is difficult to decide on account of such great differences. If the progna- 
thism is regarded as an ethnological criterion, then the conclusion must 
be that the male skull, Nos. 969-972, must belong to a people different 
from the other two. On the other hand, it is evident that the form 
of the skull indicates rather a relation between the two male skulls 
than between them and the female skull. It is true that the female sex 
inclines more to prognathism, and in many races the female calvaria 
appears shorter and broader than the male; but still the difference in the 
cephalic index (82° ὅ -- 78." ὃ τε 8᾽ 7) is so considerable that it cannot be 
referred to a mere difference of sex. Thus we are led naturally to the 
question, whether we have not here before us the remains of a mixed race. 
In this respect it must not be overlooked that all three skulls present in 
a striking manner the appearance of the bones of a race in an advanced 
state of civilization. Nothing of the savage, nothing massive in the 
formation of the bones, no particularly strong development of the 
apophyses of the muscles and tendons, can be observed. All the parts 
have a smooth, fine, almost slender appearance. It is true that all 
three skulls have belonged to youthful persons, or at least to persons but 
little advanced in age, and many a protuberance would perhaps have been 
further developed had they grown older. But with savage races the 
bones acquire earlier a greater thickness and ruggedness, and it is there- 
fore most natural to infer that the ancient owners of these heads belonged 
to a settled people, who were acquainted with the arts of peace, and who, 
through intercourse with distant races, were more exposed to being 
mixed in blood. 

“Of course these remarks can only be offered with great reserve, as in 


--- 


Cuap. VII.] CHARACTER OF THE SKULLS. oll 


all three skulls decay had reached such a degree, that the recomposition of 
the fragments, particularly of the face, by no means excludes the possi- 
bility of arbitrariness. Each of the two male skulls has, under my 
direction, been taken to pieces and recomposed six or seven times ; 
nevertheless I cannot say that I am satisfied with the result. But 
at last I have terminated the attempts at restoration, because, as large 
pieces are missing, a certain arbitrariness on the part of the restorer 
cannot be avoided ; besides, at least in the main points, it cannot be per- 
ceived that a fresh restoration would give an essentially different result. 
The dolichocephalism of the male and the brachycephalism of the female 
skulls would surely as little disappear as the orthognathism of the one 
and the prognathism of the two other skulls. 

“The temptation is very great to make further suppositions regarding 
the extraction of the individual persons and their social position. This 
temptation, I believe, I must resist, because our real knowledge of the 
craniology of ancient peoples is still on a very small scale. If it were 
correct that, as some authors suppose, the ancient Thracians, like the 
modern Albanians, were brachycephalic, we might perhaps connect with 
them the people represented by the brachycephalic head from Hissarlik. 
On the other hand, the dolichocephalism of Semites and Egyptians would 
permit us to go with our dolicephalic skulls from Hissarlik to so distant 
an origin. But if besides the skull index we take into consideration the 
entire formation of the head and the face of the dolichocephalic skulls, the 
idea that those men were members of the Aryan race is highly pleasing. 
Hence I believe the natural philosopher should stop in the face of these 
problems, and should abandon further investigation to the archeologist.” 

The skull Nos. 977, 978, which was found in the third, the burnt city, 
in a jar, together with ashes of animal matter, is, as Prof. Virchow 
informs me, that of a woman, probably of a “young maiden. Its type 
is a very characteristic female one: the bones are fine; the form is 
very pleasing. Corresponding to the pronounced dolichocephalie index 
of 71:3 (greatest length 188, greatest breadth 134 mm.), the Norma 
verticalis is long and oval; the Norma temporalis extended, with a long 
and somewhat flat vertex-curve. The auricular height is 111 mm.; 
according to this, the auricular index amounts to 57, which is a very low 
measure. In the same way the Lambda-angle is low and very obtuse ; 
the forehead low, falling off distinctly and rapidly from the vertex-curve ; 
the orbital edges quite smooth. The Sutura frontalis is continuous. 
Compared with the other skulls, we find a great contrast to the female 
skull, No. 147, which is brachycephalic; but, on the other hand, a near 
approach to the two male skulls, especially to Nos. 969-972. There can, 
therefore, be no objection to join these three skulls in one group. In 
connection with this it is not without importance that the new skull, as 
well as the skull Nos. 973-976, has an open Sutura frontalis. 

“Regarding this skull, I can only repeat what I said of the first 
skulls; namely, that the bones give one the impression of a delicate, 
civilized, settled population. If this population were pre-eminently a 
dolichocephalic one, then we have the choice between Aryan, Semitic, and 


512 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap VIL 


perhaps Hamitic races. A definite decision on this point cannot yet 
be made from a purely anthropological point of view, but I may say 
that the last skull can hardly be distinguished in the midst of ancient 
Greek skulls.” 





No, 977. 


Nos, 977, 978. Skull found in a jar, together with ashes of animal matter, probably human ashes, at a depth of 23 ft. 


Professor Virchow kindly sent me also the following note on the 
skeleton of a foetus which was found in a vase in the third or burnt 
city : —“ This skeleton is very defective, because there are only a few frag- 
ments of the head, breast, pelvis, hands and feet. On the other hand, the 
upper and lower extremities as far as the hands and feet are pretty 


complete. Their bones give the following measurements :— 
mm. mn. 
* Os humeri . : . 36 Os femoris : : . 37 
Ulna . . : ne Oe Tibia : . : pe 
Radius. : : 9] Fibula. . : . 33 


“Tt may, therefore, be a foetus of from 6 to 7 months.” 

Unfortunately both the helmets, which were on these skulls, had been 
so much destroyed by the chloride of copper, that they could only be 
taken out in small fragments, which are too much corroded and too fragile 
to be recomposed. 

The upper portions of both helmets have, however, been well pre- 
served; and these parts form the ridge (φάλος), in which the horsehair 
plume (λόφος ἵππουρις), so frequently mentioned in the Iliad, was fixed.* 
In both cases the φάλος consists of two pieces, such as we have seen under 
Nos. 795-798, and as I have recomposed them in No. 979. The reader 








8 iii. 362; iv. 459; vi. 9; xiii. 132; xvi. 216. 

Mr. Philip Smith says in his foot-note at 
Ῥ. 281 of Troy and its Remains: “Few coinci- 
dences have struck us more than the comparison 
of these helmet-crests with the frequent allusions 
in Homer, especially where ‘Hector of the 
dancing helmet-crest ’ (κορυθαίολος “Extwp) takes 
off the helmet that frightened his child (Z/. vi. 
469, foll.): 

ταρβήσας χαλκόν τε ἰδὲ λόφον ἱππιοχαίτην, 

δεινὸν am ἀκροτάτης κόρυθος νεύοντα νοήσας. 


(‘Scared at the brazen mail and horsehair plume, 
That waved terrific on the crested helm.’) 

“Nosuch plumed helmets are found among the 
remains of ‘ pre-historic’ barbarous races. The 
skeletons, with the helmets and lances beside 
them, bear striking witness to a city taken by 
storm. In Homer, the Trojans, under the 
command of the ‘crested Hector,’ are ‘ valiant 
with lances’ (μεμαότες ἐγχείῃσιν, II. ii. 816- 
818).” 





; Cuap. VII.] A TROJAN HELMET-CREST. 513 


will see in the lower portion a round boss; this is the head of the copper 
nail by which the piece is transfixed: the point of the nail on the other 

























































































































































































No. 979. (a) The upper and (b) lower pieces of a Trojan Helmet- No. 920. Great Copper Ring, fuund near 


crest (φάλος) placed together. (6) A small piece of the Helmet the Helmet-crest. (About half actual size. 
remains adhering to the lower part of the Crest. A pin, Depjh, about 23 ft.) 


fastened to the front of the part b, may be seen protruding on 
the opposite side. (About balf actual size. Depth, about 23 ft.) 


side is merely bent round. As to the place into which the λόφος ἵππουρις 
. _ was inserted and fixed there can be no doubt, for the opening at the top 
of the ridge can have served no other purpose.? ΒΥ the side of one 
| helmet I found the copper ring No. 980, by the side of the other the 
fragment of a similar ring. I am at a loss to say how these rings could 
have been connected with the helmets. 

Under No. 981 I represent six primitive bronze brooches, of which 
only two have globular, the others flat heads. They had been stuck 





No. 981. Six Bronze Brooches, stuck together in the hollow of a bone, and cemented together by the oxide or 
carbonate of copper. (2: 3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


together into a hollow bone, and are consolidated by the cementing action 
of the oxide or carbonate. This is the sole instance of brooches with flat 
heads in the burnt city. 

No. 982 marks an object of bronze in form like a small coin. On the 
front side it is slightly concave, and represents in very low relief a little 
figure, in which, by the help of what we have learned from those on the 
whorls Nos. 1826, 1883, 1971, 1994, we see a man with uplifted arms. 
On the reverse side this object is quite flat; we only see there a single 
dot. I think that, with all its resemblance to a coin, this object cannot 
be one, for nothing else like it has ever been found in any one of the 





® A similar contrivance is also seen on the gold bead and a gold ring. See my JMycenae, 
helmet of a warrior in the intaglios of aMycenean ρ. 174, No. 254; p. 223, No. 335. 


ἷ ths 


014 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Cuap. VII. 


pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. Besides, coined money was still unknown 
eyen in the time of Homer. 


























No. 982. Object of ἢ 
Bronze in shape of a No. 983. Curious Ohject of a white substance, with three perforations. 
coin. (Actual size. (3:4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 33 ft.) 


Depth, 23 ft.) 


No. 983 is a very curious object of a perfectly white substance, with 
traces of blue colour on the outside. It has nine semi-globular pro- 
jections, a linear ornamentation, and at one end one perforation, at the 
other two, by which it was pinned on another object. I, therefore, hold 
it to have served as an ornament of a wooden box. In the fracture it has 
quite the appearance of gypsum, and it is much softer and lighter than 
Egyptian porcelain. As nothing like a similar paste has ever been found 
by me, and also on account of its blue colour, which never occurs else- 
where at Hissarlik, I think it to be of foreign importation. 

No. 984 represents a plain perforated lentoid gem of cornelian, found 
in the royal house ; its sole decoration is an incised line, which goes round 
it lengthwise. A perfectly similar gem of cornelian, 
found in a tomb at Camirus in Rhodes, is in the British 
Museum. 

I cannot conclude this chapter on the third, the 
burnt city, without examining once more the question, 
whether this pretty little town, with its brick walls, 
which can hardly have housed 3000 inhabitants, could 
No. 981, Plain το LoVe been identical with the great Homeric Ilios of 

"Gem of Cornelian. immortal renown, which withstood for ten long years 

Sen νόσοι the heroic efforts of the united Greek army of 110,000 

men, and which could only at last be captured by a 





stratagem. 

First, as regards the size of all the pre-historic cities, I repeat that 
they were but very small. In fact, we can hardly too much contract our 
ideas of the dimensions of those primeval cities. 

So, according to the Attic tradition, Athens was built by the Pelas- 
gians, and was limited to the small rock of the Acropolis, whose plateau is 
of oval form, 900 ft. long and 400 ft. broad at its broadest part; but it 
was much smaller still until Cimon enlarged it by building the wall on 
its eastern declivity and levelling the slope within by means of débris.” 
The Ionians, having captured the city, forced the Pelasgians to settle 
at the southern foot of the Acropolis. According to Thucydides, Athens 
was only enlarged by the coalescence of the Attic demi there (συνοικισμός) 





10 Paus. i. 28, § 3: TH δὲ ἀκροπόλει, πλὴν φασὶ γὰρ ᾿Αγρόλαν καὶ Ὑπέρβιον. πυνθανόμενος 
ὅσον Κίμων φκοδόμησεν αὐτῆς 6 Μιλτιάδου, δὲ οἵτινες ἦσαν, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐδυνάμην μαθεῖν, ἢ 
περιβαλεῖν τὸ λοιπὸν λέγεται τοῦ τείχους Σικελοὺς τὸ ἐξαρχῆς ὄντας ᾿Ακαρνανίαν μετοι- 
Πελασγοὺς υοἰκήσαντάς ποτε ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν: κῆσαι. 





Cuar. VII] WAS THIS CITY HOMER’S TROY ? 515 


effected by Theseus."| In like manner Athens ('A@jvar), Thebes (Θῆβαι), 
Mycenae (Μυκῆναι), and all the other cities whose names are of the 
plural form, were probably at first limited to their stronghold, called 
πόλις, and had their names in the singular; but the cities having been 
enlarged, they received the plural name, the citadel being then called 
Acropolis, and the lower town πόλις. The most striking proof of this is 
the name of the valley “ Polis” in Ithaca, which, as I have shown above,’ 
is not derived from a real city, or acropolis,—for my excavations there 
have proved that this single fertile valley in the island can never have 
been the site of a city,—but from a natural rock, which has never been 
touched by the hand of man. This rock, however, having—as seen from 
below—precisely the shape of a citadel, is for this reason now called 
castron, and was no doubt in ancient times called Polis, which name has 
been transferred to the valley. 

The ancient Polis or Asty (ἄστυ) was the ordinary habitation of the 
town-chief or king, with his family and dependants, as well as of the 
richer classes of the people; it was the site of the Agora and the temples, 
and the general place of refuge in time of danger. We have traces of 
this fact in the extended sense of the Italian castello, to embrace a town, 
and in the Anglo-Saxon burh ; also, as Professor Virchow suggests to me, 
in the Slavish gard=hortus (Burgwall). “ What, indeed,” says Mr. 
Gladstone, “have we to say when we find that, in the period of the 
incunabula of Rome, the Romans on the Palatine were probably faced by 
the Sabines on the hill of the Capitol?”* It is, therefore, not the small- 
ness of the third, the burnt city, which can prevent us from identifying 
it with the Homeric Troy, because Homer is not a historian, but an epic 
poet. Besides, he does not sing of contemporaneous events, but of events 
which happened probably 600 or 700 years before his time, and which 
he merely knew from hearsay :— 


ε ~ \ > 
ἡμεῖς δὲ κλέος οἷον ἀκούομεν, οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν." 


“Tf,” as Professor Sayce observes,® “Greek warriors had never fought 
in the Plain of Troy, we may be pretty sure that the poems of Homer 
would not have brought Achilles and Agamemnon under the walls of 
Tlion.” Great national heroic poems always rest on the foundation of 
great decisive national combats and definite regions which had become 
famous for these combats. The whole of Greek antiquity, and at its head 
the greatest of all historians, Thucydides, never doubted of such combats 
at the entrance of the Hellespont. “The capture of Troy is,” as M. 
Lenormant says,° “one of the five or six primitive reminiscences of the 
Greeks, which seem to refer to real facts, and which, in spite of the 
exuberant mythological vegetation in the midst of which they appear, 
throw into the dark night of the heroic ages a light on the successive 
phases of growing civilization. Such are, the foundation of the kingdom 
of Argos by the early Pelasgic dynasty of Inachus; its replacement by 


1 Thucyd. ii. 15: τὸ δὲ πρὸ τούτου 7 ἀκρόπολις 3 Homeric Synchronism, p. 89.ιἬ. 5. 71]. ii. 486. 
viv οὖσα πόλις ἦν, καὶ τὸ ὑπ’ αὐτὴν πρὸς νότον 5 Contemporary Review of December 1878, 
μάλιστα τετραμμένον. 2 See Introd. p. 46. 6 Antiquités de la Troade, pp. 35, 36. 


516 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. | [Cuar. VIL 


the new dynasty of Danaus; the power of the monarchy of the Pelopids; 
and, in another part of Greece, the Phoenician colonization of Thebes. 
The Greeks always considered these events as marking the principal and 
decisive epochs of their primitive annals and their pre-historic traditions. 
For the Trojan war there is a remarkable unanimity of tradition, a 
unanimity too decisively marked not to be founded on a positive fact. I 
am particularly struck by the constancy with which, in the midst of the 
infinite divergence of the heroic legends of the Greeks, there is always 
maintained the same space of time between the capture of Troy and the 
Dorian invasion, which is placed a little less than a hundred years later, 
and opens the historical ages.” 

In the catalogue of ships’ the poet mentions “the lower Thebes” 
(Ὑποθῆβαι), because the upper town, the Cadmea, destroyed by the 
Epigoni, had not yet been rebuilt. His mention of the lower town 
only seems, therefore, to confirm another ancient tradition. 

Mr. Gladstone writes:* “As to the question what ight Schlemann’s 
discoveries throw upon the question, whether Troy had a real or only 
a mythical existence, it is difficult to suppose that the mythical theory, 
always wofully devoid of tangible substance, can long survive the results 
attained. In the Plain where the scene of the Iliad is laid, upon the spot 
indicated by the oldest traditions, which for very many centuries were 
never brought into question, and which, as testifying to a fact the most 
simple and palpable, were of high presumptive authority ; at a depth of 
from 23 to 33 ft., with the débris of an older city beneath it, and of three 
more recent successive towns above it; has been found a stratum of 
remains of an inhabited city, which was manifestly destroyed by a 
tremendous conflagration.” 

As we have seen in the preceding pages, the third city of Hissarlik 
perfectly agrees with the Homeric indications as to the site of Troy; 
and the fact, that there is no second place in the Troad which could 
possibly vie with it, goes far to prove its identity, the more so as the 
third city has, like the Homeric Ihos, been destroyed by the hand of 
an enemy in a fearful catastrophe, which fell on it so suddenly that the 
inhabitants had to leave even a large part of their treasures behind. In 
this respect also the third city agrees with the Homeric description, 
because the poet says: “ Priam’s city used to be far-famed for its wealth 
in gold and bronze, but now the precious wealth has disappeared from its 
houses.” °® If, therefore, in spite of its exhaustion by a long-protracted 
siege, the third city of Hissarlik was still so rich that I could find in it ten 
treasures, this is an additional proof of its identity with the poet’s Ilios. 

In proportion to the wealth and power of [lium it was but natural 
that the sudden catastrophe, by which this rich and famous capital of 
the Trojan kingdom perished, should have made a very deep impression 
on the minds of men, both in Asia Minor and in Greece, and that it 
should at once have been taken up by the bards. But while, as Mr. 





1 77. τ. δῦ 5": 5.7]. xviii. 288-290: 
οἵ θ Ὑποθήβας εἶχον, evKTipevoy πτολίεθρον. πρὶν μὲν γὰρ Πριάμοιο πόλιν μέροπες ἄνθρωποι 
/ / 
8 Homeric Synchronism, p. 20. πάντες μυθέσκοντο πολύχρυσον πολύχαλκον " 


νῦν δὲ δὴ ἐξαπόλωλε δόμων κειμήλια καλά. 





Cuap, VIL] HOMER’S KNOWLEDGE OF THE TROAD. Ol? 





Gladstone says, the local features of the site and Plain of Troy were given 
sufficiently for a broad identification, the bards handled them loosely and 
at will in point of detail. They treated the Plain without any assumption 
of a minute acquaintance with it, like one who was sketching a picture 
for his hearers, boldly but slightly, and not as one who laid his scene in a 
place with which he was already personally acquainted, and which formed 
by far the most famous portion of the country he inhabited. The ruins of 
the burnt Ilium having been completely buried under the ashes and débris, 
and people having no archeological desire for the investigation of the 
matter, it was thought that the destroyed city had completely disappeared. 
The imagination of the bards had, therefore, full play; the small Ihum 
grew in their songs, in the same proportion as the strength of the 
Greek fleet, the power of the besieging army, and the great actions of the 
heroes; the gods were made to participate in the war, and innumerable 
legends were grouped around the magnified facts. 

I wish I could have proved Homer to have been an eye-witness of 
the Trojan war! Alas, I cannot do it! At his time swords were in 
universal use and iron was known, whereas they were totally unknown at 
Troy. Besides, the civilization he describes is later by centuries than that 
which I have brought to ight in the excavations. Homer gives us the 
legend of Ilum’s tragic fate, as it was handed down to him by preceding 
bards, clothing the traditional facts of the war and destruction of Troy in 
the garb of his own day. Neither will I maintain that his acquaintance 
with the Troad and with Troy was that of a resident; but certainly he 
was not without personal knowledge of the localities, for his descriptions 
of the Troad in general, and of the Plain of Troy in particular, are too 
truthful for us to believe that he could have drawn all his details from 
the ancient myth. If, as appears likely, he visited the Plain in the ninth 
century B.c.,1° he would probably have found the Aecolic [hum already 
long established, having its Acropolis on Hissarlik and its lower town on 
the site of Novum Ilium. It would, therefore, be but natural that he 
should depict Priam’s Troy as a large city, with an acropolis called Per- 
gamos, the more so as in his time every larger city had its Acropolis. 
My. excavations have reduced the Homeric Ilium to its real proportions. 

I have never called in doubt the unity of the Homeric poems, and have 
always firmly believed both the Odyssey and the Iliad to be by one author, 
except perhaps—partly or entirely—the 24th Rhapsody of each poem, 
on account of the contradictions they contain with the preceding text. 
Lesides—to use Mr. Gladstone’s words,'—“ If I consider how much learn- 
ing and ingenuity have been expended in a hundred efforts (scarcely any 
two of the assailants, however, agreeing except in their negative or revo- 
lutionary criticism) to disintegrate the Homeric poems, to break up into 
nebulous fragments the Sun of all ancient literature,’—I think it idle on 
my part to attempt a task already marked by so many failures; and I 
rest content with those immortal epics as they stand—the first-fruits of 
the noblest literature of the world, and the fount of poetic inspiration for 
all later ages. — 








10 Professor Sayce observes to me that, according to Euphorion and Theopompus, Homey was a 
contemporary of Gyges of Lydia. 1 Homeric Synchronism, p. 7. 


CHAPTER VIII. 
THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. 


As we have seen in the preceding pages, the inhabitants of Novum Ilium 
held, according to an ancient legend, that Troy, the city of Priam, had not 
been entirely destroyed by the united Greek army under Agamemnon, 
and that it had never ceased to be inhabited. This legend is certainly 
confirmed by Homer, who, when Aeneas was on the point of being killed 
by Achilles in single combat, makes Poseidon say: “It is fated that Aeneas 
should be saved, in order that the race and the name of Dardanus may 
not utterly disappear—Dardanus, whom Zeus loved most of all the sons 
he begat of mortal women ; because the race of Priam has now become 
odious to the son of Kronos: now, therefore, shall the mighty Aeneas reign 
over the Trojans, and the sons of his sons hereafter to be born.” * 

This legend has apparently been also confirmed by the criticism of my 
pickaxe and spade, for—as visitors can easily convince themselves with their 
own eyes—the south-eastern corner of the Third, the brick city, has not 
been destroyed by the conflagration. I must further say that this legend 
is also confirmed by the relics I have discovered, for—as the reader will see 
in the succeeding pages—we find among the successors of the burnt city 
the very same singular idols; the very same primitive bronze battle-axes ; 
the very same terra-cotta vases, with or without tripod feet; the very same 
double-handled goblets (δέπα ἀμφικύπελλα) ; the very same battle-axes of 
jade, porphyry, and diorite; the same rude stone hammers and saddle- 
querns of trachyte; the same immense mass of whorls or balls of terra- 
cotta with symbolical signs. The only difference is that, in general, the 
pottery of this fourth city is coarser and of a ruder fabric; and that we 
find here an infinitely larger quantity of rude wheel-made terra-cottas 
and many new forms of vases and goblets. Besides, the quantity of rude 
stone hammers and polished stone axes is here fully thrice as large as in 
the third city ; also the masses of shells and cockles accumulated in the 
débris of the houses are so stupendous, that they baffle all description. 
Visitors can best see them in the great block of débris which I have left 
standing close to the “great tower.” A people which left all their 
kitchen-refuse on the floors of their rooms must have lived in a very low 
social condition. 

This low state of civilization seems also to be proved by the absence of 
large city walls. The large stone walls built by the inhabitants of the 





1 J]. xx. 302-308 : ot ἕθεν ἐξεγένοντο γυναικῶν τε θνητάων. 
. μόριμον δέ of ἐστ᾽ ἀλέασθαι, ἤδη γὰρ Πριάμου γενεὴν ἤχθηρε Κρονίων" 
δ ρα: μὴ ἄσπερμος γενεὴ καὶ ἄφαντος ὄληται νῦν δὲ δὴ Αἰνείαο βίη Τρώεσσιν ἀνάξει, 


“ / 
Δαρδάνου, ὃν Κρονίδης περὶ πάντων φίλατο καὶ παίδων παῖδες, Tol κεν μετόπισθε γένωνται. 
παίδων, 





Cuap. VIIL.] ITS FOUNDATIONS AND WALLS. 519 


second city and used by the people of the third, the burnt city, as sub- 
structions for their huge brick walls, were buried beneath the mounds of 
ruins and débris produced by the conflagration ; and, as is amply proved by 
the undisturbed state of these ruins and débris, the people of the fourth 
city did not attempt to bring them to light and to use them. Visitors 
can convince themselves of this by a glance at the accumulation of the 





΄ > = - 
- e s oa 


= τοῦ "Pavement of the Gate A 
No. 985. Accumulation of debris before the Gate. The form of the strata of débris indicates that after the great 
conflagration the Trojans continued to go in and out on the same spot as before, although the paved road A was 
deeply buried under the ashes. 
calcined débris of the third city in front of the gate, because, as M. 
Burnouf has ingeniously found out, and as he shows by the sketch which 
I give here, the form of the strata of the burnt débris indicates that, 
after the great conflagration, the inhabitants continued to go in and out at 
the same place as before, although the paved road a was buried 10 ft. deep 
under the ashes and débris. If a part of the old inhabitants remained in 
the city after the conflagration, they certainly went in and out by the 
same way, because they were accustomed to it. If the city were re- 
colonized by another people, the new comers may have used the same road 
because it was less steep and therefore easier, for everywhere else the 
descent must have been at an angle of 45°, this being always the slope 
the rubbish will adopt when shot from a height and left to itself, or, as 
engineers say, its angle of repose. Besides, the road through the old 
gate must, at a short distance, have joined the country-roads in the plain. 
Thus the mere fact that the gate-road, though at a high level, continued 
to be used by the inhabitants of the fourth city, neither proves that these 
latter were the former people nor that they were new comers. 

There were certainly walls of defence: as, for example, one, 64 ft. 
high and 4 ft. thick, immediately to the north-west of the tower road, and 
which seems to have run parallel with it down to the plain; another, 
20 ft. high and 5 ft. thick, built of large stones and earth, on the burnt 
material which covered the west side of the great ancient wall to a 
depth of 64 ft.; further, an ancient enclosure wall, 5 ft. high, with a pro- 
jecting battlement, on the north-west side of the hill; and two more on 
the south-eastern side, the one 51, the other 10 ft. thick, and nearly as 
high. As all these walls are outside the precincts of the third city, and as 
they are certainly pre-historic and are in the strata of débris of the fourth 
city, I believe them to belong to it. As, however, they are so entirely 
different in size, and as there is no continuity between them, I cannot 
possibly regard them as parts of a city wall; but I consider them to have 


520 THE FOURTH CITY ON ΙΕ OF; TROY. ΠΟ yan: 


been erected merely for the defence of certain special points. Now, if 
the people of the third, the burnt city had continued to reside there, it 
would appear wonderful why they should not have continued to surround 
themselves with new brick walls of defence, for they had passed all their 
lives within such brick fortifications, which could so easily have been 
erected. But there is no trace of such city walls of brick. Neither is 
there a trace of brick in the houses of the fourth city. As we have seen, 
only the ground-floors of the third, the burnt city are of stones joined 
with earth; all the upper part of the houses was built of slightly-baked 
bricks, rarely of mere clay. Now, if the Trojans had continued to reside in 
their city, it is difficult to admit that they could have suddenly abandoned 
their mode of architecture and have adopted a different one. But that. 
the architecture of the fourth city was a different one, is a fact of which 
visitors can easily convince themselves in the great block of débris which 
I have left standing. They will see there, in the strata of débris suc- 
ceeding those of the burnt city, house-walls 10 or 12 ft. high, built of 
_ stones joined with clay ; they will also see many such stone walls of this 
height in my excavations to the east of the brick wall of the third city. 
This would lead us to suppose that all the house-walls were built of 
stones. This mode of architecture seems also to be proved by the very 
large masses of loose stones which occur in the strata of the fourth city. 
But as the people had neither planks nor tiles, it is more than probable 
that, like the present inhabitants of the Troad, they covered in their 
houses with terraces of earth. I readily admit that in many houses the 
stone walls may have been superseded by walls of clay, for in that case 
we should have no difficulty in explaining the thickness of the stratum of 
débris of this fourth city, which is generally from 12 to 13 ft. deep. But 
at all events no bricks, or traces of bricks, ever turned up there; and this 
is the principal reason which gives the preponderance of argument 
against our tendency to believe that this fourth city might have been 
inhabited by the people of the preceding, the burnt city. 

But on this point I differ from my friend Professor Virchow, who 
writes to me: “1 do not dare to contradict, but I would maintain that the 
present sun-dried bricks of the Troad are decomposed by air and rain with- 
out leaving a trace of their shape. Had the fourth city been destroyed by 
fire, the bricks would have been preserved longer. But this not having 
been the case, I do not see how the fact that no trace of them can now be 
found can militate against their former existence.” 

If the pottery of the fourth city does not differ much in shape from 
that of the third, the burnt city, it certainly differs much from it in 
colour and general appearance ; because the pottery of the fourth city has 
been only half or less than half baked at an open fire,” whereas the pottery 





2 Professor Virchow remonstrates against my 
belief that the pre-historic peoples baked their 
pottery at an open fire, for he thinks they per- 
formed this operation with animal dung in 
closed pits. But I can so much the less accept 
his theory, as he claims the same manipulation 
fer the baking of the large pithoi. But this is 


contraticted by the fact that these latter are 
always thoroughly baked; whilst all the other 
pottery, and even the very thinnest, whose clay 
is not more than 0°003 or 0°004 thick, is baked 
on an average only to one-third of the thickness 
of their clay. 





Cuap. VIII.] POTTERY OF ‘THEO FOURTH CITY. 521 


of the third city, after having passed through the same operation, has 
been exposed to the intense heat of the conflagration, which in a very 
great many cases has completed the thorough baking and has given to 
ita much finer colour, except in cases where, the heat having continued 
too long or having been too intense, the vessels have been more or less 
destroyed by it. Thus we have before us, in this fourth city, a pottery 
very inferior in fabric to that of the first and second cities, but a pottery 
which would have been but slightly inferior to that of its predecessor, the 
third city, had it not been through the accidentally superior baking of the 
latter in the conflagration. 

Under No. 986 I represent a pretty lustrous-yellow owl-headed vase, 
of a globular shape but flat-bottomed, with the characteristics of a 
woman and two wing-like vertical projections: the vulva, with its incised 
cross and the four dots, is of special interest. Very interesting is also 
the globular red vase No. 987, which has also a flat bottom, and on 







































































No. 986. Terra-cotta Vase, with an owl’s 
head, the characteristics of a woman, two 
wings and a cross with points on the 
vilva. (1:6 actual size. Depth, 20 ft.) 


No. 988. Terra-cotta Vase, with an owl’s head, the No. 987. Curious Vase, with an owl’s head, holding a 
characteristics of a woman, and two wings. double-handled cup. 
(1:3 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) (About half actual size. Depth, 15 ft.) 


which we see the large owl-eyes still more distinctly marked. The figure 
has on its head a basin, which forms the orifice; four necklaces are 
indicated round the neck. In its hands it holds a double-handled cup, 
which communicates by a hole with the principal vase. Owl-hoaded vases 


022 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. (Cuap. VIII. 


of an identical shape also occur in the third city: the fragment repre- 
sented under No. 228, p. 340, is the mouth-piece of a similar vase. 

No. 988 is a pear-shaped lustrous-black vase, with wing-like vertical 
projections, an owl’s head, and the characteristics of a woman; there is a 
slight: hollow in the vulva. Owl-vases of this shape are the most frequent. 
Of the same colour and of nearly an identical shape, but much larger, is 
the vase No. 989. Of the same colour is also the owl-vase No. 990, which 





No. 990. Vase with an owl’s head, two breasts, and 
handles in form of wings. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 22 ft.) 





No. 989. Vase with an owl’s head, the characteristics 
of a woman, and two wing-like handles. (1:4 actual 
size. Depth, 22 ft.) 


has no vulva. Of still greater interest is the pear-shaped lustrous dark- 
brown vase No. 991, which has an incised cross on the vulva, no vertical 
projections, but two handles. Here the neck is plain, and was evidently 
intended to be crowned with a cover on which the owl-head is modelled, 
like that which I have put on it, but certainly not this particular one, as 
it is too narrow. Of an identical shape and colour is the vase No. 992. 
Of a very rude fabric is the pear-shaped yellow vase No. 993, on which 
the characteristics of a woman are indicated by shapeless excrescences. 
The usual wing-like projections, instead of being upright, are here bent 
towards the neck of the vase; the bottom is flat. All these vases are 
hand-made. 

To this fourth city also belong the idols Nos. 994 and 995; both 
are very curious, as they approach nearer to the human shape than any 
other of the stone idols. No. 994 is of fine white marble, and differs 


Cuap. VIII.] OWL-FACED AND FEMALE VASES. 555 


also from the other idols by its bulky form, approaching to the round ; it 
has a rudely-incised owl-face. A necklace is indicated by a horizontal 
stroke, and the hair by vertical scratches on the hinder part of the neck, 








5..-- 


No. 991. Vase with two handles and the characteristics of a woman; cover 
With an owl’s head. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 



























































































































































No. 993. Vase of Terra-cotta. (Half actual siza 
Depth, 16 ft.) 





No. 992. Two-handled Vase, with the characteristics of a 
Woman, (1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 


524 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. ([Caap. VII. 


The vulva is indicated, considerably below its natural place; the whole 
body has been decorated with formless scratches, which seem to have 
no signification. I call attention to the 
great resemblance of this idol to a Baby- 
lonian image of the goddess Nana in the 
























No, 997, 




























No. 994. Marble Idol, with 
an owl’s face. (2:5 actual 
size. Depth, about 16ft.) 





No. 996. No. 995. Tdol 
of Slate. (2:5 
actual size. 
Depth, 13 ft.) 








Depth, 13 to 20ft.) No. 996 has a girdle; No. 997, 
four necklaces; on No. 993 the owl’s face is painted. 


British Museum. The idol No. 995 is of slate and flat; of the face, 
only the two eyes are marked. A necklace is indicated by two horizontal 
strokes. Through the inability of the primitive artist, the breasts are 
indicated on the shoulders, and the vulva on the left side. 

I have further to mention, as belonging to this fourth city, the marble 
idols Nos. 996, 997, 998. On the first two the owl-head is rudely incised. 
No. 996 has a girdle indicated by two horizontal strokes and three points. 
No. 997 has on the neck four horizontal strokes, probably indicating the 
necklaces. On the idol No. 998, the eyes and beak of the owl are rudely 
painted with a black colour, probably with black clay. 

No. 999 is a fragment of the side of a vase with an incised linear 
ornamentation, on which we see the projection with a tubular hole. for 


No. 1001. 











suspension. No. 1000 is the fragment of a vase-handle; No. 1001, the 
fragment of a yvase-neck, with a linear decoration. ? 


βαρ. VIII] IDOLS AND SUSPENSION VASES. B25 


Nos. 1002 and 1003 represent the upper part of a lustrous-black vase, 
with a rude but very curious deeply-incised decoration. On No, 1002 we 


No 1002. 





Nos. 1002, 1003. Front and back views of a Vase-neck, with very curious incised signs and perhaps a man with 
uplifted arms. (Half actual size. Depth, about 17 ft.) 


see, perhaps, the very rude figure of a man with uplifted arms, whose 
head is almost as large as the whole remainder of the body. I do not 
attempt to explain the rest of the decoration. On No. 1003 the sign 
in the middle resembles a written character. The clay of this vase-head is 





No. 1005. Vase, with tubular holes for suspension, 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 





N>. 1004, Smali vase, with double holes for suspension 
on each side. (Actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) 





No. 1606. Globular Vase, with tubular holes for 
suspension. (1:4 actual size. Depth, about 19 ft.) 


but very slightly baked. No. 1004 is a small vase with vertical tubular 
holes for suspension. No. 1005 is a small pear-shaped vase of a blackish 


j 
d 
5 
4 
| 
| 


526 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VII. 


colour, with tubular holes for suspension. No. 1006 is a globular lustrous 
dark-brown vase, with a convex bottom and tubular rings for suspension ; 
it has a breast-like excrescence in front. The vase No. 1007 is wheel- 
made and of a dark-red colour; its handies are in the form of spirals, 


























































































































No.1007. Vase with tubular holes in the handles for δ. Ὑ005; ase ee fubelar ‘Beles τ Εἰσροι τος 
suspension. (About 1 : 4 actual size. eh oagene! size. . Deptt eae ena 
Depth, about 19 ft.) 


and are perforated vertically for suspension with a string. No. 1008 is 
pear-shaped, with a convex bottom and a long neck tapering towards 
the mouth; on each side is a long 
projection with a perforation for sus- 
pension. Vases of this shape are very 
frequent. No. 1009 isa pretty lustrous- 
red wheel-made vase, with two handles 
in the form of spirals, and between 
δὴ them, on each side, a perforated pro- 
| jection for suspension; in the same 
y direction there are perforations in the 
rim: the only ornamentation consists 
of four impressed horizontal lines 
round the neck. 
No. 1010 represents a dark-red 
hand-made vase, with a hollow bottom 
No. 1009. vane with ΤΣ candies and tubular holes and perforated projections for suspen- 
for suspension. (About 1:4 actual size. sion on the sides; there is besides, on 
Pikes oe) al either side, a protuberance in the form 
of a handle, but it is not really such. On the upper part of the body 
we see all round the vase, between borders of incised lines and dots, a row 
of strange signs, which may be written characters; the neck of the vase 
is fractured. No. 1011 represents this same vase from the other side, 
and with a restored neck. I algo give separately the supposed inscription 
or mere decoration as copied by M. Burnouf (No. 1012). But Prof. Sayce 
does not think it to be an inscription. Professor Virchow calls my 









Cnap. VIII] VASE WITH CURIOUS CHARACTERS. 527 


attention to some resemblance which he finds in the decoration of thig 
vase to that on a vase found in Reichersdorf in Lusatia (Lausitz).° 







Nb 


δ 

















NY 


᾿ 









=— ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ : 


I> =} 








No. 1010. A Terra-cotta Vase, with two little ears 
and two large perforated handles, marked with 
eleven strange characters. (About 1:4 actual 
size. Depth, about 18 ft.) 











































































































No. 1012. Inscription or mere decoration on the Vase Nos. 1010 and 1011. 


LL Sa A 
No. 1011. The foregoing Vase, with a restored 
neck, 


No. 1013 is another suspension vase, 
with a long neck decorated with four 
incised horizontal lines; the bottom is 
flat. I repeat that all vases are hand- 
made, unless I distinctly state the con- 
trary. No. 1014 is dark-red, of a 
globular shape, with a hollow foot and 
a cylindrical neck. The neck is deco- 
rated with horizontal, the body with vertical, incised lines: the pro- 
jections on the sides are perforated for suspension. No. 1015 is a small 
black globular suspension vase, with deeply incised spirals and wave- 
lines. No. 1016 is a wheel-made globular lustrous-black vase, in the shape 








* This Lusatian vase is represented in the Sessional Re 
port of the Berlin Society for Anthropolo 
Ethnology, &c., of July 15, 1876, p. 9. nee 


528 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. ([Cnapr. VIII 


of a bottle, with perforated protuberances for suspension; it has round 
the body an incised zigzag ornament, with accompanying dots. No. 1017 








= 


Η —————— “ΞΞ = 
No. 1013. Vase with tubular holes for suspension No. 1014. Vase with linear ornamentation. 
and incised bands. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) 


(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 


is also a suspension vase of a dull yellow colour; it is ornamented with 
four parallel horizontal lines, forming three fields, which are filled up with 
zigzag lines. No. 1018 is a little black tripod-vase with two handles, 





No. 1015. Globular Vase, with tubular 
holes for suspension and incised 
ornamentation of spirals. (About 
1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 











No. 1016. Vase for suspension, 


with incised zigzag ornamenta- No. 1017. Vase of grey Terra-cotta, with perforated tubular holes on the 
tion. (1:4 actual size. Depth, sides and holes in the rim for suspension. Incised zigzag 
19 ft.) ornamentation. (Actual size. Depth, 16 to 20 ft.) 


and an incised zigzag decoration round the body. No. 1019 is a smali 
yellow tripod-vase of an oval shape, having perforated protuberances 


Cuap. VIil.] DECORATED TRIPOD AND OTHER VASES. 029 


for suspension on the sides; it is decorated with incised vertical strokes 
between horizontal parallel lines. No. 1020 is a one-handled pitcher, 


No. 1019. 


No. 1015 No. 1020. 


No. 1021. 





No. 1022. Vase 
with three different 
flat bottoms, on 
each of which it 
may be put down in 
Nos. 1018-1021. Vases of various shapes, having an incised ornimentation. (About1 :4 turn. (1:4 actual 

actual size. Depth, 16 to 19 ft.) size. Depth, 13 {t.) 





with an incised linear decoration; No. 1021, a small suspension vase, 
decorated with dots. No. 1022 is a very curious little yellow suspension 
vase, with three different flat bottoms, on each of which it may be put 
down in turn. 

No. 1023 is a very pretty vase, whose surface is divided by five 
parallel horizontal bands into four fields, filled with strokes, turned in 
opposite directions. No. 1024 is a little vase, covered all over with a 
very pretty incised ornamentation. 

One of the most curious vases is No. 1025; it is a yellow tripod, and 
has on each side a handle of spiral form, with a tubular hole for sus- 






























































No. 1023. Vase with a curious incised ornamenta- 
tion, (About 1:4 actual size, Depth, about 
13 ft.) 























No. 1024. Vase decorated with incisions, No. 1025. Tripod Vase, with perforated projections for sus- 
(Half actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) pension, and a small Vase on its body. Linear ornamenta- 


tion. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 16 ft.) 


pension; just in front of the handle to the right of the spectator is a 
small projecting jug, which does not communicate with the vase. The 
vase is decorated on the neck with incised horizontal lines, under the 
lowest of which may be seen incised vertical lines, below each of which 
is a dot. 

2M 


530 THE.FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. ὙΠ." 


No. 1026 is a lustrous-black tripod, of globular form, with perforated 
projections for suspension; the upper part of the body, as far as the 
neck, is decorated with dots. No. 1027 is another globular black tripod, 























No. 1026. Tripod Globular Vase, with tubular holes 
for suspension, and an ornamentation of points. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 19 ft.) 





No. 1027. ‘Tripod Vase, with tubular holes for sus- 
yension and incised ornamentation. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, about 22 ft.) 


with large perforated projections for suspension; the upper part of the 
body has also a linear decoration. Another black tripod-vase for suspen- 
sion is represented by No. 1028; the neck is decorated with impressed 
horizontal furrows. A similar black suspension tripod is No. 1029, the 























No. 1028. Tripod Vase, with bir welioics for suspen- No. 1029. Tripod Vase, with tubular hol:s for suspen- 
sion. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 10 ft.) sion. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 
body of which has an incised wedge-shaped ornamentation. The black 
suspension tripod No. 1030 again is similar to it, but has much longer feet. 

No. 1031 1s a wheel-made yellow vase-cover, having on each side a 
perforation in the rim for suspension; one of the holes is seen in front. 
The most curious thing on this vase-cover is the three feet on its top, 
which make us suppose that it was also used as a cup. At all events, 
this tripod vase-cover is unique; no second specimen like it has occurred. 
No. 1032 is a wheel-made single-handled grey tripod, with long feet; it 
has ear-shaped protuberances in front and on both sides. Of an identical 


Cuar. VIII.) ' PLAIN TRIPOD VASES. ool 





























No. 1031. Vase Cover, with three feet and two tubular 
holes tor suspension. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, about 19 ft.) 





No 1030. Tripod Vase, with holes for suspension. 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, about 19 ft.) 











No. 1033. Terra-cotta Vessel with three feet, a handle, 
and two ear-like ornaments. (1: 6 actual size. 
Depth, 16 ft.) 





No. 1032. Tripod with handle and three projecting 
ear-like ornaments. (About 1:4 actual size. 
epth, 13 ft.) . 



























































































































































































































































































































































































































































ites No. 1035. ‘Tripod Vase, with tubular holes tor suspe:- 
No. 1034. Globular trp d, with tubular holes for suspen- sion. (1:4 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 
sion. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) 


shape is the tripod No. 1033. No. 1034 is a black globular bottle-shaped 
tripod, with tubular holes for suspension. No. 1035 is a lustrous-black 


532 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VIII. 


tripod-vase, with perforated projections for suspension: tripod-vases of 
this shape are frequent. No. 1036, is a small tripod-vase for suspension, 
and No. 1037 is a similar tripod-vase. No. 1038 is a red globular tripod 
for suspension; No. 1039, a red flat jug in the form of a hunting-bottle ; 
No. 1040, a grey tripod oenochoé. No. 1041 is a red suspension tripod 





No. 1036. ‘lripod Vase, with tubular No. 1037. Globular Tripod, No. 1039. Flat Jug in form of a 


holes for suspension. with tubular holes. hunting-bottle. - (1: 4 actual size. 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 19 ft.) 
Depth, about 22 ft.) Depth, about 22 ft.) 


















































No. 1038. Globular Tripod, with No. 1041. ‘Lripod Vase, with tubular No. 1043. ‘Lripot Pitcher. 
tubular holes for suspension. holes four suspension. (About 1: 4 actual size, 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, Depth, about 22 ft.) 
about 22 ft.) about 22 ft.) 





No. 1042. Tripod, with tubular No. 1044. Tripod Vase, with spiral No. 1045. Rude Pitcher. 


holes for suspension. handles. (1 : 4 actual size. (1:4 actual size. 
(Nearly 1 : 3 actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) Depth, about 20 ft.) 


Depth, about 22 ft.) 


with cover: a similar red tripod is seen in No. 1042. No. 1043 is a red 
wheel-made tripod-pitcher ; No. 1044, a dark-red tripod-vase, with handles 
in the form of spirals; No. 1045, a rude unpolished wheel-made pitcher, 
of a form which is very abundant. No. 1046 is ἃ lustrous-black 
single-handled globular oenochoé, with a long upright neck: this sort of 
jug is very frequent. No. 1047 is a red one-handled wheel-made cup, 
with two ear-like protuberances, and a breast-like projection in front. 


Cuap. VIII.] TRIPODS OF VARIOUS FORMS. 003 











































































































































































































No. 1040. Tripod Cenochoé. No. 1016. Globular Qenochoé, with straight neck, 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 


No. 1048 is a one-handled tripod-jug; No. 1049, a red tripod-vase, 
with handles in the form of spirals. No. 1050 ig a rude unpolished 
wheel-made pitcher: this sort of pitcher is so abundant in the fourth 


No. 1048. 


No: 107. 










































Nos. 1047-1050. Tripod Vases and Pitchers. (1:4 actual size, 


No. 1051. No. 1052. 








Nous. 1051-1053. Rattle-box, Cup, and Tripod Pitcher. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 16 to 22 ft.) 


city that I collected more than 400 of them. No. 1051 is a very rude 
rattle-box, with pieces of metal inside; rattle-boxes of clay, but of 
different shape, occur also in the Lake-habitutions in the Lake of 
Moeringen.t No. 1052 is a very rude cup; No. 1053, a very rude 
tripod-pitcher. 





* V. Gross, Résultats des Recherches dans les Lacs de la Suisse occidentale ; Zurich, 1876, Pl. xix. 
Nos. 3, 4. 


534 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [CHap, ὙΠ]. 


No. 1054 is the lower part of a rude tripod-box ; it is here represented 
head downwards; it is on the same principle as the tripod-box Nos. 264-5, 
p- 860. No. 1055 is a little pitcher without a handle. No. 1056 isa 
small tripod-cup; No. 1057, a small vessel with a pointed foot, having 
exactly the form of the large jars: a vessel of an identical shape was 
found in the ancient settlement on the rock near Inzighofen.? No. 1058 
isa small cup. Nos. 1059, 1061, 1062, 1064, 1066, 1067, 1075, 1076 are 
small rude vases with perforated projections for suspension; No. 1076 
only is a tripod. Nos. 1060, 1063, 1065, 1070, 1072 are small, very 
rude one-handled pitchers: the first of them (No. 1060) is decorated 


No. 1054. No. 1057. 
F No. 1055. No. 1056. 


——- 












No. 1062. 


No. 1059. 


= 





No. 1076. 









and Jugs. (1:3 actuai size. Depth, 13 to 22 ft.) 


7 


Nos. 1054-1078. Lilliputian Tripod Vases, Pitchers, 


with two parallel horizontal lines, between which the space is filled with 
strokes. Nos. 1068 and 1073 are small one-handled cups. No. 1069 is 
a small, very rude tripod-pitcher. The little pitcher No. 1071 has an 
upright handle which joins the rim to the body, and a horizontal one 
on the hody. No. 1074 is a rude vessel with two holes for suspension 
in the rim; No. 1077, a rude little vessel with two straight projections ; 
No. 1078, a’rude pitcher, with the handle broken off. Lilliputian vases, 
jugs, cups, and pitchers like these (Nos. 1054-1078) are very abundant 








5 Τῷ, Lindenschmit, Die Vaterldéndischen Alterthiimer, Pl. xxvi. No, 5. 


Cuap. VIII] . Δέπα ἀμφικύπελλα. 535 


in this fourth and in the fifth pre-historic cities at Hissarlik, and appear 
to have been used as toys for children, They are rare in the third, the 
burnt city, and, when they occur there, they are of a better fabric, or at 
least they are of a much neater appearance, which is no doubt due to 
the intense heat they have been exposed to in the great conflagration. 

No. 1079 is a one-handled lustrous-red pitcher, of a form which occurs 
very abundantly in this fourth as well as in the burnt city. The same 








— | 
SS No. 1080. Cup in the shape of an hour. glass. 
=e (1:3 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) 


No. 1079. Pitcher with one handle. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 22 ft.) 


shape rarely occurs in the fifth city, and is there generally of a ruder fabric. 
No. 1080 is a very pretty wheel-made black double-handled goblet (δέπας 






















































































































































































———— 





No. 1081. Two-handled Goblet (δέπας No. 1082. Goblet with two handles (δέπας ἀμφικύ- 
ἀμφικύπελλον). (1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) meAAov). (1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) 


ἀμφικύπελλον), in form like an hour-glass, decorated with four incised 
lines round the middle. This form of goblet occurs solely in the fourth 


990 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VIII. 


and fifth cities; it never occurs in the third, second, or first cities, 
It is perhaps the prettiest of all the different sorts of δέπα ἀμφικύ- 
πελλα. It deserves attention that in the fourth city this sort of goblet 15 
of a black, in the following city generally of a red, colour; it is always 
wheel-made. Nos. 1081 and 1082 are 
two more of the common red δέπα ἀμφι- 
κύπελλα, Which 1 have discussed before. 
Goblets of this shape are found here in 
great abundance. ‘They also frequently 
occur in the following, the fifth city, but 
they are there generally of a much 
smaller size. Many of these long goblets 
are hand-made, but there are also a vast 
number of wheel-made ones; and I think 
I am near the mark if 1 express the 
opinion that one-half of the whole number 
are wheel-made. The remarkable red 
No. 1083. Curious large two-handled Goblet Gouble-handled goblet (δέπας ἀμφικύπελ- 
a ee Se en ov), No. 1083, is hand-made; its shape 

reminds us of the form of the small white 

bread (Semmel) used in Mecklenburg-Schwerin: this shape of goblet 
occurs only once. No. 1084 is a pretty hand-made, double-handled lus- 





σ 




















No. 1085. Cup with two handles. 
points. (Nearly 1:3 actual size, Depth, 16 ft.) (1:3 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) 














No. 108t, Cup with two handles. No. 1087. Jug with two handles. 
(1:3 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) 


trous-red gcblet, with 6 indented spots on either side: this same shape, 
but without spots, is not rare. No. 1085 is a rude red hand-made cup, οὗ, 


_ 


Cuap. VIII] RUDE TWO-HANDLED JUGS. 537 


a similar shape; No. 1086, a frequently-occurring pretty hand-made one, 
of a lustrous dark-brown colour. No. 1087 is a red wheel-made vase 
with two handles ; No. 1088, a similar, but unpolished, very rude hand- 













































































































































No. 1088. Jug with two handles. 


(1: 4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) No. 1089. Jug with two handles, 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 


made one, of a thick clay. Another rude unpolished hand-made one is 
No. 1089; and Nos. 1090 and 1091 are two larger lustrous-red hand-made 




































































No. 1691. Jug with two handles. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) 








No. 1090. Vase with two handles. 
(1:4 actual size, Depth, 16 ft.) 


vases of a similar shane. No. 1092 is a dull black hand-made one, having 
an incised linear ornamentation. To the same kind ‘of jugs belongs also 
the hand-made one, No. 1093, on which I have put a cover with a handle 
running out into three spirals. 

All these shapes of vessel, from No. 1088 to No. 1093, are frequent in 
the fourth and third cities ; but more frequent than any other form is the 
two-handled cup, No. 1094, which, as has been before said, only came into 
use in this fourth city, for it only twice occurred as a tripod in the third, 
the burnt city. These cups are so abundant that I collected more than 


538 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VIII. 


400 of them, yet 1 never found a single wheel-made one among them ; all 
are hand-made, generally red, but very frequently also of a black colour. 











No. 1092. Pitcher with two handles, and impressed 
linear ornamentation, 
(1:4 actu ul size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 























No. 1093. Jug with two handles, and Cover 
in the form of a crown. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, sbuut 16 ft.) 





No. 1094. Cup with two handles. 
(Half actual size. Depth, about 19 ft.) 


On account of the abundance of these cups I believe them to have been 


used also as wine-cups. I am not aware that double-handled cups of ar. 


No. 1095. No. 1096. No, 1097. 





epth, 13 tu 22 ft.) 


Nos. 1095-1100. Six Cups, exch with one handle. (Nearly 1:3 actual size. Ὁ 


n found elsewhere, except in Mycenae, where 


identical shape have ever bee 
But just as frequent as these 


I found four of them in the royal tombs." 


6 See my Mycenac, No. 349, p, 240. 





Cuap. VIIL] LARGE TWO-HANDLED BOWLS. 539 


are the single-handled lustrous red or black hand-made cups Nos. 1095- 
1100, and particularly the shapes of Nos. 1096 and 1099, ΑἹ] these 
forms are also very frequent in the following, the fifth city, so that I have 
been able to collect more than 500 of them. Frequent also, but far less 
abundant than the form No. 1094, are the large double-handled cups, 


















































No. 1102. Globular Cup or Bow], with two uandles. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) 

































































No. 1103. Globular Urn, with two handles, (1: 4 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) 


Nos. 1101 and 1102, which are generally red, and are also always hand- 
made. The red urn No. 1103, which has two handles, is also hand-made, 


540 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VIII. 














No. 1104. Tripod Pitcher, with two handles. No. 1105. Double-handled Tripod Pitcher. (About 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 


= τῷ 


No, 1106. Tripod Cup, with two handles. (Nearly No. 1107. Tripod Cup, with two handles. 
1:3 actual size. Depth, 13 to 20 ft.) (1:3 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) 








No. 1108. Terra-cotta Tripod Cup. (1:4 actual size. No. 1109. Small Vase with two handles, 
Depth, 10 to 16 10.) (1: 4 actual size. Depth, about 14 ft.) 










{ΠΠ]Π 
ἢ ᾿ 


ων 








No, 1110. Curious Tripod drinking Vessel, consisting ; x ; 
of three cups issuing from a circular tube. No. 1111. Tripod Vessel, consisting of a circular tube 


(1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) with four cups. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 20 ft.) 


as are likewise the double-handled tripod-pitchers Nos. 1104 and 1105, 
as well as the red double handled tripod-cups, Nos. 1106, 1107, and 1108. 
No. 1109 is a vase with two handles, of a shape which often occurs. 


Cuap. VIII] VESSELS OF VARIOUS FORMS. 541 


No. 1110 marks a very curious lustrous-brown tripod-goblet, consisting 
of a circular tube with three cups. This goblet could serve for three 
persons sitting round a 
table, each of whom could 
drink from a separate mouth 
of the goblet. <A similar 
vessel is indicated by No. 
1111; it also consists. of a 
tube resting on three feet, 
and having four cups, one 
of which is larger than the 
rest. No. 1112 is a large 
rude urn with two handles, 
of a common shape. No. 
1113isarare lustrous-brown 
double-handled bottle, with 
a rather flat body and a 
convex bottom; No. 1114, 
a globular two-handled red 


vase with a hollow foot; 


. 1112. i ; F ize. 
No. 1115, a flat double- No 2. Large Urn ee ae (1: 6 actual size 

















No. 1116. 


Nos, 1115, 1116. Lentil-shaped Bottle and Jug, with two handles. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, about 16 ft.) 





No. 1113. Lentil-shaped Bottle, with two 
handles, (1:4 actual size. Depth, 
18 to 22 ft.) 





No. 1117. Vase with two handles, and projecting ornament 
in the form of spectacles on either side. (1:4 actual 
size. Depth, 19 ft.) 





No. 1114. Globular Vase, with two handles. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) 


922 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VIII. 


handled lustrous-red vessel in the form of a hunting-bottle, with a convex 
bottom: such bottles are not rare here. No. 1116 is a vessel with a convex 
bottom, and perforated projections on the sides for suspension. No. 1117 
‘sa double-handled vase, decorated on either side with a projecting double 
spiral: vases with the same spiral decoration are frequent in the third 
and fourth cities. No. 1118 is a red double-handled vase of a common 
shape, with a convex bottom: the bell-shaped cover is of a dark-red 
colour; it does not belong to this particular vase. No. 1119 is a large 


















































No. 1118. Vase with two handles, and Cover 
in the form of a bell. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, about 22 ft.) 








No. 1119. Vase with two handles ana long neck. 
(1:5 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 














No. 1129. Vase with a vertical and a horizontal No. 1121. Vase with a vertical and a horizontal handie. 
handle. (1:6 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) 


unpolished double-handled vase with a convex bottom: vases of this 
shape are common in this and in the preceding city. No. 1120 marks 
a large vase of a rude fabric, having one handle joining the neck to 


ia 


' Cuap. VIII] TERRA-COTTA BOTTLES: VASE WITH A SPOUT. 543 


the body, and a smaller handle on the opposite side. The rude vessel, 
No. 1121, has its two handles in similar positions; the foot is hollow, 
and has two perforations. Vessels like these are very rare. No. 1122 is 
a wheel-made black bottle ; its foot is convex, and almost pointed. The 
grey bottle, No. 1123, is also wheel-made ; its foot is hollow. No. 1124 is 
a wheel-made black bottle with a pointed foot: similar terra-cotta bottles 
are not rare here, but they do not occur in the subsequent city. 





No. 1124. ‘Terra-cotta 
Bottle with convex 
bottom. (About 1:4 
actual size. Depth, 
about 16 ft.) 





hollow foot. (1:4 actual size. 


No. 1122. Terra-cutta Bottle with point ἃ Depth, about 19 ft.) 
foot. (1:4 actual size. Depth 22 ft.) 


No. 1125 is a lustrous-brown wheel-made globular vase, with four 
breast-like protuberances on the body; the bottom is flat. A vase very 
similar to this, found by Professor Virchow in his excavations in the 
graveyard of Zabordwo, is in his collection. The curious vessel, No. 1126, 


































































































































































































































































































No. 1125. Globnlar Vase, with four breast-l'ke projec- 
tions. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) 





΄ No. 1126. Vase with spout. (About1:4 actual size 
Depth, 16 ft.) 


has a globular base, and a spout in the upper part of the body. It is 
wheel-made, but of a rude fabric. No second specimen of this shape 
was found. 


The terra-cotta plates of this fourth city are of two sorts. They are 


544 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VIII. 


either wheel-made, and in this case they are always shallow, very rude, 
often of irregular form, always unpolished, and perfectly similar in shape 
to those of the third, the burnt city, of which I have represented some under 
Nos. 455 to 468 (p. 408). Or they are hand-made, and in this case they 
are from 2 to.2$in. deep and nearly 8 in. in diameter, made with great 
symmetry, well polished, and of a lustrous dark-brown or red colour; 
nay, on account of their depth they might rather be called bowls than 
plates. They have generally no handle, but sometimes they have one, and 
even two. There also occur double-handled bowls, 18in. in diameter, and 
from 7 to 8in. deep. The wheel-made plates have always a flat bottom ; 
the hand-made ones always a convex one. There also occur very rude 
wheel-made tripod plates, with sieve-like perforations. I represent here 
under No. 1127 a dark-brown hand-made plate or bowl of the usual form 
with one handle, and under No. 1128 a hand-made lustrous-red plate of 
a different shape, having a large cross painted with dark-red clay in its 








No. 1127. 








































































































No. 1129. ἢ 


Nos. 1127-1132. Bowls, ‘Tripods, Botte, and Vase of Terra-cotta. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 to 19 ft.) 


hollow: this cross was evidently painted there before the plate was 
baked. Similar deep dishes or bowls, but wheel-made, found in Cyprus, 
are in the British Museum. The bottle, No. 1129, is hand-made. The 
pretty tripod No. 1130 is wheel-made ; the feet and the handle were added 
after the upper vessel had been fashioned; holes were made into which 
they were stuck, and in which they were consolidated with clay. In all 
vessels whose orifice was large enough to introduce the hand, the places 
where the feet or handles had been stuck in were smoothed, so that 
nothing appears of them on the inside of the vessels; but in the vessels 
with a narrow mouth the feet and handles were often left protruding on 
the inside. : 

No. 1131 is another hand-made lustrous-red double-handled tripod- 


Cuap. VIIL.] VASES OF FOREIGN ORIGIN. 045 


cup; No. 1132, a hand-made vase of the same colour, with two handles ; 
No. 1133, a brown wheel-made jug, of a globular form, with one handle. 


























No. 1133. Globular Jug. (About 1:4 actual 
size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 





No. 1134. Curious lustrous-black Jug, having a 
bottom with eleven perforations. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) 


No. 1134 is a very massive lustrous-black jug, having a flat bottom with 
eleven perforations. Though but slightly baked, it is very solid; it has 


































































































































































































































































































Nos. 1135, 1136. Large Vessels of lustrous-black Terra-cotta, with four handles. 
(1:8 actual size. Depth, 14 to 20 ft.) . 


546 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY.  [Cuar. VIIL 
a trefoil orifice and a rope-like handle; it has round the neck an incised 
zigzag decoration, from which bands of a rude linear ornamentation 
extend downwards, right and left. All these incised ornaments seem to 
have been made with pointed flints ; they are filled in with white chalk, in 
order to strike the eye. The peculiar sort of clay of this jug, its shape, 
fabric, and deeply-incised decoration, are widely different from all that we 
are accustomed to find here. I only found the very same clay and fabric 

‘in the vase-head Nos. 1002 and 1008, in the terra-cotta ball No. 1993, and 
in the vases Nos. 1185 and 1136. If the clay of which these five objects 
were made, and the potter who made them, had belonged to Troy, we 
should undoubtedly have found more specimens of such ware. I therefore 
feel bold to attribute to these objects a foreign origin. 

The vases Nos. 1135 and 1136 are 2 ft. 2 in. high, wheel-made, very 
imperfectly baked, well polished, and of a lustrous-black colour. Very 
characteristic are the four thin handles and the very wide protruding 
border all round the orifice in both. The bottom is flat. Of this same form 
only three vases were found ; it does not occur in any of the other cities. 

No. 1187 is a rude hand-made one-handled yellow pitcher: No. 1138, 








































































































No. 1137. Pitcher with one handle, (1:4 actual 
size. Depth, 19 ft.) 





No. 1138. Tug re one handle. 
(1:6 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 
a dark-brown hand-made jug or bottle, of irregular form, with one handle; 
its bottom is convex. All the following jugs (Nos. 1139 to 1147) are 
wheel-made, except No. 1144, which is hand-made. Nos. 1139 and 1140 
are one-handled yellow globular jugs. No. 1141 is a lustrous-red jug, 
with a convex base and three handles, of which two are on the body 
and one joins the neck to the body. The pretty little vase, No. 1142, 
has four handles. No. 1145 represents a pear-shaped lustrous-yellow 
oenochoé, with a convex bottom and a trefoil orifice; it has a large handle 
joing the neck to the body, and two small ones on the body. The red 
hand-made vase, No. 1144, has a pointed foot and two handles; it has a 
spiral ornament on each side. No. 1145 is a pretty red pear-shaped vase, 
with three handles and a cover of crescent form, which reminds us of the 
vase-handles of crescent form found in the Italian terramare; No. 1146, a 
large dark-brown jug, with a convex bottom and three handles. This last 
vase, as well as the three foregoing ones, were found in the large house which 


547 


-Cuap, VIII] THREE-HANDLED VASES. 
Nene 



































No. 1139. Globular Jug, (Nearly 1: 
size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 








No. 1141. Jug with three handles. 
(Nearly 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 19 ft.) 




















No. 1142. Vase with four handles No. 1143. Globular Cenochoe 
(About 1: 4 actual size. with three handles. (1:4 actual 
size, Depth, about 13 1.) 


No. 1140. G lobular Jug. 
(About 1: 4 actual size. 
Depth, about 16 ft.) 


Depth, about 16 ft.) 






































































































































Vase with convex bottom and three handles. 


No. 1146. 
(1: 4 actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) 





No. 1144. Larse double-handled Vase, with pointed foot. 


(1:4 actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) 


548 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VII. 
































No. 1145. Vase with three handles, and Cover No. 1147. Oval Vase, witn four handles. 


with a handle of crescent form. (1:7 actual size. Depth, about 13 ft.) 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) 


was built on the top of the old royal house. No. 1147 represents, in 1-7th 
of its size, a large egg-shaped vase of a blackish colour, with four handles, 

No. 1148 is a globular wheel-made lustrous-brown oenochoé, with a 
flat base and a long upright neck; it has three breast-like protuberances. 
The red globular oenochoé, No. 1149, is likewise wheel-made; the bottom 
is flat; the mouthpiece is restored. The grey oenochoé, No. 1150, with 









No. 1148. Globular Jug, with long No. 1149. Globular Jug; mouthpicce No. 1150. Jug with long neck. 


neck and breast-like projections. restored. (About 1:4 actual size. (About 1:4 actual size. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) Depth, about 15 ft.) 


Depth, about 20 ft.) 


a long neck, is hand-made. The pretty red tripod oenochoé, No. 1151, 1s 
hand-made. The blackish oenochoé, No. 1152, is wheel-made. No. 1153, 
again, is hand-made. No. 1154 is a pretty hand-made pear-shaped red 
oenochoé, decorated with incised lines round the neck; the mouth has a 
trefoil shape, and so also has the mouth of the pretty red oenochoé 


No. 1157. No. 1155 ig also hand-made; but the red oenochoé, No. 1156, 


Cuapr. VIIL.] LONG-NECKED OENOCHOAE. 549 


























No. 1151. Tripod Qenochoé, with No. 1152. Jug with a long neck. No. 1153. Jug with a long necix. 


one handle and trefoil mouth. (1:4 (About 1:4 actual size. (Nearly 1:3 actual size. 
actual size. I pth, 13 to 20 ft.> Depth, about 19 ft.) Depth, about 19 ft.) 













































































No. 1154, Oenochoé with straight neck. (Nearly No. 1155. Oval Jug or Oenochoe. 
1 : 4 actual size, Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) (Nearly 1:4 actual size. Depth, 19 to 22 ft.) 
is wheel-made. The globular oenochoé, No. 1158, is wheel-made ; it has a 
protuberance on the fore-part of the neck, and a small one on each side 
of it: these protuberances may have been intended to represent a face. 
All the following jugs or oenochoae, Nos. 1159-1169, are hand-made, 


00 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY.  [Cnap. VII. 







































































































































































No. 1156. Oenochoé with one 
handle. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, about 19 it.) 


No. 1158. Globular Genochoé, with 
a curious neck. (About 1:4 
actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) 





No. 1157, Cenochoé with upright neck. 
(About 1:4 actual size. 
Depth, about 16 ft.) 




























































No. 1159. Jug. (Nearly 1:3 actual size. No. 1160. Jug. (About 1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 16 ft.) Depth, about 22 ft.) 























No. 1163. Jug of globular form, with one handle. Nv. 1164. Jug with long perpendicular neck. 
(1:4 actual size. ΤΡ. ἢ, about 13 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) 


Cuapr. VIIL] JUGS WITH LONG UPRIGHT NECKS. 501 




















































































































































































































































































































































































No. 1161. Globular Oenocho 





, With straight neck. No. 1162. Globular Oenochoé, withupright neck, 
(Nearly 1:4 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 20 to 22 ft.) 


No. 1159 is a pretty black jug, of a form which very frequently occurs. 
The forms of the jugs or oenochoae, Nos. 1161, 1162, and 1163, are also 
frequent, particularly the last. 














































































































No. 1165. Globular Jug, with a straight neck. No. 1166. Jug with long neck. (1:4 actual size. 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) 





I have discussed in the preceding pages the different places where jugs 
with a narrow upright neck, like Nos. 1164 to 1168, occur elsewhere, and 
shall, therefore, not repeat what I have said. The black jug No. 1169, 
again, is wheel-made; it is decorated on the neck with three impressed 
lines. All the following jugs, from No. 1170 to No. 1178, are hand-made. 


TRON. [Cuap. VIIl, 


552 THE FOURTH. CITY ON THE SITE (OF 


























































































































Globular Jug, with straight No. 1169. Jug. (About 1:4 actual 
size. Depth, 13 ft.) 








(About No. 1168. 
neck. (About 1: 4 actual size. Depth, 


about 13 ft.) 


No. 1167. Globular Jug. 
1:4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 


22 ft.) 
Very curious is the shape of the blackish jug No. 1170, with its neck bent 
backward and ornamented with a protuberance, its trefoil mouth, long = - 


“ify Wh i, 











































































































Remarkable lustrous-yellow Vessel, with 


No, 11705) Jug or Terra-cotta, with spout in the No. 1171. 
body. (2:3 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) a small orifice (No. 1172) and a sieve-like bottom 
(No. 1173). (About half actual size. Depth, 


16 ft.) 





No. 1173. Half actual size. 


No. 1172. Half actual size. 


Cuap. VIII] JUGS WITH TWO SEPARATE NECKS. 909 


handle, and the spout in its body. But still more remarkable is the 
lustrous-yellow jug No. 1171, of which I represent under No. 1172 the 
very curious orifice, and under No. 1173 the flat sieve-like bottom. 
No. 1174 is a pear-shaped dark-red jug, with a hemispherical bottom and 
two distinct upright necks. A similar but globular dark-brown jug with 
a flat bottom is represented under No. 1175; it has also two distinet 























No. 1174. Jug of oval torm, with two distinct necks. No. 1175. Globular Vase, with two separate necks. 
(Nearly 1:4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) (Nearly 1:4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) 





upright necks, joined by a handle to the body. No. 1176 is a globular 
yellow jug, likewise with two upright spouts; but here the spouts stand 
one before the other, so that, when the liquid was being poured out, it 
could only run from the foremost (to the right in the engraving), and 
thus the hinder one was of no use. These two conjoined spouts seem, 
therefore, to have been only a fancy of the primitive potter, as we have 
seen in the case of No. 358, p. 384. This particular shape of double spout 
is unique; other shapes of double-spouted jugs are not rare here, but, as 
has been already said, they have never occurred elsewhere except in 
Hungary and in Cyprus. 

Very curious and unique is the red vase No. 1177, which has, both to 
the right and left of its large mouth, a spout slightly bent forward; the 
cover which I have put on the large mouth may or may not have belonged 
to it: this vessel has on each side a breast-like protuberance, which 
cannot have been. intended for a handle. No. 1178 represents a one- 
handled jug of very coarse grey clay, covered all over with protuberances, 
which may have been intended to imitate birds’ feathers; on either side 
is an ear-like projection. 

Under No. 1179 I represent one more of the common wheel-made 
pitchers which are so abundant here. No. 1180 is a small hand-made, 
one-handled basin ; No. 1181, a hand-made red pitcher with a very small 


554. THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuap. VIII. 



















No. 1176. Globular Vase, with two distinct necks. No. 1177. Vase with three ths and two handles, 
(Nearly 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 19 10.) (Abou; 1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 

















No: 1179... ἘΠ ΠΌΠΟΙ: No. 118. Bowl. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) 




















No 1178. Jug of coarse grey clay, covered all over with No. 1181. Pitcher. No. 1182. Cup. (About 


protuberances ; having one handle, and an ear-like pro- (About 1:4 actual size, 1:4 actual size. 
jection on either side. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 20 to 22 ft.) Depth, 13 ft.) Depth, 16 ft.) 


handle. No. 1182 is a lustrous-red one-handled wheel-made cup: this 
shape does not occur in the third, the burnt city, but it 1s very frequeat 
in the fourth as well as in the fifth pre-historic city of Troy. 

No. 1183 is a one-handled red hand-made pitcher, with two breast-like 
exerescences. No. 1184 is a one-handled wheel-made vessel of cylindrical 
shape; it is of very thick unpolished clay and very rude fabric: like the 
vessels of this shape found in the third city (see No. 347, p. 381), it is 
particularly massive and heavy in its lower part. The deep impressions 
made by a rope may be seen in the handle of a similar specimen which 
lies before me as I write; I, therefore, readily accept the suggestion of 
Mr, A. S. Murray of the British Museum, that, as in Ancient Egypt, 
vessels of this sort may have served as buckets for drawing water from 
the wells. 


Cuap. VIII.] BUCKET AND CENSERS. bd 


ee ae 





No. 1183. Pitcher with one handle, and No. 1184. Vessel of No. 1185, 


ΤΣ οἵ ‘Terra-cotia, of very 
two breast-like projections. cylindrical shape. rude fabric. 
(About 1:4 actual size, Depth, 19 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) . 


The vessels Nos. 1185-1187 are also hand-made. No. 1185 is a very 
rude brown, unpolished, but massive censer, with a hollow foot decorated 








No. 1186. Globular Bowl, with one handle, 
(1:4 actual size, Depth, 19 ft.) 


with four lenticular perforations. This shape of vessel is unique. But 
who knows whether the lustrous-black vessels of the first city, of which 
only a vast number of teet have been found, had not a similar shape? 1 
remind the reader that all those feet are hollow, and that, as in the censer 
before us, they are decorated with large perforations. Professor Virchow 
informs me that censers of a similar shape are found in tombs in Lusatia 
(Lausitz) and in the duchy of Posen, and calls my attention to a censer 
of this kind found at Reichersdorf, between the little rivers Neisse and 
Lubs.’ He has in his own collection some such censers, which he found 
in the graveyard of Zabordwo, and many others, found elsewhere in 





7 See the Sessional Report of the Berlin Society of Anthropology, Ethnology, &c. of July 21, 1877 
p- 23, and Pl, xvii. No. 7. 


556° THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Cuar. VIII. 


Germany, are in the museums of Berlin. Under No. 1186 I represent a 
large single-handled red globular bowl, with a hollow foot; under 
No. 1187, a single-handled red globular cup, with a convex bottom. 











No. 1189. Vase with 

incised ornamentation. 
(1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 16 ft.) 





No. 1187. Large Globular Cup. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) No. 1188. Vase of globular shape, 
: with two curved handles and two straight 
ones in the form of wings. - 
(About 1: 4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 


Cups of this shape are very common in the fourth and also in the fifth 
cities. No. 1188 is a globular black vase, with a convex bottom and 
two curved handles of the usual shape; it is decorated, besides, with 
two wing-like upright projections and with dots all round. Similar 
vases, but of a hght red colour, are not rare, but they are much more 
frequent in the preceding city. No. 1189 marks a small hand-made 
globular lustrous-black vase, with perforated projections on the sides 
for suspension ; it is decorated on both sides with strokes. 
































No. 1190. Bowl, periorated all over 
in the form of a sieve. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) 















































No. 1192. Jug with sieve-like 
perforations. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, about 19 ft.) 





No. 1191. Vase with two handles, covercd with 
sieve-like perforations. 
(About 1:4 actual size. Depth, about 22 [t.) 


No. 1190 is a sieve or colander of terra-cotta, m the shape of a 
bowl: like all the following sieve-like vessels, Nos. 1191 to 1196, it is of 


= 


Cxap. VIIL.] SIEVE-LIKE PERFORATED VASES. 507 


coarse clay, unpolished and of rude fabric. Even if we could explain the use 
of this sieve, we can hardly explain that of the sieve-like double-handled 































































































































































































(1:5 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 


vessel No. 1191, which has the shape of a wine-cup, or of the perforated 
vase No. 1192, or of the large double-handled sieve like perforated vases 

































No. 1195. Tripod, with mouth on the side, 
and perforated all over. (About 1:4 actual 
size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 



























































































































































































































































No. 1194. Two-handled Vase, with sieve-like perforations. No. 1196. Cup, perforated in the form of a sieve. 
(About 1: 4 actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 


Nos. 1193 and 1194. We experience a like difficulty in explaining the 
use of the sieve-like tripod vessel, perforated all over, No. 1195, which 


558 THE FOURTH CIrry ON THE SITE OF TROY. |Cuap.. VIIT, 


resembles a pitcher standing on one side, and of the perforated cup No. 
1196. Of these different shapes of sieve-like vessels, those of Nos. 1193, 
1194, and 1195 occur oftener than the others, but they are by no means 
very frequent.* 

The British Museum contains a jug and a tripod of terra-cotta with 
similar sieve-like perforations, which were found in sepulchres at Ialysus 
in Rhodes. Another vase with sieve-like perforations may be seen in the 
Phoenician Collection in the Louvre, at Paris. Similar sieve-like per- 
forated vases were also found at Szihalom in Hungary,° as well as in the 
Lake dwellings in the Lake of Bienne; and Dr. V. Gross suggests that 
they may have served for draining out honey from the comb.” A like use 
is suggested by Professor W. Helbig for the vases of terra-cotta with 
perforated bottoms found in the Italian terramaze."' The Royal Museum 
at Berlin contains a sieve-like bowl lke No. 1190, as well as a one-handled 
jug, perforated all over like No. 1191. Professor Virchow suggests that 
they may have been used to preserve fruits; and probably he is right. 

No. 1197 is a crucible of but slightly- 
baked clay, which, as Mr. Giuliano says, 
was mixed with cow-dung to make the vessel 
stronger and better able to resist the fire. 
No. 1198 is another crucible. No. 1199 
marks a smaller boat-like vessel, of a similar 
clay and fabric, which must also have been 
used in Trojan metallurgy. 

Nos. 1200 and 1201 represent perforated 
cylinders of grey clay, which have evidently 










































































































































































No. 1197. Crucible of Clay. (Nearly : 
half actual gine; gen ih 10) been only sun-dried, and never baked. Clay 


cylinders of this shape are frequent in the 
fourth city, but they are still much more abundant in the third, the burnt 
city, where, owing to the intense heat to which they have been exposed in 


No. 1198. 






No. 1199. 


















































————— 


9 ft.) 











Nos. 1198, 1199. Crucibles of Clay. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 13 101 


the conflagration, they always have a yellow colour. It deserves attention 
that these clay cylinders occur neither in the following, the fifth city, nor 
in the first or the second city, and that they are peculiar to the third and 
fourth. Those of the third, the burnt city have for the most part become 





€ A vessel like No. 1195 was found in the 10 V. Gross, Résultats des Recherches dans les 
Third City: see No. 327, p. 373. Lacs de la Suisse occidentale, p. 23. 

® See Nos. 23 and 36 in the glass case No. IX. 11 Wolfgang Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poe- 
in the National Museum of Buda-Pesth. bene; Leipzig, 1879, p. 17. 








Cuap. VIII] PERFORATED IMPLEMENTS OF CLAY. 009 


so fragile by the conflagration that they easily dissolve in the rain. Those 
of the fourth city have not been exposed to the conflagration, and are for 
that reason much more compact and solid. Clay cylinders of the same shape 























































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 1201. Cylindrical Piece «i Clay, with perfuration. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) 





No. 1200. Verforated Clay Cylinder. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 12 ft.) 


and fabric are found in the Lake-dwellings in the Lake of Constance,! and, 
.as Professor Virchow informs me, they are found in tombs in many regions 
of Germany. I also saw several specimens of them in the Museum of the 
Lacustrine Antiquities at Zirich, though I do not see them represented in 
Ferd. Keller’s Pfahlbauten (7ter Bericht). The use of these cylinders is 
unknown to us. We cannot admit Lindenschmit’s? opinion, that they 
served as weights for fishing-nets, as they are not baked, and would, 



















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 1202. Implement of Clay, with perforation. No. 1203. Perforated Implement of Clay. 
(Half actual size, Depth, 19 ft.) (Half actual size. Deptb, 19 it) 


consequently, dissolve in the water. Of precisely the same fabric are the 
nearly flat objects of sun-dried clay, like No. 1202, which are also very fre- 





1 L. Lindenschmit, Die Vaterlindischen Alterthiimer, Pl. xxx. No. 16. e Void. pools. 


560 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Caap. VII. 


quent, not only in the third, the burnt, and the fourth cities, but alsoin the 
fifth: they have a perforation near the smaller end; in a few cases they 
have a furrow all round the edge, or only on the edge of the smaller end. 
Similar objects of clay occur also in the uppermost or seventh city; but 
there they are thoroughly baked, and have a more symmetrical shape. 
An object of baked clay of an identical shape was found below the strata 
of pumice-stone and voleanic ashes in Thera (Santorin), and is in the col- 
lection of the French School at Athens. An object of clay, similar to 
No. 1202, found at Nimroud, is in the British Museum ; several similar 
pieces are in the Museum of Saint Germain-en-Laye, and in the Royal 
Museum at Berlin. Lastly, I have to mention the quadrangular objects 
of the very same clay and fabric, hke No. 1203, which are perforated 
through the smaller side. They are likewise very abundant in the third 
as well as in the fourth and fifth cities. 





Nos. 1204, 1205. Cuws of Terra-cotta. 





No. 1206. Ox of Terra-cotta. (3:4 actual size. Nos. 1207, 1208. Dogs of Terra-cotta, (3:4 actual size. 
Depth, 16 ft.) Lepth, 16 ft.) 





Nos. 1204-1206 represent oxen or cows, Nos. 1207 and 1208 dogs, of 
slightly-baked clay. Such animal figures were found exclusively in this 
fourth city. A large number of similar figures, found at Szihalom, are 
in the National Museum at Buda-Pesth,? where similar ones found at 
Pilin may also be seen.* The Trojan cows before us correspond very well 
with those found by me in such abundance at Mycenae,° with the difference 
that the Mycenean cows are thoroughly baked, and have always a painted 
ornamentation. I may add that there is in the British Museum a cow of 
terra-cotta found in a tomb at Jalysus in Rhodes. 

No. 1209 is a fannel-like object of terra-cotta of unknown use; it is 
of very thick clay, and has one perforation in the bottom and two on 
either side. 

No. 1210 is a fragment of a six-stringed lyre of terra-cotta. No. 1211 
ig a ving of clay, but slightly baked; similar rings are abundant in the 





3 In the glass case No. X. under Nos. 85-100. de I’Exposition préhistorique des Musées de 
4 See Joseph Hampel, Antiquités préhistoriques Province, pp. 118, 119. 
de la Hongrie, Ῥ]. xiii. Nos. 10-15 ; and Catalogue 5 See my Mycenae, Plate A. 


Cuap. VIII.] SEALS AND CURIOUS TERRA-COTTAS. 601 


third and fourth cities. They were probably used to support vases with 
a convex or pointed bottom. Similar terra-cotta rings, found at Pilin, 
are in the National Museum at Buda-Pesth.°® 

Under Nos. 1212 and 12131 represent 
two seals of terra-cotta; the former with a 
linear decoration. The ornamentation of 
No. 1213 seems to be floral: this latter 
seal has a perforated handle. Prof. Virchow 


















































Ses οτο-ν 

No. 1209. Curious Object of Terra-cotta, 
having a perforation in the bottom and τε 3 
two on either side. (Actual size. Depth, No. 1210. Fragment of a Lyre with six chords, of Tcrra-cotta. 
13 {t.) (7: 8 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) 













suggests to me that No. 1212 may not be a seal, but the button of a 
vase-handle: as the lower part is fractured, this is possible, but it is 
certainly not the case with No. 1213, which is entire. 


No. 1213. 





No. 1214. Small massive 
quadrangular Object, with 
incised ornamentation. 
(Nearly half actual sizc. 
Depth, 20 to 22 ft.) 





No. 1211. Ring of Terra- Nos, 1212, 1213. Seals of Terra-cotta. 
cotta. (2:5 actual size. (7:8 actual size. Depth, 10 to 16 {t.) 
Depth, 22 ft.) 


i : ‘i Ϊ ᾿ 





Nos. 1215-1217. Curious enbical Object of black clay, having on one side a deep, wide, smooth hole, and 
an incised ornamentation on four sides. (Almost actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 





° Joseph Hampel, Antiquites prehistoriques de la Hongrie, Pl. xiii. No. 34. 
20 


562, THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY.  ([Cuap. VIIL., 


A striking analogy to these Trojan seals is offered by the terra-cotta 
seals found at Pilin in Hungary,’ on which the sign of the LE or ἢ] 
predominates; in fact, there are no fewer than seven seals with such 
signs; one seal has even two aH and two 


No. 1214 is a solid object of terra-cotta, with four feet, having on the 
top and on the four sides an incised linear ornamentation. Nos. 1215, 1216, 
and 1217 represent three sides of a very curious object of black slightly- 
baked clay, in the form of an inkstand ; itis ornamented on one side (1215), 
within a border of incised hooks and strokes, and an incised circle, 


enclosing a sign resembling the -U, with curved arms, and the middle 


arms turned downward into spirals; the other sides are decorated with 
incised strokes or lines. No. 1218 is a pretty lustrous-red. vase-cover 





No, 1219. Small Tripod Dish, with an 
incised ornamentation. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) 





No. 1218. Terra-cotta Vase Cover, perforated for 
tying down to the Vase. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) 


of terra-cotta, with perforated projections for tying it down to the 
vase, which could then be hung up by the same string.* This cover 


has an incised ornamentation representing within a border of strokes 
a circle with a cross, each arm of which ends in a small circle: between 
the arms of the cross are three FU and one LE. Professor Virchow 
calls my attention to the similarity which exists between this vase- 
cover and a vase-cover found near Guben in Lusatia.? This latter has 
also a richly incised decoration of concentric circles, crosses and dots, but 
it has not the two perforated projections of our vase-cover No. 1218. 

No. 1219 is a little tripod-dish of terra-cotta, with an incised ornamen- 
tation representing a caterpillar, a tree, and a cross. No. 1220 represents 


the decoration of a whorl with three LE No. 1221, the incised decora- 


tion of another whorl. Under Nos. 1222 to 1224 I represent three more 
whorls, calling very particular attention to the signs on Nos. 1222, 1223, 





7 Joseph Hampel, Catalogue de ?Exposition from Homer (p. 221). 
préhistorique des. Musées de Province, pp. 120, 9 See Sessional Report the Berlin Society 
121. of Anthropology, Ethnology, &c., of July 21, 
8 See the explanation of the method, verified 1877, Plate xvii. No. 5a. 


Cuar. VIII] TERRA-COTTA WHORLS AND BALLS. 568 


No, 1220. 





Nos. 1220, 1221. Whorls of Terra-cotta. (Half 
actual size. Depth, 13 and 16 ft.) 





No. 1222. Whorl of Terra-cotta, with curious 
signs, perhaps written characters. (Actual size, 
Depth, 20 ft.) 


No. 1223. No, 1224. 


li 


᾿ς 





Nos. 1223, 1224. Whorls of Terra-cotta, with incised ornamentation, (Actual size. Depth, 20 ft.) 


No. 1225. No. 1226. 








































































































—== aces ee -ΞΞΞ 
— ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ- es SS 


Nos. 1225-1227. Terra-cotta Ball. No. 1225. Side View. No. 1226. Upper Hemisphere. No. 1227, Lower 
Hemisphere, with the signs. (Actual size. Depth, 13 {t.) 











Nos, 1223, 1229, A remarkable Terra-cotta Ball. (Actual size. Depth, 20 ft.) 


064 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE ‘OF TROY. ([Cuap. VIII. \ 


which may be written characters. Nos. 1225, 1226, and 1227 represent 
the three sides of a ball of terra-cotta; with incised signs, which may be 
written characters. Nos. 1228 and 1229 represent the incised decoration 
of the two hemispheres of another terra-cotta ball, decorated with a ereat 
number of signs resembling the Greek p. 

Of knives, several were found of the same shape as before represented. 
Of a different shape is the bronze knife No. 1230, which has been worn 





No. 1230. Knife of Bronze. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) 


down by long use. Nos, 1231 to 1243 are brooches of bronze, of which 
nine have globular heads and four have the head turned into a spiral. 
These brooches, as Mr. John Evans points out to me, consist of the 
needle (acus) without the support (fibula). No. 1244 is a bronze wire. 
Nos. 1245-1247 are bronze arrow-heads. No. 1248 is of bronze, and pro- 
bably the handle of a small box. Nos. 1249, 1250, and 1251 are bronze 


1235 1236 1237 





Ncs. 1231-1252. Primitive Brooches, Arrow-heads, &c., of Bronze. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 13 to 29 ft.) 


needles, 3-34 in. long, with eyes for threading. The needles Nos. 1249 
and 1250 have two pointed ends. Very remarkable are the forms of the 


Cuar. VII] NUMBERS OF SPOKES IN ANCIENT WHEELS. 


565 


last-named needle No. 1250, the eye of which is not in the head, but 
nearly an inch distant from it, and of No. 1251, the head of which has 
been beaten flat, and then perforated. The object under No. 1252 is of 
bronze, and may be an awl or punch. 

Of bronze battle-axes of precisely the same shape as those found in the 
burnt city, and represented under Nos. 806-809, only five were found 
in the fourth city, but all of them of a smaller size. Bronze lances or 
daggers were not found there. 

No. 1253 is a wheel with four spokes of lead, and may be an ex-voto. 
But there can hardly be a doubt that this wheel was copied from the 
wheels existing at the time it was made. 
Wheels with four spokes were also in use 
at Mycenae, for they are seen in the three 
chariots represented on the tombstones of the 
royal sepulchres,’? as well as in the chariot 
represented on one of the gold rings.’ I 
also found at Mycenae two wheels of bronze? 
and six wheels of gold with four spokes.* In “hig eae 
the Swiss Lake-dwellings at the station of “ee 
Corcelettes were found two ornaments of ee ee Peaster 
bronze in the shape of a wheel with four 
spokes, and two others of gold with six spokes;* also an ornament of 
tin, and another of bronze, in the form of wheels with four spokes, at the 
station of Auvernier.* We see also wheels with four spokes on two 
miniature bronze’ chariots found at Burg in the bed of the river Spres, 
and of which one is in Professor Virchow’s collection, the other in the 
Royal Museum at Berlin; and also on two other chariots of bronze, one 
of which was found at Ober-Kehle, the other near Drossen, in Prussia. 
I shall revert to these four chariots in the subsequent pages. The Trojan 
wheel before us (No. 1253) is unlike the wheels (κύκλα) of Homer’s chariot 
of the gods, which had eight spokes round the axle.° , 

No. 1254 is the fragment of a flat dise of ivory, decorated with incised 
circles, each with a dot in the centre. Nos. 1255, 1256 are also flat 





(2:3 actual size. 





and Assyrian wheels have six spokes. The 
Persian Achaemenid sculptures show chariots 
With eight-spoked wheels. Professor Sayce 
observes: ‘‘The wheels of the Hittite chariots, 
however, are represented on the Egyptian monu- 


10 See my Mucenae, p. 52, No. 24; p. 81, 
No. 140; p. 85, No. 141. 

11 Lbida p. 223, Now 334. 

1 bid. p. 74, No. 120. 

2 Ibid. p. 203, No. 316. 


3 V. Gross, Résultats des Recherches exécutées 
dans les Lacs de la Suisse occidentale; Zurich, 
1876, Pl.yiti: Nos. 97 16, 18.019 

4 V.Gross, Deux Stations lacustres, Moeringen 
et Auvernier; Neuveville, 1878, Pl. vii. Nos. 
Jl, Οἱ. 

© ΠΡ ον, 2ac 
Ἥβη δ᾽ ἀμφ᾽ ὀχέεσσι θοῶς βάλε καμπύλα κύκλα 
χάλκεα ὀκτάκνημα, σιδηρέῳ ἄξονι ἀμφίς. 

My friend Mr. W. 5. W. Vaux calls my 
attention to the fact that the four-spoked 
chariot-wheel is characteristic of the earliest 
Greek coins, The early Egyptian, Ethiopian, 


ments with only four spokes. The wheels of 
the Egyptian chariots also sometimes have only 
four, sometimes eight; and a Persian chariot- 
wheel given by Ker Porter has eleven.” (See 
Wilkinson’s Ancient Egyptians, i. pp. 223-241, 
new edit., 1879.) In two of the earliest repre- 
sentations of chariots in Egypt, in the same 
tomb at Thebes, of the time of Amenhotep II., 
two chariots have wheels with six spokes, but 
another chariot has wheels with four. (Villiers 
Stuart, Nile Gleanings, Pl. xxxvili. xxxix. pp. 
294, 295.) 


566 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY.  ([Cuar. VIII. 


No. 1255. 





















































(2:3 actual size. Depth, .16 ft.) 












































































































































5. 1255, 1256. 
horse’s harness. (Actual size. Depth, 20 ft. and 13 ft.} 





objects of ivory, ornamented on both sides with similar circles; the latter 
has three perforations. These three objects may have served as orna- 
ments on horse-trappings. 

No. 1257 is of bone and has three perforations. Mr. John Evans holds 
it to be a guard or bracer used by archers, to prevent the wrist from 
being hurt by the bow-string; he adds that the Esquimaux use to the 
present day similar guards or bracers of bone. The guards or bracers 
found in England are of stone, and have three perforations at each end. 

Nos. 1258-1260 are ribs of animals sharpened to a point, and probably 


No. 1258. No. 1259. No. 1260. 





No. 1261. 













<a 






Sea ps ἘΞΕΞΞ ns 
ae —— 









——, 





SS 





Se 















--- τ 


ἘΞ: ἘΠ ἘΞ ὍΣ τ- Ξ-- 553 


















































































































































Nos. 1261, 1262. Awls of Bone. 


No. 1257. Object of Bone. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) 


(7:8 actual size. Depth, 20 ft.) 





Nos. 1258-1260. Ribs of Animals, sharpened 
to a point, and probably used as awls. 
(Nearly half actual size. Depth, 13 to 18 ft.) 


Cap. VII.] © STAFF-HANDLES: INSCRIBED WHETSTONE. 567 


used as awls. Nos. 1261 and 1262 are awls of thicker bone. Nos. 1263 
and 1264 are very rude staff-handles of stag-horn; both of them having 





Nos. 1263, 1264. Staff-handles of Bone. (Nearly half actual size. Deptb, 16 to 20 ft.) 


quadrangular perforations. A similar staff-handle, of better fabric, found 
at Inzighofen,® is considered to be a small hammer. But this I cannot 
admit, stag-horn being ill-suited for hammers. Under No. 1265 I 
represent in double size a whetstone, which, according to Mr. Davies, 





































































































































TY 
fii 

wf 0 SSS 

ἘΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ 


















































































































































































































































































































































SS Ἅ ἔΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΕΞΕΞΞΞΞΞΞ 
SSS 


No. 1265. Whetstone of porphyry, with an inscription. (Dvuble actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) 


is of red porphyry; it has an incised inscription, to which I call very 
particular attention. Professor Sayce discusses this object in his 
Appendix on the Trojan inscriptions.’ 

No. 1266 is a piece of mica-schist, with the bed for a very curious 
instrument, which is altogether unknown to me. No, 1267 is another 
mould of mica-schist, with the bed for casting a rude leaf. I represent 
under No. 1268 a third mould of mica-schist. The object to be cast in 
it seems to be a large ring with a handle: this mould has two per- 
forations, by which it was fixed to another mould which had the same 
form. <A perfectly similar mould of green basalt, found at Nimroud, is 
in the Assyrian Collection of the British Museum. , 





6 L, Lindenschmit, Die Vaterliénd. Alterth. copied here. A facsimile will pe found in 
Pi, xxv. No.2. the Appendix. 
7 The characters are not quite correctly 


268 THE FOURTH CITY 


ON THE SITE OF TROY. 


[Cuap. VIII. 






































No, 1267. Mould of Mica-schist. 


(Half actual size., 
D pth, 9 ft.) 


"ἀν; 


Min 


ww 


RES 


aS 
































hy 





































































































No. 1266. Mould of Mica-schist. (Half actual No. 1268. 
size. Depth, 16 ft.) 




















Moul | of Mica-schist. (Half actual 
size, Depth, 13 to 16 ft.) 


Nos. 1269 to 1272 are, according to Mr. Davies of the British 
Museum, hammers and axes of porphyry, diorite, brown hematite, and 
silicious rock. 


No. 1272. 
No. 1269. 





No. 1271. 







































































































































































































































































Nos. 1269-1272. Stune Hammers. (Half actual size. Depth, 13 to 22 ft.) 


No. 1269 is a perforated hammer of a common type; the perforation 
has been worked from both sides, narrowing towards the centre. No. 1270 
is a hammer with grooves on both sides: similar grooved hammers occur 
in England * aud Denmark.’ No. 1271 is a perforated hammer of a form 





§ John Evans, Ancient Stone Irmlemcnts ; London, 1872, pp. 215, 217. ; 
° J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, p. 12, No. 33. 


Cuar. VIII] STONE HAMMERS AND AXES. 069 


which is also found in England.’ No. 1272 is a perforated axe, of a form 
which has also been found in Hungary.? Nos. 1273 and 1274 are two 














































































































No. 1275. Axe of Stone. (Half 
actual size, Depth, 19 ft.) 





No. 1273. Stone Hammer, with 
groove in the middle. - Sz 
(Half actual size. Depth, 22 ft ) No. 1274. Stone Hammer, with 
groove in the middle. 
(Πα actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) 


more grooved hammers, of a shape which I have not noticed elsewhere. 
No. 1275 is a very rude axe of diorite. Nos. 1276-1281 are six axes, 


No. 1281. 






No. 1279. No. 1280. 









No. 1277. No. 1278. 





No. 1276.- Axe of a 

green gabbro-rock. Nos. 1277, 1278. Axes of Jade. 
(Half actual size. (Half actual size. Nos. 1279-1281. Axes. (Half actual size, 
Depth, 16 to 20 ft.) Depth, 20 ft.) Depth, 13, 19, and 22 ft.) 


of which, according to the investigations of Mr. Davies, Nos. 1277 and 
1278 are of green jade. I have discussed the jade axes at length in the 
preceding pages.* Of the four other axes, according to Mr. Davies, one 
is of green gabbro-rock, two are of diorite, and one is of blue serpentinous 
rock. No. 1282 is, according to Mr. Davies, a pear-shaped object of 
polished crystalline limestone. No. 1283 is another of those round corn- 
bruisers which we have discussed before, and which are found here in 
very large masses. These round corn-bruisers are also found in the débris 


1 John Evans, op. cit. p. 203. Pesth, 1876, p. 67, Nos. 34, 38. 
2 Joseph Hampel, Collection de 0 Exposition 3 See pp. 240-243 and 446-451. 
préhistorique des Musées de Province; Buda- 


570 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. ([Cuap. VIIL 


of the Stone age in Egypt,* and in the pre-historic city below the strata 
of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes on the island of Thera.® With 
reference to the stone balls for bruising corn, I am informed that the 
process may still be seen among the Indians of the Yosemite Valley 
in California. Their squaws pound acorns with round stone mullers on a 
granite rock, the flat surface of which is worn into holes by the operation. 
The same Indians offer another parallel to my discoveries at Troy in the 
beautiful little arrow-points of obsidian, which they make and use for 
small game, though they have rifles for large game,—a remarkable 

















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 1282. Pear- 
shaped Object οἵ = 
Stone. (Half actual No. 1283. Stone Ball for bruising 
size. Depth, 9 ft.) grain. (Half actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 








No. 1284. Implement of Stone. (Half actual 
size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) 


example of mixed states of civilization. No. 1284 is an instrument of 
hematite: as the upper side is well polished and perfectly smooth, it 
may have served, as Professor Virchow suggests, for smoothing cloth or 
other textures, while the other side may have been used as a bammer. 
This is one of the better specimens of the rude stone hammers, which 
occur by thousands at Hissarlik. No. 1285 is a hollow object of granite, 






























































































































































































































































No. 1287. Quadrangularly cut Lime- 
stone with a semi-globular hollow. 
(1:6 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) 





No. 1285. Hollow Instrument of granite, 
of globular form, with large perforation in == 
the bottom. (1: 5 actual size. Depth, about No. 1286. Stone Implement. 

13 ft.) (Half actual size. Depth, about 16 ft.) 


of globular form, with a large perforation in the bottom; its use 1s 


unknown. Of granite also, according to Mr. Davies, is the implement 
No. 1286, which has a deep groove all round it, and which may have 





4 Friedrich Mook, Aegypten’s Vormetallische 5 Some specimens of them are in the small 
Zeit ; Wiirzburg, 1880, Pl. xii. Nos. 4-6. collection in the French School at Athens. 


Cuar. VIIL.] VARIOUS PATTERNS OF WHORLS. 571 


served as a weight for fishing-nets. Similar stone implements are found 
in Denmark,® in Georgia, and in Rhode Island.’?’ No. 1287 is a quad- 
rangular piece of limestone, with a semi-globular hollow; its use is a 
mystery to us. Polishing stones of jasper are frequent. 

There were also found in the fourth city many needles of bone for 
female handiwork, boar-tusks, spit-rests of mica-schist, whetstones of slate, 
porphyry, &c., of the usual form, hundreds of small silex saws, and some 
knives of obsidian. Stone whorls, which are so abundant at Mycenae, are 
but rarely found here: all those which occur are, according to Mr. Davies, 
of steatite. On the other hand, terra-cotta whorls, with or without incised 
ornamentation, are found by thousands; their forms hardly vary from 
those found in the third, the burnt city, and the same may generally be said 
of their incised ornamentation, of which a fair selection may be seen in 
the Plates at the end of the volume. The depth at which each whorl has 
been found is always marked in metres; and, as a general rule, all the 
whorls which are marked as from 4 to 6 Μμ., may with great probability be 
supposed to belong to the fourth city. But of course this can never be said 
with certainty, because a whorl belonging to the fifth city may by some 
accident be found in the débris of the fourth, or even of the third city. 
The only thing of which I can assure the reader with certainty is, that 
I have spared no care and pains to avoid mistakes. Regarding the whorls 
with patterns which are found of an identical shape in the third, the burnt, 
and in the fourth cities, I may say that, for example, the cross patterns 
Nos. 1817, 1818, 1820, &c., which are frequent in the third, abound also in 
the fourth city. I can only lay before the reader all the incised patterns 
of the whorls, leaving it to him to see or not to see in them symbolical 
signs. I shall remark on those only which, in my opinion, deserve very 
particular attention. Among these are No. 1838, on one side of which we 
see three burning altars and a large number of dots, on the other a -U 
and three such altars. On No. 1852, again, we see three LE; on No. 1860, 


probably, written characters ; on No. 1863, again, a -H and a LP, and 
similar signs on Nos. 1865, 1866, 1871. More curious is the incised orna- 


mentation of No. 1867, in which we recognize four hares with a dot below 
each of them; and still more so that of the whorls Nos. 1879 and 1880. 
On the former we see a number of -H and LB, a burning altar, a zigzag 
line generally thought to be the sign of lightning, and three male animals 
with dots over the back. On No. 1880 we see on each side of the circle a 
singular sign, which is probably intended to represent a man; each of 
these figures is touched by the horns of a large quadruped. In marked 
contrast with these rudest of rude linear representations of man and 
animal is the very symmetrical ornamentation on many of the whorls; 
as, for example, that on No. 1895. I again call attention to the curious 
written character which we see on No. 1905 on the top of four [Π 





6 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, p.18, the U.S. National Museum ; Washington, 1876, 
No. 88. p- 27, Nos. 107 and 108, 
7 Charles Rau, The Archeological Collection of 


012 THE FOURTH. CITY ON THE ‘SITE OF -TROY. [Cuap. Vi: 


and one rH. It also occurs on Nos. 1912, 1936, and 1939. On No. 1911 
we again see three -U, and as many burning altars. May the curious 
figure on the side of the whorl No. 1951, to the right, be perhaps meant 
to represent a cuttle-fish ? From the experience we have gathered of the 
rude linear representations of men, we venture to propose to the reader to 
recognize also a human figure in the strange sign on No. 1954. We 
believe we see written characters on No. 1972, but they still await their 
decipherer. On No. 1990, again, we see three L, alternately with three 
circles. Under No. 1991 we represent a curiously engraved ball with two 
Le, and on the side shown in the upper row to the right a strange figure, 
which tempts us to ask whether it is not also meant to be a cuttle-fish. 
The most curious of all the terra-cotta balls is no doubt No. 1993, which 
is divided by incised lines into eight equal fields, in three of which we 
again see the same very strange figure; we again ask the reader if we are 
permitted to recognize also in these three figures the primitive artist’s 
representation of a cuttle-fish ? 


CHAPTER IX. 


THE FIFTH PRE-HISTORIC CITY OF TROY. 


Axpove the stratum of ruins of the Fourth City there is a layer of débris 
about 6 ft. thick, evidently consisting of the remains of houses built of 
wood and clay. That the people of the Fourth City, of which we see 
innumerable house-walls, should suddenly have abandoned the architecture 
they were accustomed to, and have built their houses of wood or mud, or 
of both conjoined, seems incredible. Besides, the rude stone hammers, 
which are found in such enormous quantities in the fourth city, are no 
longer found in this stratum; nor do the stone axes, which are so very 
abundant there, occur again here. Instead of the hundreds of axes I 
gathered in the fourth city, I collected in all only two here; but one of 
these—the axe of white jade represented under No. 1288 —is, in the 
opinion of Mr. Story-Maskelyne, the most precious 
of all my thirteen Trojan jade axes, on account of its 
extreme rarity. I attribute it to this Fifth City, as 
it was found at a depth of only 6 ft. The saddle- 
querns of trachyte, which occurred in the fourth city 
by hundreds, were very rarely met with here. The 





No. 1288. A very rare 


forms of the terra-cotta whorls, too, are in innumer- = eee ΤΠ 
3 F 5 alf actual size. 
able instances different here. These objects are of a Depth, 6 ft.) 


much inferior fabric, and become more elongated and 
pointed. Forms of whorls like Nos. 1801, 1802, and 1803, which were 
never found before, are here very plentiful. 

Nos. 1289 and 1290 represent two whorls, the former of which is 
decorated with three linear quadrupeds in rude incised work. Two of them 





No. 1289. A Whorl with three animals. 
(Actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) 





No. 1290. A Whorl with curious signs. (Actual size. 
Depth, 10 ft.) 


are no doubt intended to be stags with long horns; the third is perhaps 
ὃ ΤΌΘ, In the decoration of the other whorl there is nothing intelligible. © 


574 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTORIC CITY OF TROY. Caan, ax. 


We continue to find here the same patterns of pottery, hand-made or 
wheel-made, but they manifest a general decline. We also find here a 
large quantity of plain wheel-made pottery, which looks quite modern 
when compared with that of the preceding city. Moreover, the mode of 
life of the people to which this stratum belongs was entirely different 
from that of their predecessors: instead of throwing all their kitchen- 
remains on the floor of their rooms, they carried them away and shot 
them from the mound, since we but very rarely see in-this stratum of 
débris the shells of oysters or mussels, which visitors may see in such 
really stupendous masses in the houses of the fourth city. 

Now that a people should on a sudden have completely changed 
their mode of life, appears perhaps still more impossible than that they 
should on a sudden have changed their mode of architecture, or that 
they should on a sudden have thrown away their numberless stone im- 
plements and weapons, and have used in their stead implements and 
weapons of bronze. This series of facts seems to present as many proofs 
that the stratum of débris, which we are now to discuss, belongs to a 
new people, among whom, however, part at least of the old inhabitants 
continued to live. We shall, 
therefore, call this settle- 
ment the Fifth Pre-historic 
City of Troy. Whether the old 
settlement was conquered, or 
peacefully taken possession of 
by the new settlers, must for 
ever remain uncertain. At 
all events, there are no 
traces of a catastrophe; be- 
sides, as we have seen in the 
preceding pages, the inhabit- 
ants of the fourth city can 
only have had partial works 
of defence; they had no 
recular city walls, like their 
predecessors. | 

It is difficult to say whether 
the inhabitants of the fifth 
city had walls. I certainly 
brought to light small works 
of defence in several places, 
but these may equally well 
oe have belonged to the sixth 
Eas eS ed be i, πο ΥῈ he as to the fifth city. It may 

be that the fifth city had 


recular walls, but that these were destroyel by the next settlers, or even 
by the builders of the later Aeolic Ilium. | 

In describing those of the objects found which deserve particular atten- 
tion, I begin again with the owl-headed vases, which in all probability must 


ΠΝ 


Lysis 























πα EX] OWL-HEADED FEMALE VASES. 579 


have had a sacred character. All of them, without exception, are wheel-made, 
of a rude fabric, and unpolished." One which I represent under No, 1291 
has only two female breasts , 
and two upright projections. 
The very conspicuous owl’s 
face is modelled on the cover, 
which has a crest-lke handle. 
May not these strange vase- 
covers have been copied from 
the ancient helmets? Of much 
inferior fabric is the vase 
No. 1292, on which the owl's 
face has been rudely modelled ; 
in fact, the inability of the 
primitive potter was such that 
he made the beak above the 
eyes. On this vase, besides 
the breasts, the vulva is indi- 
cated: to this vase belongs a 
flat cover with ἃ crest-like SOLA ae 

handle, lke that I have put No. 1292. Vase with an owl’s head, the characteristics of a 

: woman, and two wing-like handles, 
on 10. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 
The owl-features and the 

characteristics of a woman have been much more symmetrically modelled 
on the vase No. 1293, to which also belongs a flat cover such as the reader 























Z 
oo 
BA 
A 


δὰ δὰ δ 














No. 1294, Vase with the characteristics of a 
woman and Cover with an owl’s head. 
ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ- (1:3 actual size. Depth, 6 to 9 ft.) 





No, 1293. Vase with an owl’s head and the charac- 
teristics of a woman (1:4 actual size, 
Depth, 10 ft.) 





1 Only the owl-vases are altogether unpolished in this city. Of all the other pottery the greater 
part is polished. 


576 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTORIC CITY OF TROY. ([Cwap. IX. 


sees on it. No. 1294 is again a vase with the characteristics of a woman ; 
to it belongs a cover with an owl’s face, like the one I have put on it: 
the wing-like upright projections are here merely indicated. ‘The face 
we see on the vase-cover No. 1295 resembles a human face. Very cha- 
racteristic owl-heads are seen again on the vase-covers Nos. 1296, 1297, 


No. 1296. 


No». 1297. 





ΠΗ sith 
No. 1295. Vase- 
cover. (About 1:6 
actual size. Depth, 
10 ft.) (About 1:4 actual size, Depth, 64 to 10 ft.) 





No. 1298. Owl-headed Vase-cover. 
(About 1:4 actual size. 
Depth, about 10 ft.) 


and 1298. No. 1299 marks another vase with the characteristics of a 
woman, to which has belonged a cover like that which we see on No. 1294. 
No. 1300 is a very rude terra-cotta idol, on which the owl’s beak is 
indicated by two scratches, and the eyes by two dots; the hands, which 
are broken off, appear to have projected. No. 1301 represents one more 





No. 1299. Torment Vase with No. 1300. Idol of Terra-cotta, No. 1301. Marble Idol, with owl's head 
the characteristics of a woman. with owl’s head. (Half actual and girdle. (Nearly actual size. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 64 ft.) size. Depth, 65 ft.) Depth, about 8 ft.) 



































No. 13014. Marble Idol, No. 1302. Two-handled Cup (δέπας No. 1303. Sieve-like perforated Terra- 


with owl’s head and girdle. ἀμφικύπελλον). (1:4 actual size. cotta Funnel. (About 1:3 actual size. 
(2:3 actual size. Depth, Depth, about θὲ ft.) Depth, 64 ft.) 


6 to 10 {t.) 


Cuap, IX.] IDOLS: VASES AND JUGS. | O77 


of the common idols of marble on which an owl’s head is rudely scratched. 
On the waist the girdle is indicated by four parallel incised lines. A 
further very characteristic specimen of an owl-faced marble idol is repre- 
sented under No. 13014. Similar owl-faced marble idols are even more 
plentiful in this fifth city than in any of the preceding cities. No. 1302 
is a δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, belonging to this fifth city. Like all similar 
goblets found in this stratum, it is but of very small size when compared 
with the large goblets of the preceding cities. No. 1303 is a large sieve- 
like perforated funnel, which is represented here head downwards, 


« 





<= = a 


No. 1305. Poubleshandl ἃ Goblet. 
(Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 





No. 1304. Vase with two andles, two breasts, and 
incised ornamentation. (About 1:4 actual size, Depth, 13 ft.) 











































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 1306, Large Jug with straight neck. (1:6 actual size, No. 1307. Jug with long neck. 
Depth, 9 ft.) (Nearly 1:3 actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) 


2P 


578 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTORIC CITY OF TROY. [Cuar. IX. 


No. 1304 is a very rude hand-made double-handled grey vase, having 
on either side two breast-like excrescences; its neck is decorate! with 
four rudely-incised lines and signs without signification. The double- 
handled lustrous-red goblet, No. 1805, is hand-made and well polished ; 
its type but rarely occurs in this stratum. 

No. 1306 is a wheel-made globular lustrous-yellow jug, with an 
upright spout and trefoil orifice, such as we have already passed in 
review; the bottom is convex. Wheel-made also is the dark-red jug 
No. 1307, with an upright spout of a peculiar shape, such as we have 
never seen before. A spout of an identical shape is seen on the wheel- 
made tripod-jug No. 1308. No. 1309 is a grey hand-made jug of a very 

















No. 1309. Jug. (About 1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 10 ft.) 
































a 
Ξ yy 


No. 1308. Tripod Globular Vase, with straight neck. 
(Nearly 1:4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 


rude fabric, with a convex bottom ; No. 1310, a wheel-made black tripod- 
jug, with a trefoil mouth. No. 1311 is a very large wheel-made globular 
well-polished lustrous-yellow jug, with a trefoil mouth; No. 1312, a red 
wheel-made bottle; No. 1513, a hand-made jug, with a long spout and 
one handle; No. 1314, a wheel-made black bottle, with a convex bottom ; 
No. 1315, a wheel-made red globular vase, with a long cylindrical neck 
and convex bottom. 

Very frequent in this fifth city is the shape of the one-handled 
lustrous-red pitcher No, 1316, as well as that of No. 1317, both of which 
may probably have been used as drinking cups. Cups already shown under 
Nos. 1094 to 1100 are very abundant in this city also. No. 1318 is a 
brown hand-made basin, with one handle; No. 1319, a rude hand-made 


Guar. ΤΣ JUGS, BOTTLES, AND PITCHERS. 579 

































































































































































No. 1310. Tripod Jug. (About 1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 9 ft.) 


No. 1311. Globular lustrous-yellow Vase. 
(1:8 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 



















































































No. 1312, Jug or Bottle with long neck. (1:4 sctual No. 1313, Jug. (About 1: 4 actual size. 
Size. Depth, 9 ft.) 


Depth, 6 ft.) 


No. 1316. No. 1317. 



































No. 1314. Globular Bottle. No. 131 Globular Vase, Nos. 1316, 1317. Pitcher in the form of an 
(About 1:4 actual size. With a long vertical neck. hour-glass and a common Pitcher, (Nearly 


Depth, 9 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 9ft.) 1: 3 actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) 









No. 1318. Cup with one handle. (1: 4 actual size. 
Depth, 6 ft.) 








No. 1319. Ladle of Clay. (Nearly half actual size. 


Depth, 9 ft.) 



































No. 1321. Rude Censer. (1: 4 actual size. 
Depth, 13 ft.) : 2 
No. 1320. Vase with incised ornamentation. (1: 4 


actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


ladle; No. 1320, a pretty little lustrous-black wheel-made vase, with an 
incised zigzag ornamentation round the neck; No. 1921, a very rude un- 
| polished censer. No. 1322 1s 
a large wheel-made globular 
yellow vase, with double 
upright curved handles. 
The fabric and form of this 
vase, as well as the clean 
though very common clay 
of which it is made, appear 
very modern when com- 
pared with any of the other 
vases found in this last pre- 
historic city, or in any of 
the preceding ones. The 
cover is also wheel-made, 
of a lustrous dark-red colour, 
and has a pretty handle in 
the form of a crown; it is 
decorated with two parallel 
incised lines. This par- 
ticular sort of vase-cover 
does not occur any more, 
but vases of the shape of 
that before us are frequent 
in this fifth city. 
No, 1012, Glo Vase, with tvohunlles awlGrwesnform No, 1828 15. a wheel- 
made one-handled jug, of an 


oval form, with a flat bottom ; it is of a rude fabric, and badly polished ; 
the rim of the orifice is bent over. Jugs of this form are not rare. 











































































































































































































 Cuap. IX.] POTTERY MOSTLY HAND-MADE. 581 













































No. 1323. Jug with one handle. No. 1324. Globular Jug, with a projection on the 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) neck. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


No. 1924 is a wheel-made one-handled grey jug, of a globular form, with 
a flat bottom; it has a trefoil mouth and a curious boss on the neck. 
No. 1825 is a red one-handled hand-made cup, with an ear-like pro- 
tuberance on either side: cups of a similar shape are not rare. No. 1326 
is a grey hand-made vase, with a flat bottom and tubular holes for sus- 
pension on the sides, as well as near the mouth. 






No. 1325.. Globular Vase, with projecting ornament on No. 1326. Vase with tubular holes fer 
either side in the form of a horse-shoe. (1 : 4 actual suspension. (About 1: 4 actual 
size. Depth, 9 ft.) size. Depth, 13 ft.) 


The pottery shown under Nos. 1327 to 1330 is all hand-made and of a 
rude fabric: the shapes of the jug No. 1327, and of the pitcher No. 1828, 


No. 1327. No. 1330. 


No. 1329. 


No. 1328. 








—S SSS 


Nos. 1327-1330. ‘Three Pitchers and a Baby’s Feeding Buttle. (1:4 actual s:ze. Depth, 6 to 10 ft.) 


are frequent. Very remarkable and unique is the cup No. 1330, with its 
handle above the mouth and the spout in the body; it is probably a baby’s 


582 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTORIC CITY OF TROY. [Cuap. IX. 


feeding bottle. The black double cup, No. 1331, with flat bottoms, is also 
wheel-made, as well as the double cup No. 1332, which has four feet. 











No. 1331. Terra-cotta Vessel, composed of two No. 1332. Terra-cotta Vessel, with four feet, forming 
Separate cups. (1: 4 actual size. — two Vases. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


Depth, 6 ft.) 

Both of these vessels are partly restored with gypsum. No. 1333 is a 
hand-made bowl of a dark-brown colour: similar bowls frequently occur 
here. It deserves peculiar attention that there are no wheel-made dishes 
in this city. One might suppose that the people had become disgusted 
with the rude unpolished dishes of the two preceding cities, and preferred 
to use hand-made ones, which are much more solid and prettier. 

Nos. 1334 to 1336 are three very small, rude, very slightly-baked 
clay cups, with convex bottoms and flat covers. These lilliputian vessels 





_ No. 1334. No. 1335. No. 1336. 


ζ 











= = Ξ Nos. 1334-1336. Small Terra-cotta Cups, 
No. 1333. Dark-brown Bowl. (1: 4 actual size. with flat covers. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 
Depth, 1u ft.) 


only occur in this fifth pre-historic city, but they are found here in 
large numbers, sometimes by the dozen together: their use is an enigma 
tous. Professor Roberts thinks they may possibly have been crucibles. 
No. 1337 is a seal of terra-cotta, with a perforated handle for suspension ; 


it is badly baked and of a rude fabric, with a rudely-incised linear decora- 
tion and four dots. Nos. 1338 and 1339 are two funnels of slightly- 


No. 1339. 









No, 1337. Terra-cotta Seal. (About Nos. 1338, 1339. Two little Funnels of Terra-cotta. 
half actual size. Depth, 3 ft.) (About half actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) 


Crap. IX.] CURIOUS INSCRIBED FUNNELS. 083 


baked clay, of a lustrous-brown colour. On both of them we again see the 
written character mo, which so frequently occurs in the preceding cities, 
As Prof. Sayce shows in his Appendix, these funnels are almost identical in 
shape, material, and character with a funnel found by Mr. George Smith 
under the floor of the palace of Assur-bani-pal or Sardanapalus at Kou- 
yunjik, and inscribed with Trojan characters, which was probably brought 
to Nineveh by the Lydian ambassadors of Gyges. They seem to have 
been used as measuring vessels, and the word mo with which they are 
inscribed may be derived from the Aryan root md, “to measure.” 
No. 1340 is another terra-cotta seal, better baked, but decorated merely 
with small concentric circles.* 

No. 1841 is a perforated object of stone of unknown 
use. No. 1342 is a large saw of silex, with marks on 
its upper part of its having been cased in a wooden 
handle. ‘To the many localities enumerated in the 
preceding pages where similar flint saws are found, 
I can now also add Egypt; for in Fr. Mook’s Aegyptens 
Vormetallische Zeit? I find a great many silex saws 

































































































































































































































































a a 
UG il 


No. 1342. Silex Saw. 
(Half actual size. 
Depth, 6 ft.) 


tl ἢ ἣ 





No. 1341. Object of Stone. 
Depth, 6 to 10 ft.) 


No. 1340. Seal of Terra-cotta. 
(7:8 actual size. 


represented, also one (Pl. xiii. 8) made of jasper found at Helwan in 
Lower Egypt, which is nearly of an identical shape with the saw before 
us (No. 1342). But I must add that in the fifth pre-historic city of Troy 
I found only two saws of this shape and not one of any other shape, 
though the silex saws occur in such vast abundance in the preceding 
cities, and particularly so in the fourth. 

No. 1343 is a curious well-shaped hammer of diorite ; it has no hole. 
This is the only specimen of a hammer found in the fifth city. I do not 
find that hammers of a like shape have ever occurred elsewhere; but Prof. 
Virchow observes to me that stone hammers of a somewhat similar shape 
have been found in Oregon. No. 1844 is one of the very few stone 
grain-bruisers of this fifth city. Ido not think I found more than three 


2 In terminating with this seal my review of οἵ these last three cities. But if there be any 


the pottery of the five pre-historic cities of Troy, 
I beg leave to say that, in spite of the most 
scrupulous attention devoted by me to the sub- 
ject, it may be that there are a few vessels be- 
longing to the third city which have been classed 
under the fourth, and again a few belonging to 
the fourth which have been classed under the 
fifth city, or vice versd; indeed, this is almost 
unavoidable, owing to the inequality of the level 


confusion, it can only be in a few instances. 
There can be no mistake in the pottery of the 
two lowest cities, the types being so vastly 
different from each other, and also from the 
pottery of all the following cities. The depth 
was carefully noted on each object, either by 
my overseers or myself, when it was found. 
3 Wiirzburg, 1880. 


84 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTORIC CITY OF TROY. [Crap. IX, 


of them in all here, whilst, as has been said, they occur by thousands 
in the preceding cities, and particularly in the fourth. Besides the 
many places enumerated in the preceding pages in which they have been 

























































































No. 1345. A Stone 
== Implement of unknown 
No. 1344. Stone Ball for use. Weight, 472 grammes. 
Diorite. (Halfactnal bruising grain. (Halfactual (Half actual size. Depth, a Phallus? (Half actual 
size. Depth, 6 ft.) size. Depth, 6 ft.) 6 to 8 ft.) size. Depth, 9 ft.) 





met with, they are found in Egypt. No. 1345 is an instrument of 
silicious stone, which may have served as a weight for fishing-nets. 
Similar stone instruments are found in Denmark.’ No. 1346 is of white 
marble, and from its shape we are led to think that it may be a symbol of 
Priapus. I have discussed this subject in the preceding pages. Similarly- 
shaped stones occur in all the five cities. 

No. 1347 is a perforated disc or quoit of granite, the only one found in 
this fifth city, but similar discs occur in all the four other pre-historic 





No. 1317. Stone Disc or Quoit. (Half actual size. No. 1348. Mould of Limestone, in the shape 
Depth, 9 ft.) of a bottle. (Half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


cities of Hissarlik. The game of quoit-throwing was in general use in the 
Homeric age. The player who threw it farthest gained the prize ; 5 hence 


4 F. Mook, Aegyptens Vormetallische Zeit, No. 88. 
Pl. xii. Nos, 4-6. 8 IT Neti as 


5 J.J. A. Worsaae. Nordiste Oldsager, Pl. xviii. ᾿ δίσκοισιν τέρποντο καὶ αἰγανέῃσιν ἱέντεξ. 
: ᾽ ρ 


Guar. IX.] QUOITS : MOULDS: BRONZE NEEDLES, ETC. 585. 


the word δίσκουρα, signifying the distance of a quoit’s throw :—‘ For 
although at first he remained a quoit’s throw behind, yet quickly he came 
up with him.”’ Also δίσκου οὖρα, to express the same thing.* The word 
δίσκος may be derived from δικεῖν, Se’x-vups, the Sanscrit dig, for δίκψος. 
The quoit was always round and smooth, usually of stone, but also of 
wood, and once in the Iliad of iron, and was then called codos,° connected 
with σάλος, σαλεύω, σαλαγή, Lat. salum, Germ. schwellen, English swell ; it 
was usually perforated in the centre, in order that, by means of the 
hole and a strap fixed in it, it might be thrown to the greatest possible 
distance, but sometimes it had no hole. Discs of silex also occur in the 
dolmens of the Stone period in Denmark as well ag in Holstein.’° Un- 
perforated discs of stone, up to 9 in. in diameter, also occur in England.* 
There is a perforated disc of shelly lmestone, 5$1in. in diameter and 
8-4ths in. thick, in Mr. John Evans’s collection.? 

No. 1848 is a piece of limestone, of nearly quadrangular shape, with a 
mould in the form of a bottle. No. 1349 is a small disc of ivory, with a 
border on the side shown in the engraving. 





“No. 1349. Disc of Ivory. (7 :8 actual 
size. Depth, 13 ft.) 


No. 1350 is a brooch of bronze, with a double globular head; No. 1351, 
a bronze brooch, with its head of a spiral form; and No. 1352, a bronze 
needle with a long hole in the upper end. Nos. 1353 and 1355 are bronze 
brooches with globular heads. No. 1354 may be a primitive pair of 
pincers or tweezers ; it consists of two short rods of bronze cased in a 
hard substance. No. 1356 is a needle of bronze, with two pointed ends 
and a hole near the end to the right. No. 1357 is an object of silver, in 
the form of a dog’s or rather antelope’s head with long ears ; No. 1358, an 
object of bronze, which may have served for an ornament on _horse- 
trappings. No. 1359 is a bronze ring. No. 1360 is a small curved knife 
of bronze. No. 1361-is an object of lead. 

There were also found in the fifth city knives and battle-axes of 
bronze, of the usual Trojan form, which I do not represent here, as I have 
repeatedly brought similar ones before the reader’s notice (see Nos. 806- 





7 Til, xxiii. 525, 524: 10 A, P. Madsen, Antijuités préhistoriques du 
. ἀτὰρ Ta πρῶτα Kal ἐς δίσκουρα λέλειπτο, Danemarc, Pl. xli. Nos.1, 2. J.J. A. Worsaae, 
ἀλλά μιν αἶψα κίχανεν" Nordiske Oldsager, Pl. xviii. No. 86. 
ofl. xxiii. 431: 1 John Evans, Ancient Stone Implements of 
boca δὲ δίσκου οὖρα κατωμαδίοιο méAovra,... Great Britain; London, 1872, p. 394. 
® Tl, xxiii, 826, 827 : 2 [bid. 


αὐτὰρ Πηλεΐδης θῆκεν σόλον αὐτοχόωνον, 
ὃν πρὶν μὲν ῥίπτασκε μέγα σθένος ᾿Ηετίωνος " 


586 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTORIC CITY OF TROY. [Cuap. IX. 


No. 1350. No. 1351. No. 1357. No. 1354. No. 














Nos. 1350-1361. Dog’s Head of silver ; primitive Brooches; Ring, Knife, &c., of bronze, and an object of lead. 
(Half actual size. Depth, 3 ft.) 


809). The only difference is, that the battle-axes found here are shorter 
than those found in the third, the burnt city, and they do not generally 
exceed 6in. in length. Needles of bone, like Nos. 566-574, occur here, 
but they are by no means so plentiful as in the former cities, 


CHAPTER X. 


THE SIXTH CiTY, MOST PROBABLY A LYDIAN SETTLEMENT. 


AxnoveE the stratum of the Fifth pre-historic city, and just below the 
ruins of Novum Ilium, I found a vast quantity of very curious pottery, 
partly hand-made, partly wheel-made, which in shape and fabric, in colour 
and in the clay, is so utterly different from all the pottery of the pre- 
ceding pre-historic cities, as well as from the pottery of the upper Aeolic 
Ilium, that I hesitate whether to refer it to pre-historic or to historic 
times. Such pottery is particularly plentiful on the slopes of the hill; 
and as, for reasons before explained, the stratum of the Greek city 
reaches in those places down to much more than the usual depth, it 
is found there even at 10 and 20ft. below the surface. But the usual 
depth at which it is found on the hill is on an average 6ft.; some- 
times, however, it occurs at a depth of only 3 or 4ft. below the surface. 
As neither the Greeks, nor the pre-historic peoples who succeeded each other 
on the hill of Hissarlik, ever made such pottery, and especially as this 
pottery occurs in such abundance, it evidently points to a settlement of a 
different people. But who were they? From the great resemblance 
this pottery has to the hand-made vases found in the cemeteries of 
Rovio, Volterra, Bismantova, Villanova, and other places in Italy, which 
is held to be either archaic Etruscan or pre-Etruscan pottery, we think 
it likely that there may have been a Lydian settlement on Hissarlik 
contemporary with the colonization of Etruria by the Lydians, asserted 
by Herodotus, and that the Lydian dominion may have been established 
over the whole Troad at the same epoch; and this the more as we 
have the certainty that the Troad was subject to the Lydian dominion 
under king Gyges (698-660),’ and there is every probability that this 
dominion commenced at a much earlier period. We may remind the 
reader of the ancient legend, told by Herodotus, of the emigration of 
one-half of the whole population of Lydia to Umbria in Italy, under 
the leadership of Tyrsenus, son of their king Atys.” This mythical 
account seems to become an historical fact by my discovery, and I may, 
therefore, be permitted to call this sixth settlement on the hill of His- 
sarlik the Lydian City. 

But all I am able to show of this city is its pottery: there is no wall 
of defence, nor even any house-walls which I could with any degree of 


1 Strabo, xiii. p. 590: “ABuSos δὲ Μιλησίων 2 Herodotus, i. 94, quoted above, pp. 128, 129. 
ἐστὶ κτίσμα ἐπιτρέψαντος Γύγου τοῦ Λυδῶν Baci- As Professor Sayce observes to me: “ According 
λέως: ἣν yap ἐπ’ ἐκείνῳ τὰ χωρία καὶ Tpwds to Herodotus, the colonization took place in the 
ἅπασα, ὀνομάζεται δὲ καὶ ἀκρωτήριόν τι πρὸς mythical age of Lydia, before the rise of the 
Δαρδάνῳ Tvyas. Heraclid dynasty (cire. B.c. 1200),” 


588 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN CITY OF TROY. [Cuap. X. 


probability attribute to it. On the contrary, it is very likely that the 
Aeolhan Greeks, who did not continue to use Hissarlik as the site of their 
city, but as their Acropolis and as the sacred precinct of their sanctuaries, 
levelled the ground and used the stones for the erection of their sacred 
edifices. That such a levelling really took place is, as we have before 
repeatedly mentioned, proved with certainty by the site of the temple of 
Athené, the builders of which cut away so much of the ground that they 
were able to lay the foundation of this shrine immediately on the débris 
of the third, the burnt city. This is a fact of which every visitor may 
easily convince himself with his own eyes. Had the Aeolians been a pre- 
historic people, they would have left in sétu all the ruins they found, and 
they would have levelled them by filling them up with débris or clay 
cakes. But they were a civilized people, and therefore they levelled the 
ground by destroying the walls that they found standing, and by 
throwing the débris from the slope of the hill. That they proceeded in 
this way seems to be proved by the fact, that most of the Lydian pottery 
is found immediately outside of the débris of the preceding pre-historic 
city, just below the Greek stratum, and in places where the declivity of 
the hill must at that time have commenced. 

I begin the description of the pottery with the large pithos 
No. 1362, which I found embedded in a vertical position, the orifice being 
6 ft. below the surface. It is made of a coarse red clay, which, like that 
of all the other pthoz, is mixed with crushed silicious stones and syenite 
containing much mica, to give it greater solidity. It is thoroughly baked, 
which, as Prince Bismarck suggested to me,* could, in the absence of 
kilns, only have been effected by filling and surrounding the pithos with 
wood, and by kindling a fire simultaneously both inside and outside of 
it. It is unpolished, has no handles, and is ornamented all round with 
four broad projecting bands. It was lying in 1872 and 1873, for 
fourteen months, before my house at Hissarlik, and was always used as 
a lodging by one of my workmen; it even lodged two of them in rainy 


weather. 
Nearly all the smaller pottery is hand-made, and abundantly mixed with 


crushed silicious stones and syenite containing much mica. The vessels 
are in general very bulky; and as they have been dipped in a wash of the 
same clay and polished before being put to the fire, besides being but 
very slightly baked, they have a dull black colour, which much resembles 
the colour of the famous Albano hut-urns.* (But there also occur a few 
vases of a dull yellow or brown colour.) This dull black colour is, how- 
ever, perhaps as much due to the peculiar mode of baking as to the 
peculiar sort of clay of which the pottery is made, because there occur 
in all the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik many vases but very slightly 
baked, and yet none of them have the dull colour of these Lydian terra- 
cottas. Besides, the shape and fabric are totally different from those of 
any pottery found in the pre-historic cities, or in the upper Aeolic Greek 





3 See p. 279. Albano ; London, 1869, pp. 2,13. See also the 
‘ L. Pigorini and Sir John Lubbock, Notes on Albano hut-urn in the Royal Museum at Berlin, 
Hut-Urns and other Objects from Marino near 


Cuap. X.] CHARACTER OF ITS POTTERY. 089 
city. The reader will recognize this great difference in shape and fabric 


in the case of every object of pottery which I pass in review. 































































































































































































“527. 














—— 
ees 
me τ. 

















τὸ ἃ 


= 































































































Depth, 6 ft.) 


(About 1:13 actual size. 





No. 1362. Pithos. 


I begin with the dull blackish tureen, No. 1363, which is wheel-made 
The large one-handled cup No. 1864 is also 


and has two handles. 


090 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN CITY OF TROY. [Cuar. X. 


wheel-made and of the same colour; as is the very large vase No. 1365, 
with four handles, on two of which are small breast-like protuberances. 


























SS 



























= —A 
———A. 
= 
Ξς Ὁ Vv 


——=> ΐ ΞΞΞΞ 4 


- 2ΞΞΞΈΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ-:. 
(« y) 
( ι 
eZ 








a 


No. 1363. Black Tureen, with two handles. No. 1364. Vase of globular shape, with one handle. 
(1:6 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) (1:4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 



























































No. 1365. Large Vase, with four handles and impressed orna- 


mentation. (1:8 actual size. Depth, 7 ft. == = 
ὩΝ ) No. 1366. Jug with an impressed ornamentation. 


(1:4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 











This vessel is decorated all round with four parallel bands, each of three 
lines, of a wave-pattern, rudely incised before the baking took place. Of 
the same colour, and also wheel-made, is the jug No. 1366, with three 
such bands of incised wave-lines, and an orifice of trefoil form; as well as 
the two-handled globular vase, No. 1367. 

No. 1868 marks a hand-made cup of the same colour and clay, with 
an incised ornamentation of zigzag lines, which seems to have been copied 
from the decorations of tapestry or embroidered vestures. 

Cups of an identical shape were found in the excavations of Felsina at 





Cuap. X.] RAMS’ HORNS ON VASES. 591 











<L_—* 
No. 1367. Globular Vase, with two handles. No. 1368. Cup with incised ornamentation of 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) zigzag lines. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


Bologna.’ A cup of a similar shape, but without any decoration, found at 
Corneto in Italy, is in the Royal Museum at Berlin. Another very similar 
one, at least in shape, is in Prof. Virchow’s collection at Berlin. There 
also occur among the Lydian pottery plain hand-made one-handled cups of 
the same dull blackish colour. A number of cups of an identical form 
have been found in the excavations at Villanova.® 

No. 1369 is a large one-handled hand-made vase of a dull yellow colour, 
with three long rams’ horns, which may perhaps explain the three or four 


























No. 1369. Large Vase, with three handles in the shape of rams’ horns, and one common handle. 
(1: 8 actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) 


excrescences which we nearly always see on the vases found in the ancient 
tombs of Bismantova,’ as also on a vase in the Etruscan Museum in the 





5 Giovanni Gozzadini, di alcwni Sepoleri della 7 Chierici, in the Builettino di Paletnologia 
Necropoli Felsinea, p. 6. Italiana, 1875, Pl. ii. Nos. 3-5; 1876, Pl. viii. 
6 La Necropoli di Villanova, per Giovanni Nos. 1, 2, 4, 7, 8. 
Gozzadini ; Bologna, 1870, p. 33. 


092 THE SIXTH: OR LYDIAN COTTA ΘΙ Teor. [CHap. X. 


Vatican,* and on another from the station of Demorta in the district of 
Mantua.’ At all events, the three long rams’ horns on No. 1909 seem to 
explain the three horn-like or breast-like excrescences or bosses which we see 
on the heavy hand-made dull blackish pitchers Nos. 1370, 1871, 1372, 1374, 
1375, and 1877. For the rest, vases with bosses or excrescences like horns 
or breasts are also frequent in Germany. Prof. Virchow found one such 
vase in the pre-historic graveyard of Zaboréwo, and he calls my attention 
to two more represented under Figs. 9 and 10, Pl. xxv. in the Sesszonal 
Report of the Berlin Society of Anthropology, Ethnology, &c., of Nov. 18, 1876. 








No. 1310. Cup with three horns or breast-like No. 1371. Cup with three breast-like pr. jections in the 
projections. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) body. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 



























































































































































































































































No. 1372. One-handled Jug, with three projections in No. 1373. Vase with three breast-like projections 
the form of female breasts. (1: 4 actual size. and zigzag ornamentation. (1: 5 actual size, 
Depth, 6 ft.) Depth, 7 ft.) 
No. 1374. 





Nos. 1374, 1375. Cups with impressed linear ornamentation. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 6 ft.) 








8 L. Pigorini and Sir John Lubbock, Notes on Hut-Urns, &c., Pl. x. No. 10. 
9. Chierici, in the Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana, 1877, Pl. v. No. 10. 


μα». X.] | DOUBLE-HANDLED CUPS. 593 


I have succeeded in collecting about forty similar pitchers, with three 
horns or breast-like bosses ; most of them have all round the body a decora- 
tion of vertical concave incisions or impressions, and many have each of the 
protuberances surrounded by three or four concentric circles of concave 
lines. The slight baking of these pitchers could not be better shown 
than by the variety of colours we often see on one and the same pitcher, 
for it is of a dull blackish colour where it is but very slightly baked, pale 
yellow in places where it has been a little more exposed to the fire, and 
reddish or brown where it has been long in a great heat. Apart from 
the three breast-like or horn-like excrescences, these pitchers have, in 
respect to shape, fabric, and ornamentation, a great resemblance to vases 
found in sepulchres at Rovio in Italy..° We see the three breast-like 
excrescences also on the large hand-made, heavy, dull blackish jug 
No. 1373, which has one handle and an incised decoration of zigzag lines, 
with a horizontal band of lines round the neck. 








No. 1376. Two-handled Cup, with impressed linear 
ornamentation. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


The heavy hand-made, double-handled cups Nos. 1376 and 1377 are 
likewise of a dull blackish colour, and seem to be in shape, clay, and 
ornamentation, the exact counterparts of two similar double-handled cups 
found at Volterra, and of many others found by Zannoni in his excavations 
at the necropolis of Felsina at Bologna.’ A double-handled cup of an 
identical form, found at Corneto in Italy, is in the Royal Museum at 
Berlin. 

No. 1378 marks a hand-made double-handled bowl of the same clay 
and colour. Nos. 1379, 1880, and 1381 are hand-made cups of the same 


———s 
= 


ill 


Hy) 


| , a 
sant 





No, 1377. Double-handled cup, with breast-like No. 1378. Double-handled Bowl. (1:3 actual size. 
excrescences. (About 1:4 actual size. Depth, 4 to 6 ft.) Depth, 4 to 6 ft.) 


10 Pompeo Castelfranco, in the Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana, 1875, Pl. iii. Nos, 1, 2. 
11 Pompeo Castelfranco, Lbid. p. 61, Pl. iii. Nos. 3a, 30. 
2Q 


594 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN CITY OF TROY. [CHar. X. 


clumsy heavy fabric and clay, with two very long handles. No. 1379 is 
decorated on the body with incised vertical strokes, which here, as on 





Nos. 1379, 1380. Cups with two large handles, (1:4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


many others of these vessels, are filled in with white chalk in order to 
strike the eye. My honoured friend M. Alexandre Bertrand, director of 
the Musée de Saint Germain-en-Laye, calls my attention to the fact that 
the custom of filling the incised ornamentation on pottery with white 
chalk was practised by the Gauls before the time of Julius Caesar’s 
campaigns. 

Double-handled cups like these are frequent in this sixth city, and 
they remained in use ex in Etruria for many 
centuries. Similarcups ((\¥y ἋΣ F} can be geen in all 
Etruscan collections. Ἐξ The shape of the hand- 
made double-handled cups Nos. 13882 and 
13883 may also be seen in nearly all col- 
lections of Etruscan pottery. 










No. 1385. 















































Nos. 1381-1390. Terra-cutta vessels of differnt shapes, (1: 4 actual size. Depth, 6 to 13 ft.) 


Cuap. X.] HORSES’ HEADS ON CUPS. 595 


Double-handled cups of this peculiar form do not occur in Greece, but 
they seem to have given to the Greeks the idea of their kantharos and 
skyphos, which are much more refined both in shape and fabric, but still 
have some resemblance to them. These two cups are very frequent in 
Etruscan tombs of a later time. Mr. George Dennis,’ who figures 
two specimens of them, writes: “The most common cups in Etruria were 
the kantharos and the skyphos. The kantharos was a two-handled cup 
sacred to Dionysos (Pliny, xxxiii. 53; Macrob. Sat. vy. 21), in whose hands 
it is generally represented on painted vases. The cup itself is rarely found 
decorated with paintings, at least in Etruria, where it is generally of plain 
black ware. This vase is supposed to take its name from some resem- 
blance in form to that of the beetle—xav@apos—but it more probably 
took it from the boat or vessel of the same name.? 

No. 1384 is a large, heavy, one-handled cup or bowl. No. 1885 is a 
vessel, probably a goblet, rudely shaped like a horse, or, still more 
probably, like a dog, as Professor Virchow suggests; the spout, which 
is in the place of the tail, is joined by a handle to the neck. This may 
be compared with No. 1591, the fragment of a vessel, probably a cup, 
in the form of an animal’s head with two horns. I thought it might 
be a horse’s head; but a horned horse being without example, Professor 
Virchow suggests that it may represent a young roe-buck or even a 
giraffe. Professor Sayce remarks that this animal-head has a striking 
resemblance to the vases with animals’ heads brought by Phoenician 
tributaries to the Egyptian kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty and de- 





No. 1391. Fragment of a Terra-cotta Vessel, in the shape of a horse’s head. 
(About half actual size. Depth, 6 to 8 ft.) 


picted on the monuments. Goblets terminating in a horse’s head were 
very frequent among the Etruscans, and Mr. G. Dennis? identifies them 
with the Greek goblet called rhyton, which, according to Theophrastus,' 
was given to heroes alone. But the head before us has the peculiarity 
that it is perforated lengthwise, and has a spout in the mouth. It can 
therefore only have served as the spout of a goblet, the shape of which is 
unknown; perhaps it had another, wider opening, by which it could be 
easily filled, for it would have been difficult to fill it by the narrow spout 
in the head. The Berlin Markisches Museum contains two somewhat 
similar goblets in the shape of horns, one of which runs out in an 





1 The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, p. cxvii. Nos. 36, 37 2 Athenaeus, xi. 47, 48. 
3 Op. cit. p. exxil. No. 60, 4 Ap. Athenaeun, xi. 4. 


596 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN CITY OF TROY. [Coap. X. 


animal’s head. Several vases with horses’ heads are in the collection of 
antiquities from Chiusi in the British Museum. 

No. 1386 is a small hand-made vase with three protuberances ; 
No. 1387, a whorl with an incised ornamentation filled with white chalk. 
No. 1388 is a vase-bottom with an incised ornamentation. No. 1389 is a 
hand-made oenochoé with a trefoil mouth. The form of this vessel, but 
slightly changed, is also found in Ktruria, in the trefoil-mouthed Lekythos.° 
No. 1390 is a hand-made vase, with a vertically perforated protuberance 
for suspension on each side. All this pottery is of the same dull blackish 
clay as the preceding vessels. Of the same clay is also the remarkable 
vessel No. 1392, which is in the shape of a bugle with three feet. It has 
: one handle, and probably served as 
a goblet. A similarly shaped vessel, 
found in a tomb at Camirus, in 
Rhodes, is in the British Museum. 
Of two similar vessels found in 
Cyprus, oneis in the British Museum, 
the other in the Louvre at Paris. 
From the form of these bugle-cups, 
which occur several times among 

the pottery of the Lydian settle- 

No. 1392. sis ct AS oy ων in the shape ment at Hissarlik, we may perhaps 

(About 1:3 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) derive the Greek and Etruscan 

Aryballos,? which has the same 

shape, with the sole difference that it has no feet, and that the spout 
is in the side of the circular tube. 

The goblet No. 1393, which is represented upside down, belongs to 
this sixth, the Lydian city, as is proved by its clay, its colour, and its 
fabric. Though only a couple of vessels of this form were found in 



































| .....} 
No. 1393. Double-handled Cup (δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον), 
represented here upside down. 
(2:5 actual size. Depth, about 6 ft.) 














No. 1394. Oenochod with one handle, 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) 





5 George Dennis, op. cit, p. exxiv. No. 66. 6 Tid. No. 70, 


Cup. X.] VASES WITH TUBES FOR SUSPENSION. 597 


this city, they prove at least that it was in use there also. It is 
therefore highly probable that this form of goblet still existed at the 
time of Homer, and that it is to this very same sort of double-handled 
cup that he gives the name δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον. But if we compare 
this rude bulky cup with the fine goblets of the same shape from the 
third, the burnt city, we see that it has enormously degenerated. 

No. 1394 is a pear-shaped one-handled oenochoé, with a conical excre- 
scence on each side of the head. If we compare this jug or oenochoé with 
the Cypriote oenochoae cr the jugs from the pre-historic cities on the 
island of Thera (Santorin), on most of which a human eye is painted on 
either side of the orifice, we become convinced that the conical excres- 
cences on the jug before us (No. 1394) cannot mean anything else than 
rude representations of human eyes. No. 1395 is a pitcher with a spout 
in the body ; perhaps a baby’s feeding-bottle. 





No. 1396. Pitcher with impressed orna- 

mentation, filled with white chalk. It 

7 belongs to a vessel of which the other 

No. 1395. Pitcher with spout in the body. half is broken off. (1:4 actual size. 
(1:4 actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) Depth, 6 ft.) 





No. 1396 is a cup with a decoration of vertical concave incisions round 
the body, and a band of oblique incisions filled with white chalk round the 
neck: the base is convex. To the left, this vessel has a large broken 
projection, proving that, like so many cups and vases in the preceding 
pre-historic cities, it has been joined to another cup of exactly the same 
shape. A similar vessel, consisting of two cups joined together and 
decorated with linear incisions, is among the ancient pottery said to have 
been found below the stratum of peperino near Marino.’ 

In this Lydian city vases were still in use, with vertically perforated 
projections for suspension by strings, for, besides the vase No. 1390, I 
can also point to Nos. 1397 and 1398, which have similar perforations ; 
both are decorated with rudely-incised zigzag lines. 








No, 1397. Vase with incised ornamentation, and two No. 1398. Vase with incised 
tubular holes fur suspension. (1:4 actual size. ornamentation. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 13 ft.) Depth, 29 ft.) 








ΤΊ, Pigorini and Sir John Lubbock, Notes on Hut-Urns, &c., Pl. x. No, 15. 


598 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN -CITY OF TROY. [Cuap. X, 


Nos. 1399 to 1404 are rude two-horned serpent-heads of the slightly- 
baked dull blackish clay which is peculiar to this city. These horned 


No. 1400. 


No. 1401. 










































































No. 1399. Fragment of a Two-horned Nos. 1460, 1401. Heads of Horned Serpents. 
Serpent (κεράστης) in Terra-cotta. (No. 1400 may perhaps represent an elephant’s trunk.) 
(About half actual size, (About half actual size. Depth, 12 ft.) 


Depth, 8 to 10 ft.) 














ON aN 
ECA 


LE) 
ἤΠ ΨΩ 
oi \ 


qh! ae 
ages Ty 
ries 
































































































No. 1402. A Serpent’s Head, with horns on Nos. 1403, 1404. Head of an Asp in Terra-cotta 
both sides, and very large eyes. (both sides). 
(About 1:3 actual size. Depth, 18 ft.) (About 1 : 8 actual size. Depth, 12 ft.) 


snake-heads appear to be an ancient and significant Lydian symbol of 
great importance, since even now there is in the Troad a superstition 
that the horns of serpents, by merely coming into contact with the human 
body, cure a number of diseases, and especially epilepsy; also that, 
when they are dipped in milk, it is instantly turned into cheese; and 
other notions of the same sort. On account of the many wholesome and 
useful effects attributed to the horns of serpents, they are regarded as 
immensely valuable, and one of my workmen was once accused by a 
jealous comrade of having found two serpents’ horns and made off with 
them. All my assurances that there are no such things as serpents’ horns 
failed to convince the men, and they still believe that their comrade has 
robbed me of a great treasure. 

The serpent’s head Nos. 1403 and 1404 seems to represent the 
poisonous asp. I call particular attention to the horn-like excrescences to 
the right and left of the head. This head has a number of dots above 


Cuap. X.] THE COW’S HEAD ON VASE-HANDLES. 599 


the mouth, and the head and back are divided by cross lines into sections 
which are filled with dots. On the opposite side are lines running lon- 
-gitudinally, like female hair. It deserves particular attention that no 
such horned serpent-heads have ever been found of a clay or fabric that I 
could possibly attribute to any one of the preceding pre-historic cities. 
The shape of these serpent-heads induces me to think that they have 
served as handles to vases. This even appears certain from the shape of 
No. 1400, which, contrary to all the other vases found at Hissarlik, has a 
horizontal perforation ; but no second specimen with a horizontal hole has 
been found. A vase with a horizontal perforation occurs, however, among 
the pottery from Marino.’ Professor Virchow calls my attention to the 
peculiar shape of No. 1400, which, in his opinion, resembles an elephant’s 
trunk more than a serpent’s head. 

Vase or cup handles with tolerably well-modelled heads of cows or 
oxen with long horns occur frequently among the pottery of the 
Lydian city. I represent one of them here under No. 1405. 1 shall 
not attempt to decide the question whether here, 
as at Mycenae, the cow’s head is the symbol or 
image of Heré; but as the cow’s head occurs here 
so often, and always on vase-handles, I suggest that 
it explains to us the two-horned vase-handles which 
are found mm such rich abundance in Italy from 
the trans-Padane region to the Abruzzi. They 
are further found in the Lake-dwellings in the 
districts of Mantua and Vicenza, in the terra- 
mare of the Emilia, in a tomb and in fields in 
the district of Bologna, in the tombs of Volterra, 
and in fields in the valley of Vibrata. A large 
cup with three excrescences, having a handle with 
two such horns, was also found below the founda- @ / 
tions of a house on the Esquiline, near the church No. 1405. Vase-handle with a cow's 
of Sant’ Eusebio, in Rome ; but this is as yet the i ea ee 
first specimen of such a horned vase found in 
Latium. Chronologically, therefore, it belongs to the Bronze age in the 
terramare of the Emilia, and perhaps to the Stone age in the Lake- 
dwellings on the other side of the Po; but it belongs to the first Iron 
age in the tombs and fields in the district of Bologna, and in the tombs 
of Volterra; to the Bronze age, in the fields of the Abruzzi; and to the 
Bronze age, also, on the Esquiline.” 

These two-horned vase-handles have called forth many learned dis- 
cussions, but it never yet occurred to any one that they might be the 
inheritance of the Lydian vase-handles with cow-heads. I feel sure that 
the explanation I now offer will at once be universally adopted. I may 
add that cow-heads never occur in any of the first five pre-historic cities of 
Hissarlik; and also that among the pottery from Chiusi in the British 








8 L. Pigorini and Sir John Lubbock, op. cit. No. 6. 
9. Pigorini, in the Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana of January 1878, p. 16. 


SIXTH OR’ LYDIAN ΟΡ TROY. [Cuap. X. 


600 THE 
Museum there are some terra-cotta vases having handles ornamented with 
heads of horses or cows.’° 

I remind the reader that cow-heads of gold or terra-cotta, and par- 
ticularly those of gold, are very frequent at Mycenae, where I found 
fifty-six solely of the shape represented in my Mycenae, p. 218, Nos. 329, 
330, and numerous fragments of others. They also occur of bronze in 
Germany. Thus, for instance, Professor Virchow calls my attention to a 
small two-wheeled chariot of bronze in his collection, which is decorated 
with three cow-heads and as many birds; also to a three-wheeled chariot 
of bronze, decorated with two cow-heads and three birds, which is in the 
Royal Museum at Berlin. Both chariots were found in the bed of the 
river Spree, near Burg, in Lower Lusatia.4! He further recommends to 
my notice a third two-wheeled chariot of bronze, found near Ober-Kehle, 
in the district of Trebnitz (Lower Silesia), and preserved in the Breslau 
Museum, which is likewise decorated with two cow-heads and three birds, 
and to a fourth similar one found at Frankfurt on the Oder, and preserved 
in the Museum of Neu Ruppin. Professor Virchow further mentions a 
cow-head of bronze with long horns, found near Gr. Pankow in Westprieg- 
nitz, near Pritzwalk, and a three-horned cow-head ef bronze with a bird’s 
beak, preserved in the Museum of Copenhagen; the horns are long, and 
strongly bent forward. He also draws my attention to two cows or oxen of 
pure copper found near Bythin, in the district of Samter, in the province 
of Posen. Professor Virchow writes on them: “The length of the horns 
and their wide span decidedly point to southern prototypes. So far as it 
is known, such long-horned cattle have never existed in our country ; even 
now we do not see them before coming to Moravia, Hungary or Italy. The 
pointed heads do not permit the idea that buffaloes might be intended.” ? 
The Markisches Museum at Berlin also contains a vase found in Germany 
with handles in the form of two cow-horns, similar to the vase-handles 
found in Italy. Some small cow-heads of gold have also been found in 
Scythian tombs in the south of Russia. Perhaps the most remarkable 
vessel I ever saw is a terra-cotta vessel with a well-formed cow-head ? in 
Professor Virchow’s collection. It was found by the sagacious Miss Adele 
Virchow, in the excavations she undertook, as before mentioned, in com- 
pany with her father and her brother, in the pre-historic graveyard of 
Zaboréwo, in the province of Posen. 

I cannot conclude the discussion on pre-historic heads of cows or 
oxen without calling particular attention to the marvellous collection of 
bronzes found in the island of Sardinia, and preserved in the Museum 
of Cagliari. Among the numerous animals represented there, we see 





10 Among the spoil taken from the Shasu 
Arabs by King Thutmes III., we find “ one silver 
double-handled cup, with the head of a bu!l ”—pro- 
bably, like other objects mentioned in the same 
record, of Phoenician workmanship. (Brugsch, 
Hist. of Egypt, vol. i, p. 383, Eng. trans. 
2nd ed.) 

11 See Auszuy aus dem Monatsbericht der Kéniy- 


lichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin, 
November 16, 1876. 

1 Sessional Report of the Berlin Society of 
Anthropology, Ethnology, &c., of December 6, 
1873. 

2 See Sessional Report of the Berlin Society of 
Anthropology, Ethnology, &c., of May 10, 1873, 
Pl. xiii, fig. 1. 


Cuap. X.] OBJECTS OF IVORY, ETC. 601 


bulls and cows;* we also recognize some cow-heads among the horned 


animal heads which decorate the very curious miniature round boats of 
bronze, called in the Sardinian dialect Cius (perhaps a corruption of the 
Greek κύαθος, cup), and supposed to be votive offerings.* We also see 
there an object of bronze representing a woman riding on a cow,’ as well 
as a large number of female idols with cow-horns on their heads,° or 
with cow-horns proceeding from the shoulders,’ like those on most of the 
Mycenean idols. As these Sardinian idols have the arms well formed, 
there is no possibility that the cow-horns (or perhaps symbolic horns of 
the crescent) might be mistaken for arms, as has been the case with those 
of the Mycenean idols. 

I may add that the remarkable Museum of Cagliari contains also 
horned man’s heads.? 

No. 1406 represents a brooch of ivory, ornamented with a bird. 

No. 1407 is a small disc of ivory exhibiting in intaglio-work a 
scorpion, on each side of which is an animal. One of these is represented 






































No. 1403. Watch-shaped Object 
ne of Terra-cotta, with two perforations. 

No. 1406. Brooch of Ivory. No. 1401. Object of Ivory. (Double (About half actual size. Depth, 
(2:3 actual size. Depth, 5 10.) size; found on the surface.) 5 to 8 ft.) 
with three teats, and is turned upwards; the other is turned the reverse 
way. ‘They resemble fitchets or polecats, though the primitive artist may 
have intended to represent lions or dogs: that this latter animal was 
intended to be represented is the opinion of Professor Virchow. The 
scorpion was, in Egyptian mythology, the symbol of the goddess Selk. 
I picked up this curious disc of ivory on the surface of the ground on the 
high plateau of the hill, where excavations were going on at a depth of 
from 6 to 12 ft.: it must therefore have fallen from a cart-load. As 
nothing like it was found in the débris of any of the first five pre- 
historic cities or in the ruins of the Aeolic Ilium, whilst in the artistic 
style of the intaglio there is at least some analogy to that of the head 
No. 1391, and the cow-head No. 1405, I attribute it with much confidence 
to the Lydian city. 

No. 1408 displays the same dull black colour and the same fabric as all 
the pottery of this Lydian city ; it is of the size and shape of our watches, 





3 Vincenzo Crespi, [7 Musco d’ Antichita di 7 Ibid. p. 52, fig. 6. 

Cagliari ; Cagliari, 1872, Pl. v. figs. 7, 8. 8 See my Mycenae, p. 12, figs. 8,10; PI. xvii. 
= foi. P\.-v1. figs. 94, 96; Coloured Pl. A, fig. d, Pl. B, 
πὸ Ihid.-Pr.-iv. fig. 10. figs. ¢, fe 


© Ibid. pp. 52, 53, 54, figs. Ὁ; e, f, ἢ; % 9 Vincenzo Crespi, op. cit. Pl. iii. fig. ἢ. 


602 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN CITY OF TROY. [Cuar. X. 


and has two perforations. It is remarkable for the character or symbol 
incised on it, which so very frequently occurs on the Trojan whorls; and, 
curiously enough, also over the doors of three of the hut-urns found in 
the ancient necropolis below a stratum of peperino near Marino,! as well 
as over the door of a similar hut-urn from the same necropolis, preserved 
in the Royal Museum at Berlin. It also occurs seven times on the bottoms 
of vases found by Miss Sofie von Torma in her excavations in the Maros 
and Cserna valleys in Siebenbiirgen (Transylvania).!! 

Whorls are frequent in the sixth city; all of the very same slightly- 
baked, dull blackish clay of which all the vases consist. They have for 
the most part the form of Nos. 1802, 1803, and 1805, and have generally 
only an incised linear decoration filled with white chalk; but there are 
also some whorls ornamented with -U or Ἤ and other signs, which may 


have a symbolical meaning. 





No. 1411. Die of Stone. 


No. 1409. Marble Knob of a Stick. No niie MAMeAecdonora ceick. \\! °° actualaize. Depth, Ish) 


(2:3 actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) (Half actual size. Depth, 5 ft.) 


No. 1409 and No. 1410 are marble knobs of sticks; No. 1411, a die 
of silicious stone. Herodotus’ attributes to the Lydians the invention 


of dice. 
No. 1412 is of the same clay, and is probably a female idol. All the 


marks we see on it—eyes, nose, mouth, &c.—have been incised before the 


No. 1413. 


No. 1414. 








Nos. 1413, 1414. Female figure with large eyes. 
bably a female idol. No. 1413. Front. No. 1414. Back. 
(2:3 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) (Nearly 2:3 actual size. Depth, about 9 ft.) 


10 L, Pigorini and Sir John Lubbock, op. cit. Torma’s Sammlung prachistorischer Alterthiimer 
Pl. ix., Nos. 7-9 ; only on No. 8 the sign has one aus dem Maros- und Cserna-Thal Siebenbiirgens ; 
vertical stroke more than on the two others Hermannstadt, 1878, Nos. 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 17. 
and on the object before us, 1 i, 94: ἐξευρεθῆναι δὴ ὧν τότε Kal τῶν 

1! Carl Gooss, Bericht tiber Fraulein Sofie ron κύβων. 


Cuap. X.] BRONZE BROOCHES AND KNIVES. 6038 


baking: the horizontal line above the eyes may indicate the frontlet ; the 
necklace is indicated by another horizontal line, with three ornaments, 
hanging down from it. The figure has a projection to the right and left 
to indicate the arms. These are joined by a third horizontal line. In its 
middle'is a dot, perhaps intended to mark the vulva. 

No. 1413 is probably another female idol, for two breasts are indi- 
cated. The eyes are particularly large; the eyebrows and the nose are 
marked in the rudest way. The mouth is not indicated as in the owl- 
headed vases and images, or the rude idols found in the Aegean islands. 
Three horizontal lines on the neck seem to denote necklaces. The arms 
are represented by small projections to the right and left. Vertical 
scratchings on the back of the head (No. 1414) indicate the female hair. 

The bronze brooch, No. 1415, as well as the fragment of another 
brooch, No. 1416, were found by a shepherd in digging a furrow a few 





No. 1415, Primitive Bronze Brooch, with a file of gold beads attached to it. (Actual size. 
Found near the surface.) 





No. 1416. Fragment of Bronze Brooch, with two files of gold beads attached to it. (Actual size. 
Found near the surface.) 


inches deep round a barrack of wood and straw which he had built for 
me at the western foot of Hissarlik. I attribute these objects to the 
Lydian city only because the inhabitants of the succeeding Aeolic Ilium 
were too civilized to use such rude nail-like brooches with flat heads, and 
I do not see how these objects could lie so close to the surface if they 
belonged to any one of the pre-historic cities. That they were used as 
brooches is evident from the gold beads, of which twenty-five adhere to the 
large brooch and twenty-two to the fragment. Professor W. Chandler 
Roberts of the Royal Mint, who examined these objects, is of opinion that 
the gold beads must have been suspended by a string to the brooches, 
and must have become attached to them by the cementing action of the 
oxide and carbonate of copper. Professor Virchow suggests to me that 
No. 1415 might have been a hair-pin. But I hardly think this pos- 
sible, on account of its heavy weight and its length of 0:12 métre, 


or nearly 5in. 
No. 1417 is a knife of bronze plated with gold, but in many places 












































No. 1417. Knife of Bronze, thickly gilt. (Actual size. Depth, 64 ft.) 


e 





604 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN CITY OF TROY. [Cuap, X. 


covered with oxide and carbonate of copper. Nos. 1418 to 1420 are crooked 
bronze knives: in No. 1418 may be seen the hole by which it was fastened 


No. 1418. 


- τ΄ 






No. 1420. 






No. 1419. 


Nos. 1418-1420. Three Knives of Bronze. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 3 ft.) 


in the wooden handle. No. 1421 is an iron knife, with a ring for suspen- 
sion. A nail, the head of which is clearly seen in the engraving, can leave 





No. 1421. Iron Knife, with ring for suspension and a rivet of the wooden handle, 
(About 2:3 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 


no doubt that the handle was enclosed in wood. This knife was found at a 
depth of 13 ft. below the surface, and, judging from the depth alone, it 
ought to belong to the fourth or fifth pre-historic city. But as not the 
slightest trace of iron has ever been found by me in any of the five pre- 
historic cities of Troy or in Mycenae; as, moreover, the shape of this knife 
is so widely different from the shape of all other knives found in those 
cities, whilst it has the very greatest similarity to the Etruscan knives, 
and also to the blade of a bronze knife found in the necropolis of Rovio,’ 
as well as to a bronze knife found in the tombs of Soldo near Alzate 
(Brianza),* I am forced to attribute it to the Lydian city. The weight 
of the iron would easily account for its having sunk to the depth at which 
it was found. 

No. 1422 is evidently also an arrow-head with two barbs, but we are 
at a loss to say in what manner it could have been fastened to the shaft. 
No. 1423 is a bronze arrow-head without barbs. Similar’ arrow-heads 
are found in Denmark.* No. 1424 is a lance-head of bronze. Unlike all 
the lance-heads found in the third, the burnt city,® this lance-head has a 





2 Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana, 1875, Recherches dans les Lacs de la Suisse occidentale ; 


Pl. ὃν: Νο. ἢ. Ziirich, 1876, Pl. v.). i 
8. Ibid. January and February, 1879, Pl. i. 4 J.J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, Pl. xxxii. 

No. 11. The knife before us resembles likewise No. 145. 

some of the bronze knives found in the Swiss 5 In the other four pre-historic cities of His- 


Lake-dwellings (see V. Gross, Résultats des  sarlik no lance-heads of bronze were found. 


Cuar. X.] LANCE AND ARROW-HEADS: HORSES’ BITS. 605 


tube, in which the wooden shaft was fixed. As I have already stated, all 
the Homeric lances seem to have had a similar tube for the shaft. 
Moreover, all the lance-heads found by me at Mycenae are similar to 
that before us. 


No. 1422. 





No. 1426. Curious Object of Copper or Bronze, probably 
a primitive horse-bit. (About 1: 4 actual size. 
Depth, about 9 ft.) 





No. 1425. 
No. 1424. 





Nos. 1422-1425. Lance, Arrow-heads, and Fragment of Bridle of Bronze. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


The object No. 1425 is also of bronze, with three rings, of which the 
lower one is broken; it seems to be part of a bridle. This is also the 
opinion of Mr. John Evans, who has in his collection a similar object, with 
the sole difference that the rings, instead of protruding as on the Hissarlik 
bridle, are here in the centre of circular projections in the rod of the 
bridle. Moreover, a bronze bridle was found by Dr. V. Gross in the Lake- 
dwellings at the station of Moeringen, in the Lake of Bienne, composed of 
two pieces almost perfectly similar to that of the object before us; the 
bit for the mouth of the horse was fixed in the middle ring in both cases, 
the sole difference being that the rings from Switzerland form long ovals.° 
Professor Virchow calls my attention to two objects of bronze, each with 
three protruding rings, strikingly similar to the bridle-fragment No. 1425, 
which were found at Seelow, in the district of Lebus, near the Oder.’ 
Only here each piece is in the form of a lizard, and has four feet. The 
curious instrument of copper or bronze (No. 1426), in the shape of a bar 
with the two ends turned into pointed hooks, has also the appearance of 
a bit. 

No. 1427 is a small bronze cup, perforated like a colander. No. 1428 
is a bronze cup on a tall stem, but without handles, and with a very large 
foot. A cup of a perfectly identical shape is in the Museum of Verona.* 
The cup No. 1428 is also very similar in form to the Greek and Etruscan 
cup called holkion by Mr. Dennis.° 

Nos. 1429 and 1430 represent a curious sort of large double-edged bronze 
battle-axe, of which I found four at a depth of 6 ft. As I never found 








§ V. Gross, Résultats des Recherches dans les 8. Pigorini, in the Bullettino di Paletnologia, 
Lacs de la Suisse occidentale, Pl. xv. No. 1. Feb. 1877, Pl. ii. No. 3. 

See Sessional Report of the Berlin Society of ° The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, p. exxi. 
Anthropology, Ethnology, &c., of April 17, 1875. No. 55. 


606 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN CITY OF TROY. [Cuap, X. 











No. 1427, 









Nos, 1427, 1428. Goblet and sieve-iike Cup of Bronze. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


No. 1429. 

















0. 











Nos. 1429, 1430. Axe of Bronze. (About 1:3 actual size. | Depth, 6 ft.) 


this shape in any of the other pre-historic cities, I attribute them with 
much probability to this Lydian city. I found two double-edged bronze 
hatchets of a perfectly identical shape at Mycenae.° A similar double- 
edged axe of copper was found in Hungary.t These double-edged axes 
are characteristic of Asia Minor, and Zeus Labrandeus of Caria derived his 
name from labranda, which meant a double-edged battle-axe in the Carian 
language. They also frequently occur in Greece and Assyria, as well as 
in Babylonia. A similar double-edged axe, but of copper, was found in 
the Lake-dwellings at Liischerz;* another on the Lower Danube A 
similar double-edged axe, also of pure copper, was found by Dr. V. 
Gross in the Lake-dwellings at the Station of Locras, in the Lake of 
Bienne in Switzerland* I also found them very frequently represented 
on the gold jewels in the royal tombs of Mycenae ; as, for example, between 
the horns of fifty-six cow-heads ;° also two such double-edged axes are 





10 See my Mycenae, p. 111, No. 173. 1879, Pl. xvii. Nos. 2a, 2b. 

* See Joseph Hampel, Catalogue del’ Exposition 3 Ibid. Nos. 3a, 3b. 
préhistorique des Musées de Province, p. 139, 4 V. Gross, Les derniéres Trouvailles dans les 
No. 147. Habitations lacustres du Lac de Bienne; Porren- 


* See Sessional Report of the Berlin Society of  truy, 1879, Pl. i. No. 1. 
Anthropology, Ethnology, &c., of October 18, 5 See my Mycenae, p. 218, Nos. 329, 330. 


eh 
<a 
‘ 


Guar. X.] DATE OF THE LYDIAN CITY. 607 


represented on the gold seal-ring in the archaic Babylonian style,° and ᾿ 
one on the remarkable gem of agate.’ 

M. Ernest Chantre, assistant director of the Museum of Lyons, has 
sent me the analysis of one of these battle-axes made by the celebrated 
chemist, M. Damour of Lyons. I had drilled the axe, and sent him the 
drillings :— 








Grammes, 
Analysis is + a γι οἷ ae _0°9280 
Deducting the sand contained init .. τς .- 0:0070 
0°5210 
In 1:Q000 part. 
This consists of copper... oF at oe es 0:4810, = 00-9232 
Tink is -ς ae ὃς -- 9°0385 =. Ὁ 199 


2) 








05 5105 ΞΞ 907: 








Now, regarding the chronology of this Lydian city, I think every 
archeologist will admit that all the articles which we have passed in 
review, and particularly the pottery, denote an early state of civilization. 
Moreover, here were still in use the vases with long rams’ horns and the 
vase-handles with long-horned cow-heads, from the former of which the 
bosses on the most ancient Ktruscan vases seem to have originated, while 
from the long-horned cow-heads we may trace the famous two-horned or 
crescent vase-handles found in the terramare and elsewhere in Central 
Italy. No vases with rams’ horns, or handles with long-horned cows’ 
heads, have ever been found in the terramare; but this does not by any 
means prove that the Lydian city on Hissarlik must be anterior to the 
Lake-dwellings by which the terramare were formed; because vases with 
bosses or with crescent handles may have existed for centuries in the 
Italian terramare, whilst the ram-horned vases and the cow-headed 
handles, from which they were derived, continued to be used in the 
Lydian settlement at Hissarlik. But it is pretty certain that the immi- 
eration of the Etruscans into Italy took place before the Dorian invasion 
of the Peloponnesus,* which, as explained in the preceding pages, became 
the cause of the Aeolian emigration to the Troad. 

Having to the best of my knowledge and belief selected and described 
the objects belonging to the Lydian city from among those found in the 
strata between the fifth pre-historic city and the ruins of the Aeolic 


settlement, I now proceed to the description of the seventh city, the 
Greek Ilium. 


δ See my Mycenae, p. 354, No. 530. 7 Ibid. p. 362, No. 541, 
° Wolfgang Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene ; Leipzig, 1879, p. 100. 


CHAPTER XI. 


THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM; OR NOVUM ILIUM: 


§ I. Remains oF THe City. 


Tue founders of Novum Ilium built their city both to the east and to 
the south of Hissarlik,? and used this hill as their Acropolis and the seat of 
their sanctuaries. They did so probably for three reasons: first, because 
they were conscious of the fact, that here had once stood the sanctuary 
of Athené as well as the houses of Troy’s last king and his sons, and 
that here the fate of sacred Ilios had been decided, and therefore a 
religious reverence deterred them from giving up the place to profane 
use; secondly, because Hissarlik had strong natural defences, and was 
admirably situated for an Acropolis; and, in the third place, because the 
new settlers were too numerous to build their town on so small a space. 
This explains the thinness of the Greek stratum of débris on Hissariik, the 
scarcity of objects of human industry, even of fragments of pottery, and 
the abundance of terra-cotta figurines and round pieces of terra-cotta, in 
the form of watches, with two perforations, which here replace the pre- 
historic whorls, and seem, along with the figurines, to have served as 
votive offerings. In commemoration of the Acropolis of old, erroneously 
attributed to Iium by Homer, and probably believed by the new settlers 
to have occupied this identical hill, Hissarlik was thenceforth called Per- 
gamus, or Priam’s Pergamon, as Herodotus? names it. 

Of the first sacred buildings erected here by the new settlers nothing 
is known to us. ‘The first mention made of a temple is by Herodotus, 
who relates that Xerxes, on his expedition to Greece (480 B.c.), went up 
hither to sacrifice to the Ihan Athené.* Strabo says that this temple, up 
to the time of Alexander the Great, was but small and insignificant (μικρὸν 
καὶ εὐτελές). 5 To this, and to other old temples built by the Aeolian 
settlers, probably belong the very numerous wrought blocks of lime- 
stone, often with rude sculptures, which I found embedded in walls of 

a later time. 
| Of the later costly temple of Athené built by Lysimachus, destroyed 
partly or entirely by Fimbria, and restored by Sulla,° but little hed 
escaped the pious zeal of the early Christians, and no trace of it was 
visible above ground. The drums of its Corinthian columns, with their 





1 I once more remind the reader that no used by Strabo to di-tinguish the Greek city 
ancient author calls this city by any other name from Homer’s --- τὸ νῦν Ἴλιον, τὸ σημερινὸν 
than simply Ἴλιον, Ilium, or, sometimes Ἴλιον, ἡ νῦν πόλις. 
poetically, Troja. “Novum Ilium” is merely 2 See Plan II. (of the Hellenic Ilium). 

a modern customary name, which I reluctantly 3 Herod. vii. 43. 4 [bid 
adopt asa convenient abridgement of the phrases 5 Strabo, xiii. p. 593. 6 See pp. 176-178. 


8.1. WALLS: TEMPLES OF ATHENE AND APOLLO. 609 


beautiful capitals, all of white marble, had been used to build a wall of 
defence, the drums being joined with cement. In my trench on the south- 
east side I have been obliged to break through this wall, which visitors 
will recognize to the right and left of that excavation.’ The drums 
which I took out may be seen standing upright at the entrance of 
the trench. 

Of the temple itself, I found only the foundations in sitw; they 
nowhere extended deeper than 64 ft. The floor, which consisted of slabs 
of limestone, and which rested upon double layers of the same stone, was 
covered with vegetable soil, from 1 to 3 ft. deep. This explains the total 
absence of entire sculptures ; for whatever sculptures there were, remained 
lying on the surface, till they were destroyed by fanaticism or wantonness. 
This explains also the enormous mass of fragments of statues which cover 
the entire hill. Judging from the foundations, the temple was 288 ft. 
long by 723 ft. wide; its direction is E.S.E. 1 E. In order to excavate 
the pre-historic cities, I have been forced by dire necessity to destroy 
the greater part of these foundations, of which, however, visitors will 
see some remains on the north-east and south-west sides of my great 
trench, which cuts the hill from south-east to north-west. The long 
Hellenic wall on the south side (see Sectional Plan No. IV., under the 
letter uv) also belongs to this temple, and seems to have been its wall 
of enclosure; so too does the quadrangular Hellenic substruction in the 
form of a tower; but I am at a loss to say of what use this latter can 
have been to the temple. Visitors will see that it rests directly upon the 
calcined ashes and débris of the third, the burnt city. Of other temples 
I found only the large ruins of the Doric temple of Apollo, on or close 
to the slope, on the north side;* but, strange to say, not one stone of it 
m situ. One beautiful triglyph block of this temple, hereafter to be 
described, was found at a depth of 3 ft. below the surface, on the northern 
slope; another unfinished triglyph block on the plateau, near the surface. 
I struck besides, in my excavations on the plateau of the hill, the founda- 
tions of many other buildings of large wrought stones, one of which was 
59 ft. long and 43 ft. broad. This latter, in or near which I found three 
inscriptions which seem to have been put up in it, appears to have been the 
Bouleuterion or Senate-house. Other buildings may have been temples or 
the houses of high priests. But as my object was to excavate Troy, and 
as I could not possibly do so by tunnels or leave all these ruins hanging 
in the air, over our heads, I have—much to my regret—been obliged to 
destroy them, and to save of them only what I thought of great interest 
to science. 

Of works of defence, which I might attribute to a time anterior to the 
Macedonian period, I can only mention the lower courses of a large tower, 
which I struck in my north-west trench.? All the upper portion of this 
tower consisted of large wrought stones, probably of the time of Lysi- 
machus. <A portion of it may still be seen on the south-west side of the 





7 See point z East on Sectional Plan IV. 9 The trench is marked z’ on Flan 1.,) and z’ 
δ᾽ The site of this temple is marked vy on West on Sectional Plan IV. 
Plan 1. 


2k 


610 THE SEVENTIT CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap. XI. 


same trench.'® As the great wall built by Lysimachus round the hill was 
entirely covered up, it was well preserved ; it is generally 12 ft. high and 
10 ft. thick ; it consists of large well-hewn blocks of limestone, laid one 
upon another without any kind of cement, and generally bearing a mono- 
gram.’ As the letter is not always the same, there being, for example, on 
one stone a =, and upon another an T or a A, I presume that they are 
quarry-marks. In order to open trenches, I have unfortunately been obliged 
to break through the wall in many places, as, for example, at the points 
z East and z West and πὶ on Plan I. In other places I have been forced 
to remove it entirely for long distances, as, for example, at N N and Vv 
(Plan I.); but even so all the imjuries I have inflicted on it together 
affect only one-sixth of its entire circuit round Hissarik. Whoever, there- 
fore, may take pleasure in bringing the remainder to light, will find more 
than five-sixths of it well preserved. A fine specimen of the architecture 
of the time of Lysimachus may be seen in the tower in the west side of 
my great northern trench, as represented under letter F on the accompany- 
ing woodcut (No. 1431). p marks a wall of a later time. Visitors will see 
that the tower has been erected on the débris, which covered to a depth of 
35 ft. the top of the ancient wall marked B and the retaining wall marked 
a on the woodcut No. 2, p. 24. I particularly recommend visitors to 
examine the slanting layers of délris, which are indicated in the engraving 
No. 1431, together with their thickness and the material of which they 
are composed. As all the layers in which marble occurs belong to Novum 
Ilium, it will be seen that the accumulation of Greek remains is here par- 
ticularly great. Probably all the marble splinters date from the time 
when the marble blocks were cut for the Corinthian temple of Athené 
and the Doric temple of Apollo. Of the walls round Ilium, built by 
Lysimachus, and probably only repaired by Sulla, portions only are here © 
and there preserved ; but, with the aid of the potsherds and fragments of 
marble with which the whole site of Novum Ilium is strewn, they will 
suffice to enable the visitor to follow up the entire circuit of the city. 
Besides the outer walls, there are traces of an inner wall, connecting 
two quadrangular forts, of which large ruins remain.” One of these forts 
is close to the road to Chiblak, the other on the east border of the city. 
The vast extent of the city; the masses of marble or granite columns 
which peep out from the ground; the millions of fragments of sculptures 
with which the site is strewn; the many large heaps of ruins; the mosaic 
floors brought to light in various places; the gigantic aqueduct which still 
spans the Thymbrius, and by which Ilium was provided with water from 
the upper part of that river; and last, not least, the vast theatre, capable 
of seating 5000 spectators, which visitors will see cut in the slope, 
immediately to the east of Hissarlik ;*—all this testifies to the large size, 
the wealth, and the magnificence of the town. The marble seats have 
disappeared from the theatre; but in a small trench, which I dug in the 


10 Sectional Plan IV., 2’ West, and Plan I. (of 2 See Plan II. (of the Hellenic Ilium). One of 
Troy), 2’. i the quadrangular forts is marked 43, the other 

1 Sectional Plan 1V., z’ West and z East, and 37, which means their height in métres above 
Plan L (of Troy), K, NO, Z 0, eY¥. the sea. 3 See Plan 11. 


611 


ITS SIZE, WEALTH, AND MAGNIFICENCE. 


§ 1] 


orchestra, I brought to light numerous fragments of marble sculptures 


which testify to its grandeur. 


As before mentioned, I have sunk on the site of Novum Ilium, outside 
of Hissarlik, 20 shafts, the sections and depths of which are accurately 


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sivoddv J 19M0} OY], “JING Se 91ἀ{π|191 s[qIeU 944 UOT 9111} 94} 0} ῬΌΧΙ9]91 oq ysnuT 81.900 959Π1Ί 1861 aAoid ογχαιθαι Jo 5] αϑιι30.} 9G) 2 Yoods owes oy) Jo 
oq 0} Avodde Ὁ10125 9597] ΠΥ ‘“SeJOUL YOU] ul sioA¥] 9597} JO SSOMYIIY} oY} SATB sJaquinu 91] Ssutgap jo siofe] 911 JO UOTSsad0NS 9) 8YBOIPUl ἃ Ὑ 


“(apts SOA) YOULL, ISVa-WON 1801) “TEFT ‘ON 





them that the accumulation of the débris, at a short distance to the west 
and south-west of Hissarlik, is from 5 to 5:30 m. (16 ft. 5in. to 17 ft. 5 in.), 


given on the Plan of the Hellenic Ilium (Plan II.); it will be seen from 


The depth of the débris on the plateau above the 


but that more to the south and south-east it falls off to 2 or 2°50 m. 


(tty 7 in, to 8 ft. 2in.). | 


612 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap. XT. 


theatre also does not exceed 8 ft. 2in., and further on to the east it 
diminishes still more. These débris abound with fragments of pottery 
of all epochs, from the foundation of the city by the Aeolian colonists 
down to its decay in the fourth and its abandonment in the fifth century 
of our era. But I infer this decay and abandonment solely from the 
absence of coins later than Constans II., and from the entire absence of 
pottery or ruins of the Byzantine period, of which no trace was found 
in my 20 shafts. I have no other proofs. As already stated, KE. Meyer ὅ 
mentions that “‘ Constantinus Porphyrogennetus (911-959 a.p.) still cites 
most of the cities of the Troad as bishoprics: Adramyttium, Assos, 
Gargara, Antandrus, Alexandria-Troas, Ilium, Dardanus, Abydus, Lamp- 
sacus ; Parium even as seat of an archbishop. But may not the bishopric 
of Ilium have been on another site?” 

The mass of coins picked up from the surface by the shepherds on the 
site of Novum Ilium is really astounding ; but they are all of bronze: the 
oldest of them do not go further back than the Macedonian period. For 
the most part they are coins of Ilium itself, but those of Alexandria- 
Troas are also very frequent ; while those of Sigeum, Dardanus, Tenedos, 
Ophrynium, Gergis, Elaeussa, Abydus, Lampsacus, Heracleum, Smyrna, 
Ephesus, Adramyttium, Assos, &c., are rarer. I found also coins of all 
these places in my excavations on Hissarlik, and a very large number of 
Tlian coins, or coins of Alexandria-Troas. Silver tetradrachms of Ilium are 
very rare; I never found one. Incised gems are also frequently found by 
the shepherds. I myself picked up sixteen of them in my trenches. They 
are for the most part of the Roman time. I attribute only six of them 
with much confidence to the Macedonian period; none of them are of 
great artistic value. They represent a warrior on a chariot with four 
horses, an Artemis with a crescent and the morning star, an Isis, a Pan 
with a bunch of grapes in his hand, or busts—apparently portraits—of 
men and women. ‘The fact that these gems are always found without 
rings can, I think, be only explained by the supposition that the rings 
were of tin, a metal which disappears without leaving a trace. Similar 
incised gems were highly prized in antiquity. According to Professor 
Rhousopoulos, Athenaeus mentions that an intaglio of great artistic skill 
was sold for five talents. King Mithridates VI. had a collection of 2000 
gems with entagl; the Emperor Hadrian also was a great admirer of 
similar jewels, and spent large sums of money on them. 

I represent here a few fragments of the more characteristic archaic 
Greek pottery found in the hill of Hissarlik itself. 

The hand-made fragment, No. 1432, represents, in black colour on a 
light-red dead ground, the upper part of a winged female figure, with a 
long pointed nose and chin; the long hair hangs down on the back ; the 
eye is very large; the head is covered with a short cap, to which is 
attached a very long tail or crest, the end of which, branching into two 


4 That Ilium was still flourishing in the time 181-2). 
of the immediate successors of Constantine the 5 Geschichte von Troas; Leipzig, 1877, p. 97. 
Great, is proved by the letter of Julian, quoted ® Const. Porphyr. de Caerem. ii. 54, p. 792, 
in the chapter on the History of Troy (pp. 794 f. 


§ 1] ARCHAIC PAINTED POTTERY. 613 


spirals, is particularly curious. Before the figure, in the right-hand 
corner, we see again the curious symbol found on the Italian hut-urns 

































































































































































No. 1432. Painted Archaic Pottery. (About half actual size, Depth, about 5 ft.) 


and the Trojan whorls, and which the late Professor Martin Haug of 
Munich read sz, and thought to be the first syllable of the Trojan god or 
hero Sigo or Siko, which he found repeatedly in the Trojan inscriptions. 
Behind the figure we see a curious object with a swastika in the form 
of a Maltese cross. I also call attention to the two clusters of dots, 
which, as Prof. Virchow presumes, may be meant to represent flowers. 

No. 1483 is a wheel-made potsherd, having an ornamentation painted 
with black colour on a dead white ground; it consists of nine waving 
lines, and, between two borders, an arrow-like decoration. No. 1434 is 





No. 1433. Painted Archaic Greek Pottery. No. 1434. Painted Archaic Pottery. (Actual size. 
(About half actual size. Depth, about 6 ft.) Depth, 6 ft.) 


a fragment of the upper part of a wheel-made bowl, decorated on the out- 
side with plain dark-brown bands, on the inside with the winged female 
figure before us, painted with brown colour on a light-yellow dead ground. 
The hair is very luxuriant, bound up by a frontlet of dark-red colour, 
which seems to hang down far below the wings ; the features of the figure 
are archaic; behind the head is a curious triangle, with an ornamentation 
that is frequent on Assyrian sculptures. 

No. 1435 is a broken terra-cotta figure, probably of a priestess, with 


614 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap, XI. 


Assyrian features; the hands have evidently been projecting. This 
figure is decorated all over with painted red ornaments, probably meant to 
indicate the clothing. No. 1436 is a fragment of the border of a plate, 
with a key-pattern decoration, painted in dark-brown colour on a light- 
green background; just below the border are two perforations for sus- 
pension. No. 1437 is a vase-spout in the form of an animal’s head, 
painted dark-red. 


No. 1435. 


No. 1436. 





Nos. 1435-1437, Figure of a Priestess in Assyrian style and painted Archaic Pottery. (Half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


No. 1438 is the head of an archaic vase, with vertically perforated pro- 
jections for suspension, and a painted linear decoration in black on a dead 





No. 1438. Head of an Archaic Vase, with tubular holes 
for suspension. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) 


white ground. No. 1439 is the outside of the rim of a hand-made vessel, 
with a net-like decoration, painted in dark-brown on a white dead ground. 
No. 1440 is a fragment of the inner side of a hand-made vase or bowl with 
a primitive key-pattern decoration, painted in dark brown on a light- 
yellow dead ground ; above and below are bands of dark brown alternated 
with violet. No. 1441 is a fragment of a small wheel-made vase which, 
exactly like a vase found by me at Mycenae,’ represents, in dark brown 
on a light-yellow dead ground, warriors with lances and enormous oval 
shields. Nos. 1442, 1443, and 1444 are fragments of wheel-made vessels 
with a painted spiral or circular ornamentation. Nos. 1445 and 1446 are 
fragments of hand-made bowls, profusely painted on the inner side; on 
both we recognize part of an animal, probably a horse. On the outside 


7 See my Mycenae, p. 68, No. 80. 


§ I.] PAINTED POTTERY: TERRA-COTTA FIGURES. 615 


No. 1439. 











Nos. 1439-1446. Fragments of painted Archaic Greek Pottery. (Half actual size. Depth, 4 to 6 ft.) 


these bowls are decorated with plain red, brown, or black bands. Frag- 
ments of archaic pottery with a painted linear decoration are abundant, 
but I obtained only one entire vase of this description. 

No. 1447 is a flat object of red terra-cotta, representing in relief a 
pretty woman with long hair and a rich Oriental head-dress; she seems 
to hold her hands clasped on her breast. According to all appearance, 





=> 
No. 1447. Object of Red Terra-cotta, representing in No. 1443, Figure with Child, holding a book on 
Telief an Asiatic goddess with a rich Oriental head-dress. her lap. Best Mellenic p ried. (Nearly half 


Probably an idol. (2:3 actual size. Depth, 5 ft.) actual size. Depth, 3ft.) 


616 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [CHar. XI. 


this is an idol, and has been encased in wood. I call attention to the four 
excrescences at the sides of the figure. No. 1448 is a seated terra-cotta 
figure, having to her left a child, and holding a book on her lap; both 
figures are of masterly work, and may belong to the end of the fifth or 
the beginning of the fourth century B.c. No. 1449 is a rudely-modelled 
lion of terra-cotta. No. 1450 is a fairly well modelled pig, curiously 





No. 1449. Lion of Terra-cotta. 
(2:5 actual size. Depth, about 3 ft.) 





No. 1450. Pig of Terra-cotta, curiously marked 
all over with stars. (Actual size. Depth, 12 ft.) 


decorated with dark-red stars on a light-red dead ground. No. 1451 is a 
tablet of terra-cotta representing ὃ painted draped figure with a long 
beard, on horseback ; the head is covered with a cap. 





































































































No. 1451. Tablet of Terra-cotta, with a horseman in relief. (Actual size. Depth, 2 to 3 ft.) 


No. 1452 is an object of terra-cotta, representing 1n relief the bearded 
figure of an old man with a Phrygian cap on his head. Professor Sayce 
remarks to me regarding this object: © The figure is in the Assyrian style. 
On each side of the head is a winged thunderbolt, such as is found on the 
coins of Elis and Sicily. It has been explained by Mr. Percy Gardner in 
the Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. xix. (1879). We shall find it again on the 
terra-cotta plaques figured under Nos. 1459-1461.” No. 1453 is a bearded 
head covered with a cloth. Nos. 1454, 1455, and 1455 are very pretty 


-- 


§ I] FINE FIGURES IN TERRA-COTTA. 617 


᾿ : 


A 


HN Gra Ne if Da 
PATE i » | ἣ νὰ δι 
AR AGES λιν oy 
\\ ἣὴ i \ i ‘ ὶ ἢν AN a 
A Wy .,ν» 
Wel NN Ν᾽ AVA N .»» 
Ϊ tay Wa i Hy ᾿ 
; DIAN 
a ἥν ὴ Wy 


No. 1452. Curious Object of Terra-cotta, with an archaic figure in relief. (Half actual size. Depth, 3 ft.) 






female heads of terra-cotta, which may be of the Macedonian period; the 
face of No. 1455 is partly veiled. As Professor Rhousopoulos mentions 
to me, Dicaearchus affirms that the Theban women covered their heads 
with the gown to such a degree that nothing of the face was visible. 





No. 1455. Very pretty veiled 
Female Head. (Half actual 
size. Depth, 2 to 3 ft.) 





No. 1453. Bearded Head, with 
a curious head-dress. (Half 


actual size. Depth, 2 to 3 ft.) p 3 
No. 1454. Very beautiful Female Head. 


(Half actual size. Depth, 2 to 3 ft.) 





No. 1457. Cup-bottom, representing 
No. 1456. Female Head; probably Macedonian time. in relief two boys kissing each other. 
(Nearly half actual size. Depth, 2 ft.) (Nearly half actual size, Depth, 2ft.) 


618 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap. XI. 


No. 1457 is the fragment of a cup-bottom, representing in relief two boys 
kissing each other. This object finds its analogue in the fragment of a 
vase from Tarsus (Cilicia) in the Louvre, 
on which two youths kissing each other 
are likewise represented in relief. 

No. 1458 is a mould of terra-cotta, 
representing a woman and a man; the 
latter seemingly with a halo of glory 
round the head. A two-handled vessel 
is represented between their heads, with 
flowers below it. This mould seems to 
be of the late Roman time. 

Nos. 1459-1464 are six terra-cotta 
tablets, the first three of which repre- 
- ς΄ sent, in the opinion of Prof. Virchow 
No. 1459. “Terra pote, Mout Teper au and Prof. Sayce, the winged thunder- 

(Nearly half axtual size. Depth, 102i) bolt of Zeus in low relief. Professor 

Virchow sees in No. 1462 the repre- 

sentation of a quiver for arrows. Nos. 1463 and 1464 are more difficult 

to explain. These tablets, of which a large number were found, have 
probably served to ornament boxes or furniture. 





No. 1459. No. 1460. 





" 


δ cca la 





‘Ni 





Nos. 1459-1464. Terra-cotta Tablets, with curious Τ᾿ presentati ns in relief, from the Greek Stratum. 
(Half actual size. Dep'h, 2ft.) 


No. 1465 is the fragment of a painted Hellenic vase, with curious . 
signs resembling Egyptian hieroglyphs. 

Whorls of clay still occasionally occur in the stratum of Novum Ilium, 
but all of them are thoroughly baked, and have never any incised or painted 
ornamentation. But much more abundant here are the objects of terra- 
cotia, but slightly baked, in the form of our watches, with two perforations 


8.1. 


WAX-VOTOS WITH STAMPS. 


619 


near the border. Many of these objects are round; in many others the 
border, just above the two perforations, is flattened. In most instances 


these objects are decorated with a stamp, in 
which we see a dog’s head, a bee with 
extended wings, a flying figure, a swan, &c.: 
this stamp is sometimes in the middle of 
the object, sometimes on the flat border. 
But many of them have no stamp, and in this 
case they are generally much larger, more 
bulky, of coarser clay and fabric, and more 
thoroughly baked. Those with stamps are 
usually of a much better fabric and less 
baked, probably in order that the stamp 
might not be injured by long exposure to the 
I represent seven under Nos. 1466 to 1472. 







= 




























WW) 
il 3» 


(Ex) “ 
| 


) 
| 


Ϊ 









7» 





a aI 


ὶ 


fi 


Yo. 1466. Object ot 'Terra-cotta, 
with two perforations, represent- 
ing a swan and an ibex. (Half 


actual size. 


Depth, 2 to 6 ft.) 





No. 1467. Object of Terra-cotta, 

with two perforations, representing 

curious signs. (2:3 actual size. 
Depth, 2 to 5 ft.) 





if nest ayia 





No. 1465. Fragment of painted Greek 
Po.tery. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 2 to 3 ft.) 


fire. Of this latter class 
We see in the stamp on 





No. 1468. Object of Terra-cotta, 

with two perforations, repre- 

senting the bustofa man, (Half 
zctual size. Depth, 2 to 6 ft.) 


No. 1469. Object of Terra-cotta, 

with two perforations, represent- 

ing a pigeon. (Half actual size. 

Depth, 2 to 6ft.) 

No. 1466 an ibex and a swan; in that of No. 1467, curious signs resem- 
bling Egyptian hieroglyphs; in that of No. 1468, the bust of a young 
man with a helmet on his head; in that on No. 1469, a pigeon; on 
No. 1470, a naked woman; on No. 1471, two ibexes; on No. 1472, a horse. 



































































































































No. 1471. Object of Terra- 

cotta, with two holes, repre- 

senting two quadrupeds, pro- 

bably meant to be itexes. 

(Half actual size. Depth, 2 
to 5 ft.) 


No. 1470. Curious Object of 
Terra-cotta, with two perfo- 
rations, representing anaked 
woman. (Half actual size. 
Depth, 2 to 5 ft.) 


No. 1472. Object of Terra-cotta, with two 
holes, representing a horse. (Actual size. 
Depth, 2 to 5 ft.) 


620 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap. XI. 


Similar objects are found all over the Troad; I picked up some of 
them from the surface on the sites of Aeanteum and Rhoeteum. They 
are also frequent in Greece, but there they do not occur with stamps. 
I am not aware that they have been found elsewhere. It has been 
suggested that they were used as weights for fishing-nets; but this is 
contradicted by the neat appearance of these objects, for none of them 
show marks of wear and tear; besides, the slightly-baked ones would at 
once deteriorate in the water, while the delicate figures in the stamps 
are ill adapted for submersion. I would therefore suggest that, like the 
ornamented whorls in the five pre-historic cities, these neat objects with 
double perforations served in the Aeolic Ilium as ex-votos to the tutelary 
divinity, the Ihan Athené. 

Of the Greek terra-cotta lamps found in the ruins of Novum Ilium, 
I represent one, No. 1478, which has a pillar-shaped foot, 7 in. long. 


No. 1475, No. 14758. 
































No. 1473. A Greek Lamp on 
atall foot. (1:4 actual size. 
Depth, 5 ft.) 




















TIM i ΜΠ] CPA 
"ιὴ Wi INA 

















iin 
ΒΝ ill 
| ἥ hf 


| 


ὁ ΜΝ ὃ 











SSS 
ZZ 
ΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞΞ 


No. 1474. Lead Weight, with 
a hog’s head in relief. (Nearly 
half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) wT 
Nos. 14754, B. Curious bronze Key in the form of 

a Hermes. (Actual size. Depth, about 4 ft.) 





As mentioned in the preceding pages, lamps were entirely unknown in all 
the pre-historic cities, unless certain little bowls served the purpose, like 


§ 1] KEY WITH SYMBOLS OF HERMES. 621 


the candylia still used in Greek churches. Homer only knew λαμπτῆρες, 
fire-vessels or cressets, of which three stood in the great hall of the palace 
of Ulysses. They consisted of pans of terra-cotta or copper, probably 
placed on pedestals, in which very dry wood mixed with resinous wood ὅ 
(Sais) was burned. The Homeric torches, daides,’ were therefore nothing 
else than pieces of resinous wood. From éais originated the later word 
das, for “ torch,” which is used by Thucydides, Polyaenus, Plutarch, and 
others. 

No. 1474 is a quadrangular object of lead, representing a boar’s head 
in relief; it was found in my shaft’? sunk at the eastern extremity of 
the town, near the road to Chiblak. It weighs 18 ounces avoirdupois, and 
recals to mind the } Attic dimnaeon, on which likewise heads of animals 
are usually represented. Nos. 1475a and B represent a very curious 
key of bronze, with a ring for suspension. Professor Athanasios 
Rhousopoulos, who examined this key carefully, writes to me the following 
valuable note on the subject:—‘“I do not remember having ever seen 
anything like this key, either in private collections or in museums. It 
has the shape of the so-called quadrangular images of Hermes, with an 
altar-like base forming one piece with the body, to which a quadrangular 
projection is fixed on the back, with a hole corresponding to the lock-bolt. 
Without this it would not be easy to find out the use of the object, and 
one might think it to be rather an anathema than a key. The body of 
the Hermes increases in width towards the top, as is often the case with 
similar objects; it has in the middle the phallus, which is indispensable in 
every Hermes, on account of its symbolical signification. It has also the 
quadrangular shoulder-projections, which are often conspicuous on the 
stone Hermae, and which were used for suspending wreaths. You may 
see this custom in a wall- apes from Herculaneum, in K. O. Miller’s 
Denkméaler der alten Kunst, i., Pl. i. No. 8, The Hermes body is sur- 
mounted by a female head, oe two tufts of hair above the forehead, 
which seem to indicate that it was intended to represent Ariadne or a 
Bacchante; otherwise we should recognize in it a head of Pallas, and 
call the whole figure a Hermathené. From the head projects a ring for 
suspending the key. The whole length of the key is 0°115 metre (about 
41 1η.). You may see such forms of stone Hermae at Athens, in the 
Patesia Street National Museum, near the Polytechnic School, of which 
I have published the best in the Archeological Ephemeris, New Series, 
1862-1863, pp. 183 and 205, Pl. xxx., xxxi., and xxxiii.”} 





© Od. xvmi.307=310: 
αὐτίκα λαμπτῆρας τρεῖς ἵστασαν ἐν μεγάροισιν, 
ὄφρα φαείνοιεν - περὶ δὲ ξύλα κάγκανα θῆκαν, 
αὖα πάλαι, περίκηλα, νέον κεκεασμένα χαλκῷ, 


will interest the intelligent English student 


much more than the translation :— 


Ῥουσόπουλος Σχλι:μάννῳ χαίρειν. 


καὶ δαΐδας μετέμισγον " 

® Il. xviii. 492, 493: 
νύμφας δ᾽ ἐκ θαλάμων δαΐδων ὕπο λαμπομενάων 
ἡγίνεον ἀνὰ ἄστυ, .... 

© Marked a on Plan II. (of the Hellenic 
Ilium). 

‘I give here the original text of Prof. 
Rhousopoulos’s valuable note, as I am sure it 


Οὐ μικρᾶς, ὡς ἔοικε, δεῖται ἀποκρίσεως τὸ ἐν τῷ 

ἐπιστολίῳ ἐρώτημα περὶ τῆς χαλκίνης κλειδός, ἣν 

ἐκ Τροίας κομίσας διὰ Πέλοπος, τοῦ σοῦ ὑπηρέτου, 

συναπέσταλκάς μοι, μαθεῖν τι περὶ αὐτῆς βουλό- 

SW \ Ἀ \ 5 93 A ~ 

μενος " ἐγὼ γὰρ πολλὰς μὲν ἐν ἰδιωτῶν συλλογαῖς 

\ / 

ἰδών, πλείστας δὲ ἐν μουσείοις, ov μέμνημαι 
ὁμοίᾳ τῇ σῇ κλειδὶ ἐντυχών. 

ΧΕ ἐν οὖν τὸ ὅλον αὐτῆς σχῆμα ἑρμοῦ 

στι μὲν iS σχῆμα ἑρμοῦ 


622 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Coar. XI. 


No. 1470 represents an iron key, with three teeth and a ring for 
suspension. There are similar keys in all museums of Greek antiquities. 


No. 1478. 


No. 1477. 





Orna- 
mented Glass Beads. (Half 


Nos. 1477, 1478. 





actual size. Depth, 3 ft.) 


No. 1476. Iron Key, with three teeth and a ring for suspension, 


(Half actual size. Depth, 1 to 2 ft.) 


No. 1477 is a green glass bead decorated with small yellow concentric 
circles ; No. 1478, a blue glass bead with vertical flutings. 

No. 1479 is the splendid block of triglyphs, which I have already 
mentioned, 64 ft. in length and 2 ft. 10in. in height, with a metope which 
represents Phoebus Apollo with the four horses of the Sun. The grandeur 
and classical beauty of the style, the happy character of the composition, 
the life and the movement of the horses—all is admirable. This is a 
master-piece of the first order, worthy of being compared with the best 
Greek sculptures. A cast of this metopé, which I presented to the British 
Museum, has been put up by Mr. Newton close to the Elgin antiquities, 
where it holds an honourable place even in the neighbourhood of the 
Parthenon sculptures, and of those from the Temple of Artemis at 
Ephesus. ‘The composition as a work of art shows,” as Heinrich Brunn 
remarks to me, ‘the greatest skill in solving one of the most difficult of 
problems: for the team of four horses ought not to move on the surface 
of the relief, but to appear as if it came out of it at a half-turn. This has 
been achieved principally by pressing back the right hinder thigh of the 
horse in the foreground, while the left foot steps forward; at the same 
time the same horse is slightly foreshortened, and the surface of the thigh 
lies deeper than the upper surface of the triglyphs; while, on the other 
hand, the surfaces of the withers and of the neck are higher, and the 
head, in conformity with the rules of Greek reliefs, is again almost 
level with the base. For this reason there is no indication of a chariot, 


κειται δὲ τῷ σώματι τοῦ ἑρμοῦ κεφαλὴ γυναικός, 
ἧς ἢ κόμωσις δύο κορύμβους ὑπεράνω τοῦ 
μετώπου ἔχουσα ᾿Αριάδνην τινα ἢ Βάκχην 


τῆς τετραγώνου καλουμένης ἐργασίας, μετὰ 
βάσεως βωμοειδοῦς συμφυοῦς τῷ σώματι, ἥ 
προσκεκόλληται κατὰ τὴν ὀπισθίαν πλευρὰν 


τετραγωνικὴ omy ἐπιτηδεία εἰς τὸν μοχλὸν τοῦ 
΄ < » > ἊΝ > / ε a 

κλήθρου, ἧς ἄνευ οὐκ ἂν ἐξευρίσκετο ἢ χρῆσιϑ5 
τοῦ σκεύους καὶ εἴκασεν ἄν τις ἀνάθημα μᾶλλον 
ἢ κλεῖδα εἶναι τὸ πρᾶγμα. αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ 
ἑρμοῦ πλατύνεται μὲν προϊὸν εἰς τὰ ἄνω, ὥσπερ 
πολλάκις καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ὁμοίοις, ἔχει δὲ τὸν 
ἀναγκαῖον παντὶ ἑρμῇ φαλλὸν ἐν τῷ μέσῳ, 
ἔχει δὲ ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν καὶ τὰς μασχαλιαίας 
τετραγωνικὰς ἐξοχάς, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν λιθίνων 
c -“᾿ ά > f / oe 

ἑρμῶν πολλάκις πρὸς ἀνάρτησιν στεφάνων, ὥσπερ 
ἰδεῖν σοι πάρεστι εἰκόνα τοιχογραφικὴν τοῦ 
ἐθίμου ἐξ Ἡρακλείου ἐν Miiller-ov Denkméler der 
allen Kunst τόμῳ A’, πίνακι ad, ἀριθμῷ 8. ἐπί- 


ὑποσημαίνει, ἄλλως γὰρ ἂν προσείκασα αὐτὴν τῇ 
τῆς Παλλάδος καὶ Ἑρμαθήνην ἂν τὸ ὅλον ἐκά- 
λεσα. ἔπεστι δὲ τῇ κεφαλῇ κρίκος συμφυὴς πρὸς 
ἀνάρτησιν τῆς κλειδός " τὸ μῆκος ὅλον τῆς κλειδὸς 
0.115 γαλλικοῦ μέτρου - ἴδοις δ᾽ ἂν τοιαῦτα σχή- 
ματα ἑρμῶν λίθινα ἐν ᾿Αθήναις ἐν τῷ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν 
Πατησίων ἐθνικῷ μουσείῳ τῷ πρὸς τῷ Πολυτεχ- 
νείῳ, ὧν τὰ κάλλιστα δεδημοσιευμένα κεῖται ὑπ᾽ 
ἐμοῦ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αρχαιολογικῇ ᾿Ἐφημερίδι, περιόδᾳ 
δευτέρᾳ 1862-1863, σελίδι 183 καὶ 205 καὶ 
πίνακι A’ καὶ ΛΑ΄, πρβλ. καὶ AT. 
Ἔν ᾿Αθήναις τῇ B’ τοῦ μηνὸς τοῦ IB’, 
ἔτους αωοθ΄. 


§ 1] THE GRAND METOPE OF APOLLO. 623 


which has to be imagined as concealed by the foremost horse. Moreover 
the position of the god is half turned forwards, slightly following that of 
the head, and here also the arm is again strongly turned inwards, but not 















































(—=5 
eee 
i; παν 
MES He Da 
ν on 
AN) 3 
o 
Q 
oO 
N 
‘a 
3 
ΡΖ Ξ 
“iy of 
8 
4 
~~ 


Mh 
Wh I, 
DSi, 
MYM 


No. 1479. Block of Triglyphs, with Metope of the Sun-God. From the Temple of Apollo in the ruins of the Greek Ilium. 











so as to bring the position into conflict with the rules of relief. If the 
encroachment of the head on the upper border of the triglyph is con- 
sidered inaccurate, we find in this a very happy thought, which may 
remind us of the differently conceived pediment of the Parthenon, where 
only the head and shoulders of Helios rise out of the chariot still under 


624 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [παρ XI. 


the ocean. Helios here, so to speak, bursts forth from the gates of day, 
and sheds the lght of his glory over the universe. These are beauties 
peculiar only to Greek art in the fulness of its power.” 

“The sculpture has also,” as my friend M. Fr. Lenormant remarks to 
me, ‘‘a real importance for the history of art: it marks a particular phase 
of it, which is also indicated by the numismatic monuments and the vase- 
paintings of Greece. This results from the intentional disposition, by 
which the sculptor has presented nearly the full face of the god’s figure, 
as well as of the whole composition, instead of giving it in profile, as 
may be seen, for example, in the celebrated bas-reliefs of Florence, repre- 
senting the lke subject. A disposition like this is very rare in Greek 
art. Numismatists agree that there was an epoch at which all the cities 
of the Greek world adopted almost simultaneously the custom of placing 
on their coins an effigy with a full or three-quarters’ face, instead of the 
head in profile which had been in use before. This was in the time of 
Alexander, tyrant of Pherae in Thessaly, who himself participated in the 
new fashion by coining a superb silver medal bearing the head of Artemis 
with a full face: this was also the time when the victories of Epami- 
nondas and Pelopidas gave Thebes for a while the supremacy over the 
rest of Greece. In the same century, if we may judge from the style of 
the coins, Larissa in Thessaly, Amphipolis in Macedonia, Clazomenae in 
Ionia, Lampsacus in Mysia, Sigeum in the Troad, Thebes in Boeotia, 
Rhodes, Velia, Croton, Heracleum in Italy, Syracuse and Catania in Sicily, 
Barca in the Cyrenaica, and many more obscure cities, represented their 
tutelary divinities with the full face on their coins. In point of material! 
perfection this was the furthest point of progress attained by monetary 
art. It was the application to this branch of art of the discovery made by 
Cimon of Cleonae in painting, who was the first to represent heads with the 
full face, or with three-quarters of the face, which even Polygnotus and 
Micon themselves had not dared to attempt; and the discovery passed 
rapidly over into the domain of sculpture. Until then artists had not 
ventured to draw or model in the flat a figure with the full or three- 
quarters’ face: this was indeed at first a very difficult enterprise, in 
which the Greeks had no predecessors. In painting and relief the figures 
were represented in profile. The school of Phidias itself had not dared 
to represent them otherwise, except in the sculptures of nearly full 
relief, like the metopes of the Parthenon or the frieze of the Temple at 
Phigalia. The invention of Cimon of Cleonae consequently appeared 
marvellous, and the fashion to which it gave birth is borne witness 
to by the painted vases with full and three-quarter faces. It has also 
been found in works of sculpture, and the metope before us must hence- 
forward be reckoned among the number of these monuments. But the 
new fashion passed rapidly away. The exquisite taste of the Greeks made 
them soon feel how far, merely from the point of view of the laws of art, 
the use of the profile was superior to that of the face on coins. At the 
same time it was found that, in order to place on them heads of this 
kind, it was necessary to give to the monetary types a relief which, being 
worn off by constant friction, exposed them to rapid and prejudicial 


§ I.] . CAVERN CROWNED WITH WILD FIG-TREE. 625 


deterioration. Hence, from the time of Alexander people had almost 
everywhere, except in a few places, such as Rhodes, returned to profiles, 
the moderate reliefs of which secured for the coin a longer duration with 
a less rapid diminution of weight. In sculpture in low-relief, also, artists 
returned, though perhaps a little less promptly, to the habit of representing 
fizures generally in profile, without, however, renouncing completely the 
new resources at their command, and the element of variety furnished to 
the artist by the step of progress realized by the Peloponnesian painter.” 

As to the halo of rays which we see on the head of Phoebus Apollo, 
it first occurs about the time of Alexander the Great. The special form 
of long and short rays is found on the coins of Alexander I., of Epirus, 
and of Ceos (Carthaea), mentioned by Curtius. Archeologists universally 
agree in claiming for this metope the date of the fourth century B.c. 

About 60 yards to the west of the spot where this monument was 
found, I came upon a second Doric triglyph-block,? with a metope repre- 
senting warriors fighting; but this sculpture is much mutilated and had 
evidently never been finished, and is therefore of no interest to science. 
Visitors will see it lying in my large northern trench. 

About 200 yards to the west of Hissarlik, at a place where the site 
of Novum Ilium slopes gently down to the plain, is a protruding rock 
crowned with three fig-trees, which have grown up from the same root. 
Beneath this rock only ten years ago a hole was visible, said to be the 


















































































































































No. 1480. Cavern with a spring, to the left on leaving Troy. The water of this spring runs in the direction of the 
ancient Scamander. The tree above it is a wild fig-tree. 


entrance to a passage called lagoum by the villagers; but now this hole 
had been entirely filled up. Mr. Frank Calvert, who crept in about 
twenty years ago, when the hole was still large, saw before him a long 
passage ; but several villagers, who pretended to have done the same, 


* This second triglyph-block was found at the place marked P P. 


2s 


626 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap. XI. 


assured me that they had seen in it a great many marble statues, standing 
upright. 

Wishing to clear up the mystery, I resolved to excavate the cavern, but 
in spite of all the kind endeavours of my honoured friend, Sir Henry 
Layard, it took a long time to obtain the necessary permission from the 
Sublime Porte. Having at last got this, I set ten labourers to work 
with pickaxes, shovels, and wheelbarrows, to excavate it. To facilitate 
the excavation, I made them first dig a trench before the cavern, so as to 
be able to work it at once on the virgin soil. The proprietor of the land 
had consented to the excavation, under the condition that he should be 
one of the workmen and receive treble wages. I found a vaulted passage, 
8 ft. 4in. broad and 53 ft. high, cut out in the limestone rock. 

About 30 ft. from the entrance a vertical hole, 21 ft. in diameter, has 
been cut through the superincumbent rock. It reminded me vividly of a 
similar hole cut through the rock above the Grotto of the Nymphs in 
Ithaca, in order to serve as a chimney for the smoke of the sacrifices 
(see p. 49). But the hole in this Trojan cavern can hardly have been 
made for such a purpose, for I found in the cavern nothing but potsherds 
of a late epoch and some bones of animals. I therefore think that the 
chimney-like hole must have been cut merely for letting in fresh air and 
light. At a distance of 55 ft. from the entrance the large passage divides 
into three very narrow ones, only large enough for one man to enter, and 
of which one turns to the north-east, the second to the east, and the third 
to the south-east. In the floor of each of these narrow passages a small 
trench has been cut in the rock, from which water flows. The water of 
the three trenches unites in a larger trench cut in the floor of the large 
passage, from which it flows into an earthen pipe. According to Virchow’s 
observation, the water has a temperature of 15°°6 centigr.= 60°08 Fahr. 

As the reader will see from the engraving, No. 1480, the rock which 
covers the entrance to this passage looks as if it had been artificially cut: 
but this is not the case; it is a natural formation. Ata short distance to 
the right and left of it are the remains of a large city wall, which has 
evidently passed over it. Thus the entrance to the passage was imme- 
diately below the wall, but outside of it; a fact inexplicable to us. We, 
therefore, presume that there has been a second larger city wall still 
further to the west, where the road now runs from Hissarlik to Kalifatl.. 
This certainly appears to be confirmed by the potsherds and marble frag- 
ments, which reach down as far as that road. 


§ IL] THE GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 627 


§ II. Tse Greex Inscriprions rounp at Novum Iniom. 


Of Greek inscriptions six were found among the ruins of the Temple 
of Athené. The largest of them, on a marble slab in the form of a tomb- 
stone, 51 ft. long, 174 in. broad, and 5? in. thick, is as follows :— 


MEAEArPOZIAIEQNTHIBOYAHIKAITQIAHMQIXAI 
PEINANEAQKENHMINAPIZTOAIKIAHEOAE> IOZ EMI 
ΣΤΟΛΑΣ MA PATOYBAS IAEQ3 ANTIOXOYONTANT ITPA 
dAYMINYNOFErPAPAMENENETYXENAH MINKAIAY 
5 TOX ¢AMENOZMOAAQNAYTQIKAIE TE PAN AIAAE 
TOME NQNKAIZTEOANONAIAONTANQENEPKAIH 
MEIZMNAPAKOAOYOOYMENAIATOKA INPEZBEYEAIA 
ΠΟΤΩΝΠΟΛΕΩΝΤΙΝΑΣ ΠΡΟΣΗΜΑΣ BOYAELOAI THN 
XQPANTHNAEAOMENHNAY TOIYAOTOY BAZIAEQZAN 
10 TIOXOYKAI ΔΙ ATOIEPONKAI AIATHNOAPOLYMALEYNOI 
“ANNPOTENEFKAZTOAINPOLTHNYMETE PAN NOAINA 
ME NOYNA=ZIOIFPENEZOAIAY TQ! MAPATHEMOAEQE AY. 
‘TO LYMINAHAQZEIKAAQEZAANNO HEAITEYH 1 ZAME, 
NOITENANTATA $1 AANOPANA AYTAIKAIKAGOTI AN 
15 $YPXSLPHIHITHN ANAT PAQHN NOHZAMENOIKAIZTH 


ΛΩΣΑΝΤΕΣΚΑΙΘΕΝΤΕΣ EIZTOIEPON!I NAMENHIYMIN 
BEBAINZEIZNANTATOLXPONONTAZYPXQPHOENTA 
τ ΕΡΡΩ͂ΣΘΕ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣΑΝΤΙΟΧΟΣΜΕΛΕΑ 
ΓΡΩΙΧΑΙΡΕΙΝ ΔΕΔΩΚΑΜΕΝΑΡΙΣΤΟΔΙΚΙΔΗΙΤΩΙΑΣΣΙΩΙ 

20 ΓΗΣΕΡΓΛΣΙΜΟΥΠΛΕΘΡΑ ΔΙΣΧΙΛΙΑ ΠΡΟΣΕΝΕΓΚΑΣΘΑΙ 
ΠΡΟΣΤΗΝΙΛΙΕΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΝΗΣΚΗΥΙΩΝ ΣΎΟΥΝ ΣΥΝΤΑΞΟΝ 
ΠΛΡΑΔΕΙΞΑΙΑΡΙΣΤΟΔΙΚΙΔΗΙΑΠΟΤΗΣΟΜΟΡΟΥΣΗΣΤΗΙ 
ΓΕΡΓΙΘΙΑἸΙΗΤΗΙΣΚΗΥΙΑΙΟΥΑΝΔΟΚΙΜΑΖΗΙΣΤΑΔΙΣΧΙΛΙΑ 
ΠΛΕΘΡΑΤΗΣΓΗΣΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΣΟΡΙΣΑΙΕΙΣ THNIAIEQNHTHN 

25 ΣΚΗΥΙΩΝ ΕΡΡΩΣΟ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣΑΝΤΙΟΧΟΣΜΕΛΕ 
ΑΓΡΩΙΧΑΙΡΕΙΝΕΝΕΤΥΧΕΝΗΜΙΝ ΑΡΙΣΤΟΔΙΚΙΔΗΣΟ 
ἈΑΣΣΙΟΣΑΞΙΩΝΔΟΥΝ ΑἸ ΑΥΤΏΙ HMAZENTHIESEAAHE 
'ΠΟΝΤΟΥΣΑΤΡΑΠΕΙ ΑΙ ΤΗΝΠΕΤΡΑΝΗΜΠΡΟΤΕΡΟΝ 
ΕἸΙΧΕΝΜΕΛΕΑΓΡΟΣΚΑΙΤΉΣΧΩΡΑΣ ΤΗΣΠΕΤΡΙΔΟΣ 

80 ΕΡΓΑΣΙΜΟΥ ΠΕΘΡΑΧΙΛΙΑΠΕΝΤΑΚΟΣΙΑΚΑΙΑΛΛΑ 
ΓΗΣΠΛΕΘΡΑΔΙΣΧΙΛΙΑΕΡΓΑΣΙΜΟΥΑΠΟΤΗΣΟΜΟ 
ΡΟΥΣΉΣΤΗΙ ΠΡΟΤΕΡΟΝ ΔΟΘΕΙΣΗΙΑΥΤΩΙΜΕΡΙΔΙΩΙ 
ΚΑΙΉΜΕΙΣΤΗΝΤΕΠΕΤΡΑΝΔΕ ΔΩΚΑΜΕΝΑΥΤΩΙΕΙ 
ΜΗΔΕΔοΟΤΑΙΑΛΛΏΙΠΡΟΤΕΡΟΝ ΚΑΙΤΗΓΧΩΡΑΝΤΗΝ 

35 JIPOXTHINETPAIK ΑΙ ΔΛΛΑΓΗΣΠΛΕΘΡΑΔΙΣΧΙΛΙΑ 
ΕΡΓΑΣΙΜΟΥΔΙΑ͂ΤΟΦΙΛΟΝΟΝΤΑΉ ΜΕΤΕΡΟΝΠΑΡΕΣ 
ΧΗΣΘΑΙΗΜΙΝΤΑΣ ΚΑΤΑΥΤΟΝΧΡΕΙΑΣΜΕΤΑΠΑΣΗΣ 
EYN OIAXKAINPOOYMIAZZYOYNENIZKEYAMENOS 
EIMHAEAOTAIAAAQINPOTEPONAYTHHMEPIZIA 

4 PAAEIEONAYTHNKAITHNIIPOZAYTHIXQPANAPIZ 
TOAIKIKLAHIKAIAMO THE BAZIAI KHEXOPAXTHZOMO 
POYZH= THINPOTEPONAEAOMENHIXQPAIAPIZTOAI 
KI AHLZYNTA=ONKATAMETPHZAIKA IMAPAAEIZ=AI 
AYTQIDAEOPAALZXIAIAKAIEAZALAYTQ MPOZENEL 


628 


THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. 


[Cuap. XI. 


4 KAXOAINPO ΣΉΝΑ MBOYAHTAINOAINTQNENTHIXQPAI 
TEKAIZYMMAXIAIOIAEBAZIAIKOIAA OIOIEK TOYTO 
MOYEN QJEZTINHHETPAEAMBOYAQNTAIOIKEINENTHI 
METPAIALPAAEIAZENEKEZYNTETAXAMENAPIZTO 


TOAIKIAHIEAN AYTOYZOIKEIN 


EPPQZO 


tb BAZIAEYZANTIOXOZMEAEASRPOLXAIPEINENETYXENH 
MINAPIZTO AIKIAHS $AMENOEZNETPANTO XQ PIONKAITHE 
X QPANTHNEYIKYPOYE ΑΝΠΕΡΙΗ͂Σ MM POTEPON ETPAYAMEN 
ΔΙΔΟΝΤΕΣ AYTG&IOYAETI KAINYNTIAPEIAHOENAIAIATOAOH 
NALQITOIENITOYNAYZTAQMOYEMIKEXQPHZOAIKAIH=] 

δ OSENANTIMENTHENETPIT LAOZXO PAZMAPA AE! XOHNAT 
AYTQITAIZANAEOPAZYE XQPH OH NAIAEKAIAAAANAE 
OPAAIZ XIAIA ΠΡΟΣ ENETKAZSOAINPOZLHNAMBOYAHTAI 
TOMMOAEQNTONENTHIHMETEPAIZYMMAXIAIKAOA 
NEPKAINPOTEPO NET PAYAME NOPONTEZOYNAYTON 

60 EYNOYNONTAKAIMPOOYMONEIZTAHMETEPANPATMA 
TA BOYAOMEOANOAYOPEINTA NOPONOYKAINEP! 
TOYTANZIYFKEXQPHKAMENOHEINAEEINAITHE 
ΠΕΤΡΙΤΙΔΟΣΧΩΡΑΣΤΑΣΥΓΧΩΡΗΘΕΝΤΆΑΑΥΤΩΙ 
ΠΛΕΘΡΑΧΙΛΙΑΠΕΝΤΑΚΟΣΙΑΣΥΝΤΑΞΟΝΟΥΝΚΑΤΑ 

6 ΜΕΤΡΗΣΑΙΑΡΙΣΤΟΔΙΚΙΔΗΙΚΑΙΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΞΑΙΓΗΣ 
EPFAXIMOYTATEAIZXIAIAKAINENTAKOZIANAE 
OPA KAIANTITON NEPITHNNETPANAAAAEPLA 
TIMOYXIA[ATIENTAKOZIAAMO THE BALZIAIKHZ XQ 
PAZTHIZYNOPIZOYZHUTHIENAPXHIAOOEIZHI 


7 


[-- 


ΑὙΤΩΙΠΑΡΗΜΩΝΕΑΣΑΙΔΕΚΑΙΠΡΟΣΕΝΕΓΚΑΣΘΑΙ 


ΤΗΝΧΩΡΑΝΑΆΡΙΣΤΟΔΙΚΙΔΉΝΠΡΟΣΗΝΑΝΒΟΥΛΗΤΑΙ 
ΠΟΛΙΝΤΩΝΈΝΤΗΙΗΜΕΤΕΡΑΙΣΥΜΜΑΧΙΑΙΚΑΘΑ 
ΠΕΡΚΑΊΕΝΙΙΙ ΠΕΘΕΞΟΜΈΠΙΣ TOAHLETPAYA 


MEN ΕΡΡΩΣΟἕ 


Μελέαγρος ᾿Ιλιέων τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ yar 
al 2 b] 
pew. ᾿Απέδωκεν ἡμῖν ᾿Αριστοδικίδης ὁ "Acows ἐπι- 
ἣν \ n ΛΑ 3 / - > / 
στολὰς παρὰ Tov βασίλέως ᾿Αντιόχου, ὧν τἀντίγρα- 
pa ὑμῖν ὑπογεγράφαμεν" ἐνέτυχεν δ᾽ ἡμῖν καὶ αὐ- 
ΑΝ ΄ a > A Ni ἔοι 
5 TOS φάμενος, πολλῶν αὐτῷ καὶ ἑτέρων διαλε- 


/ \ / / [4 \ e 
γομένων Kal στέφανον διδόντων, ὥσπερ καὶ 1)- 
a an nm » 
μεῖς παρακολουθοῦμεν διὰ τὸ καὶ πρεσβεῦσαι ἀ- 
\ ἴω , Ν Ν e a \ 
πὸ TOV πόλεων τινὰς πρὸς ἡμᾶς, βούλεσθαι τὴν 
, Ν 7 Ε] lal ς Ν ΄“ f ? 
χώραν τὴν δεδομένην αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Αν- 
10 τιόχου καὶ διὰ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ διὰ τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς εὔνοι- 
\ \ / “4 « 
av προσενέγκασθαι πρὸς τὴν ὑμετέραν πόλιν. “A 
5 A / lal \ a , >) 
μὲν οὖν ἀξιοῖ γενέσθαι αὐτῷ παρὰ τῆς πόλεως, av- 


3 “ Meleager greets the Council and the people 
of Ilium. Aristodicides, of Assos, has handed 
to us letters from king Antiochus, the copies of 
which we have written out for you. He (Aristo- 
dicides) came to meet us himself, and told us 
that though many other cities apply to him and 
offer him a crown, just as we also understand 
because some have sent embassies to us from the 


cities, nevertheless, prompted by his veneration 
for the temple (of the Ilian Athené), as well 
as by his feeling of friendship for your town, 
he is willing to offer to you the land which king 
Antiochus has presented to him. Now, he will 
communicate to you what he claims to be done 
for him by the city. Thus you would do well 
to vote for him every kind of hearty friendship, 


§ Π.] 


1 


5 


20 


KING ANTIOCHUS, MELEAGER, AND ARISTODICIDES. 


τὸς ὑμῖν δηλώσει" καλῶς δ᾽ ἂν ποήσαιτε ψηφισάμε- 
voi τε πάντα τὰ φιλάνθρωπα αὐτῷ καὶ καθ᾽ ὅτι ἂν 
συγχωρήσῃ τὴν ἀναγραφὴν ποησάμενοι καὶ στη- 
λώσαντες καὶ θέντες εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ἵνα μένῃ ὑμῖν 
βεβαίως εἰς πάντα TOY χρόνον τὰ συγχωρηθέντα. 
ἔῤῥωσθε. Βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος Μελεά- 
γρῳ χαίρειν. Δεδώκαμεν ᾿ΑἈριστοδικίδῃ τῷ ᾿Ασσίῳ 
γῆς ἐργασίμου πλέθρα δισχίλια προσενέγκασθαι 
πρὸς τὴν ᾿Ιλιέων πόλιν ἢ Σκηψίων. Σὺ οὖν σύνταξον 
παραδεῖξαι ᾿Δριστοδικίδῃ ἀπὸ τῆς ὁμορούσης τῇ 
Γεργιθίαι ἢ τῇ Σκηψίαι, οὗ ἂν δοκιμάξῃς τὰ δισχίλια 
πλέθρα τῆς γῆς καὶ προσορίσαι εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιλιέων ἢ τὴν 


629 


2 Σκηψίων. ἔῤῥωσο. 


ἄγρῳ χαίρειν. 


Βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος Μελε- 
᾿Ενέτυχεν ἡμῖν ᾿Αριστοδικίδης ὁ 


ἼΑσσιος ἀξιῶν δοῦναι αὐτῷ ἡμᾶς ἐν τῇ ἐφ᾽ Ἕλλησ- 
πόντου σατραπείαν τὴν Ἰ]έτραν, ἣμ πρότερον 
εἶχεν Μελέωγρος καὶ τῆς χώρας τῆς ΠΕετρίδος 

80 ἐργασίμου πέθρα“ χίλια πεντακόσια καὶ ἄλλα 


γῆς πλέθρα δισχίλια ἐργασίμου ἀπὸ τῆς ὁμο- 


΄ A / f 3 le) / 
povens τῇ πρότερον δοθείσῃ αὐτῷ μεριδίῳ 
aA A > 
καὶ ἡμεῖς τήν Te Ἰ]έτραν δεδώκαμεν αὐτῷ, εἰ 
\ O60 AX Ls \ \ / \ 
μὴ δέδοται ἄλλῳ πρότερον καὶ τὴγ χώραν τὴν 


3 


οι 


πρὸς τῇ Ἰ]έτραι καὶ ἄλλα γῆς πλέθρα δισχίλια 


b) / ὃ x \ / ” 6 / 

ἐργασίμου, διὰ TO φίλον ὄντα ἡμέτερον παρεσ- 
- ς a Ν 

χῆσθαι ἡμῖν τὰς κατ᾽ αὐτὸν χρείας μετὰ πάσης 


᾽ fe \ ’ 
εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας. 


\ iD 3 4 
Σὺ οὖν ἐπισκεψάμενος 


εἰ μὴ δέδοται ἄλλῳ πρότερον αὕτη ἡ μερίς, πα- 


4 


o 


(ὃ SSN τὴ \ \ . OA 7, ΕῚ 
pa evEov αὐτὴν καὶ τὴν προς αὐτῇ χώραν Αρισ- 


τοδικικίδῃ" καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς χώρας τῆς ὁμο- 
ρούσης τῇ πρότερον δεδομένῃ χώραι ᾿Αριστοδι- 
κίδῃ σύνταξον κατωμετρῆσαι καὶ παραδεῖξαι 

αὐτῷ πλέθρα δισχίλια καὶ ἐᾶσαι αὐτῷ προσενέγ- 





and, whatever concession he may make, do you 
put it on record, engrave it on a stone slab, ard 
set it up in the temple, in order that the con- 
cession may be safely preserved to you for ever. 
Farewell. 

“King Antiochus greets Meleager. We have 
granted to Aristodicides, the Assian, two thousand 
plethra of arable land, for him to confer on 
the city of Zliwm, or on the city of Scepsis. 
Order therefore that the two thousand plethra 
of land be assigned to Aristodicides, wherever 
you may think proper, of the land which borders 
on the territory of Gergis, or on that of Scepsis, 
and that they be added to the city of the Ilians, 
or to that of the Scepsians. Farewell. 

“King Antiochus greets Meleager. Aristo- 
dicides, the Assian, came to meet us, begging that 
we would give him, in the satrapy of the Helles- 
pont, Petra, which Meleager formerly had, and 
in the territory of Petra one thousand five 


hundred plethra of arable land, and two 
thousand plethra more of arable land bordering 
on the portion which had been given to him 
first as his share; and we have given Petra to 
him, provided it has not yet been given to some 
one else ; and we have also presented to him the 
land near Petra, and two thousand plethra more 
of arable land, because he is our friend and has 
supplied to us all that we required, as far as 
he could, with kindness and willingness. Do 
you then, having examined if that portion has 
not already been given to some one else, assign 
it to Aristodicides, as well as the land near it, 
and order that of the royal domain which borders 
on the land first granted to Aristodicides two 
thousand plethra be mvasured off and assigned 
to him, and leave it to him to confer the land 
on what town soever in the country or confede- 


4 Sic. 5 Sic. 


630 


THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. 


[Cuap. XI, 


\ ἃ Ἃ / I - > a a 
4 κασθαι πρὸς ἣν ἂμ βούληται πόλιν τῶν ἐν TH χώραι 
\ / ς \ an 
τε Kal συμμαχίαι" οἱ δὲ βασιλικοὶ λαοὶ οἱ ἐκ τοῦ τό- 
» elas \ e ᾽ ΥΝ ͵7 Pees > Ss 
που, ἐν ᾧ ἐστὶν ἡ Ilétpa, ἐὰμ βούλωνται οἰκεῖν ἐν TH 
/ / 
Πέτραι ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκε, συντετάχαμεν ’Apicto- 


ὃ 6 3A 3 ni > a 
TOOLKLON® ἐᾶν αὐτοὺς οἰκεῖν. 


50 Βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος Μελεάγρῳ χαίρειν. 


SF ae, 
ἔῤῥωσο. 
᾿Βνέτυχεν ἧ- 


piv ᾿Δριστοδικίδης, φάμενος Ἰ]έτραν τὸ χωρίον καὶ THY 

χώραν τὴν συγκυροῦσαν, περὶ ἧς πρότερον ἐγράψαμεν 

διδόντες αὐτῷ, οὐδ᾽ ἔτι καὶ νῦν παρειληφέναι, διὰ τὸ ᾿Λθη- 
/ A \ a f n 

vai@ τῷ ἐπὶ τοῦ ναυστάθμου ἐπικεχωρῆσθαι, Kal ἠξί- 


> N \ a / , an 
ὅδ woev ἀντὶ μὲν τῆς Iletpitioos χώρας παραδειχθῆναι 


αὐτῷ τὰ ἴσα πλέθρα, συγχωρηθῆναι δὲ καὶ ἄλλα πλέ- 
Opa δισχίλια προσενέγκασθαι πρὸς ἣν ἃμ βούληται 
la) / lal a 
TOM πόλεων τῶν ἐν TH ἡμετέραι συμμαχίαι, καθά- 
rn 5 \ 
περ καὶ πρότερον ἐγράψαμεν. Ὁρῶντες οὖν αὐτὸν 
60 εὔνουν ὄντα καὶ πρόθυμον εἰς τὰ ἡμέτερα πράγμα- 
/ a > / \ \ 
Ta, βουλόμεθα πολυωρεῖν τἀνθρώπου, καὶ περὶ 


/ 
τούτων συγκεχωρήκαμεν. 


Φησὶν δὲ εἶναι τῆς 


ΠΤ ετρίτιδος χώρας τὰ συγχωρηθέντα αὐτῷ 


I 
πλέθρα χίλια πεντακόσια. 


Σύνταξον οὖν κατα- 


65 μετρῆσαι ᾿Δριστοδικίδῃ καὶ παραδεῖξαι γῆς 
Ψ - Id 
ἐργασίμου τά τε δισχίλια Kal πεντακόσια πλέ- 
Ν 3 \ lal \ \ V4 5) 5 
Opa καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν περὶ τὴν Πέτραν ἄλλα ἐργα- 
a aA / 
σίμου χίλια πεντακόσια ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς χώ- 
ρᾶς τῆς συνοριζούσης τῇ ἐν ἀρχῇ δοθείσῃ 
10 αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν" ἐᾶσαι δὲ καὶ προσενέγκασθαι 
\ ΄ 9 / \ A XN / 
τὴν χώραν ᾿Αριστοδικίδην πρὸς ἣν av βούληται 
πόλιν τῶν ἐν τῇ ἡμετέραν συμμαχίαι, καθά- 
περ καὶ ἐν τῇ πρότερον ἐπιστολῇ ἐγράψα- 


5) ἐς 
ερρῶσο. 


μεν. 


This inscription, the great historical value of which cannot be denied, 
seems with certainty to belong to the third or second century B.c., judging 
from the subject as well as from the form of the letters, for the king 


racy he pleases. Regarding the royal subjects 
in the estate in which Petra is situated, if for 
safety’s sake they wish to live in Petra, we have 
recommended Aristodicides to let them remain 
there. Farewell. 

“King Antiochus greets Meleager. Aristo- 
dicides came to meet us, saying that Petra, the 
district and the land with it, which we gave 
to him in our former letter, is no longer 
disposable, it having been granted to Athenaeus, 
the commandant of the naval station; and he 
begged that, instead of the land of Petra, the 
same number of plethra might be assigned to him 
(elsewhere), and that he might be permitted to 
confer another lot of two thousand plethra of land 
on whichsoever of the cities in our confederacy 
he might choose, according as we wrote before. 
Now, seeing him friendly disposed and zealous 


for our interests, we wish to show great regard 
fot the man’s interest, and have complied with 
his request about these matters. He says that 
his grant of land at Petra amounts to fifteen 
hundred plethra. Give order therefore that the 
two thousand five hundred plethra of arable 
land be measured out and assigned to Aris- 
todicides ; and further, instead of the land 
around Petra, another lot of fifteen hundred 
plethra of arable land, to be taken from the 
royal domains bordering on the estate which we 
first granted to him. Let now Aristodicides 
confer the land on whichsoever of the cities in 
our confederacy he may wish, as we have written 
in our former letter. Farewell.” 


6 Sic. 


§ I] THE INSCRIPTION. PROBABLY RELATES TO ANTIOCHUS I. 681 


Antiochus, who is repeatedly mentioned, must be either Antiochus 1., sur- 
named Soter (281 to 260 B.c.), or Antiochus III., the Great (222 to 186 B.c.). 
Polybius, who was born in 210 or 200 3.c. and died in 122 B.c., speaks 
indeed in his History‘ of a Meleager who lived in his time, and was an 
ambassador of Antiochus Epiphanes, who reigned from 174 to 164 B.c., and 
it is quite possible that this Meleager afterwards became satrap of the 
Hellespont. But in the first letter of Antiochus to his satrap Meleager, 
he gives him the option of assigning to Aristodicides the 2000 plethra of 
land, either from the district bordering upon the territory of Gergis or 
upon that of Scepsis. The town of Gergis, however, according to Strabo, 
was destroyed by king Attalus I. of Pergamus, who reigned from 241 to 
197 z.c., and transplanted the inhabitants to the neighbourhood of the 
sources of the Caicus in Mysia. These sources, as Strabo himself says, 
are situated at a great distance from Mount Ida, and therefore also from 
Thum. Two thousand plethra of land at such a distance could not have 
been of any use to the Ilans; consequently, it is impossible to believe 
that the inscription can be speaking of the new town of Gergitha, which 
was rising into importance at the sources of the Caicus. Thus the old 
town of Gergis must be meant, whose ruins are probably those on the 
height of the Bali Dagh beyond Bounarbashi. Livy *® gives an account 
of the visit of Antiochus III., the Great, to Ilium. I also find in the 
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (No. 3596), that this Antiochus had a 
general called Meleager, who may subsequently have become satrap of 
the Hellespont. On the other hand, Mr. Calvert calls my attention to 
Chishull, who, in his Antiquetates Asiaticae, says that Antiochus L, Soter, 
on an expedition with his fleet against the king of Bithynia, stopped 
at the town of Sigeum, which lay near Ilium, and that the king went up 
to Ilium with the queen, who was his wife and sister, and with the great 
dignitaries and his suite. There is, indeed, nothing said of the brillant 
reception which was there prepared for him, but there is an account of 
the reception which was arranged for him at Sigeum. The Sigeans 
lavished servile flattery upon him, and not only did they send ambassadors 
to congratulate him, but the Senate also passed a decree, in which they 
eulogized all the king’s actions, and proclaimed that public prayers 
should be offered up to the Ilian Athené, to Apollo (who was regarded 
as his ancestor), to the goddess of Victory, and to other deities, for 
his and his consort’s welfare; that the priestesses and priests, the senators 
and all the magistrates of the town, should carry wreaths, and that 
all the citizens and all the strangers settled or temporarily residing in 
Sigeum should publicly extol the virtues and the bravery of the great 
king ; further, that a golden equestrian statue of the king, raised on a 
pedestal of white marble, should be erected in the Temple of Athené at 
Sigeum, and that it should bear this inscription: ‘The Sigeans have 
erected this statue to king Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, for the devotion 
he has shown to the temple, and because he is the benefactor and the 
saviour of the people: this mark of honour is to be proclaimed in the 
popular assemblies and at the public games.” 


7 xxviti. 1, and xxxi) ΟἹ, 8 xxxv. 43, 


632 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap. XI. 


It is very probable that a similar reception awaited Antiochus I. in 
Tlium, so that he kept the city in good remembrance. That he cherished 
kindly feelings towards the Ilans is proved also by the inscription 
No. 3595 in the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. But whether it is he 
or Antiochus the Great that is referred to in the newly-found inscription, 
I do not venture to decide. 

Aristodicides, of Assos, who is frequently mentioned in the inscription, 
is utterly unknown, and his name occurs here for the first time. The 
name of the place Petra also, which is mentioned several times in the 
inscription, is quite unknown: it must have been situated in the neigh- 
bourhood, but all my endeavours to discover it in the modern Turkish 
names of the localities, or by other means, have been in vain. 

Another inscription is on a marble slab 2 ft. broad and 8 ft. long, and 
runs as follows :— 


QNIOYTOYEYA 
ΟΣΜΕΝ ΟΥ̓ΚΑΜΕΝΑΧΟΣΓΛΑΥΚΟ 
ἘΠΕΓΡΑΥΑΜΕΝ ΕἸΣΣΤΗΛΗΝ KATATON NOMON ΕΡΓΌφΦΙΛΟΝ MATPOXOY 
ΧΡΗΜΑΤΙΣΖΗΕΖΗΜΙΩΜΕΝΟΝΥΠΟΤΩΝΠΡΟΤΑΝΕΩΝ ΤΩΝΠΕΡΙΔΙΟ 
5 ΦΑΝΗΝΉΓΗΣΙ ΔΗΜΟΥΟΦΙΛΟΝΤΑΤΟΥΣΚΑΤΑΤΟΝ NOMONETATHPAE AYO 
KAIMHNOTENHNMNHZAPXOYKAI APTEMIAQPON > ANIAKAI AIOMHAHN 
ATIOAAQ.NIOYEZH MLO MENOYZYTIO TON MPYTANEQNTONIEPIAIOPANHN 
HTHZIAHMOY YNOHMEPAZTPEIZO$IAON TAZ EKA TONAYTQNETATHPAZAYO 
MH NOAOTON M H NOAOTOYKAIHPAKAEIAHNKAIMHNOAOTONTOYEHPAKAEL 
10 AOYEZHMINMENOYZYNOTQNNEPIPAINQNAKTAEYAHMOYNMPYTA 
NEQNOOIAONTAEKAZTONAYTQNZITATHPAS AYO 
APTEMIAQPON MHNO $ANTOYEZHMIN MENON YNMOTQNNO 
MO >YAAKQNTONTEPLINNAPXONHFHEIAHMOYO OIAON 
TAXI TATHPAZAYO 


iunwp- edb fie bea eee wviov τοῦ Evo... . 

Sienil otek. Oom“ey ... +. . « OuKapevayos I'NavKo. . 
ἐπεγράψαμεν εἰς στήλην κατὰ τὸν νόμον ᾿Εργόφιλον ἸΠατρόσου (?) 
Χρήματις ᾿ ζη" ἐζημιωμένον ὑπὸ τῶν προτάνεων“ τῶν περὶ Διο- 

5 φάνην “Ηγησιδήμου, odirovta* τοὺς κατὰ τὸν νόμον στατῆρας δύο 
καὶ Μηνογένην Μνησάρχου καὶ ᾿Αρτεμίδωρον Pavia καὶ Διομήδην 
᾿Απολλωνίου, ἐζημιωμένους ὑπὸ τῶν πρυτάνεων τῶν περὶ Διοφάνην 
᾿Ηγησιδήμου ὑπὸ ἡμέρας τρεῖς ὀφίλοντας ἡ ἕκαστον αὐτῶν στατῆρας δύο. 
Μηνόδοτον Μηνοδότου καὶ ᾿Ηρακλείδην καὶ Μηνόδοτον τοὺς “Ηρακλεί- 

10 δου ἐζημιωμένους ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ Φαινώνακτα ᾿ὰὐδήμου πρυτά- 
νεων, opirovta* ἕκαστον αὐτῶν στατῆρας δύο. 
᾿Αρτεμίδωρον Μηνοφάντου ἐζημιωμένον ὑπὸ τῶν νο- 
μοφυλάκων τῶν περὶ Ἵππαρχον ᾿Ηγησιδήμου, ὀφίλον- 

Ta στατῆρας δύο. 


In the inscription quoted in the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum under 
No. 3604, which is admitted to belong to the time of Octavianus Augustus, 
Hipparchus is mentioned as a member of the Ilian Council; and as on 
line 13 the same name occurs with the same attribute, I do not hesitate 
to maintain that the above inscription belongs to the time of Augustus. 





1 Sic. 2 Sic. 3 Sic. 4 Ste. 


§ IL] INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF CAIUS CAESAR. 632 


In the first wall of the temple I found a marble slab nearly 1 ft. 
thick, 324 in. broad, and 3} ft. long, with the following inscription :— 


HBOYAHKAIOAHMOS 
FAIONKAIZAPATONYIONTOY ΣΕΒΑΣ 
TOY TONZT YNFENHKAINATPQNAKAIEY 


eee VAN hONERS 
Ἢ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος 
Γάϊον Kaicapa τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ Σεβασ- 
τοῦ τὸν συνγενῆ καὶ πατρῶνα καὶ εὐ- 
εργέτην τῆς πόλεως. 


The person praised in this inscription can by no means have been the 
Emperor Caligula, for in that case the title αὐτοκράτωρ would have been 
added. . But as this word is wanting, the person meant is certainly Caius 
Caesar, the son of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa and of Julia, the daughter 
of Augustus. He had a brother called Lucius. Both were adopted by 
Augustus, and, owing to this adoption, they received the title of viol tod 
Σεβαστοῦ, and both were selected by Augustus as his successors. Caius 
Caesar, born in the year 20 B.c., was adopted at the age of three years. 
He took part in the Trojan games, which Augustus instituted at the 
dedication of the Temple of Marcellus. At the age of fifteen he was 
appointed Consul, and when nineteen he was made Governor of Asia. 
During his administration there he became involved in a war with 
Phraates, king of Armenia, was wounded, and died in the year 4 after 
Christ, on the 21st of February, at the age of twenty-four.® As in the 
inscription he is called the kinsman, the benefactor, and the patron of 
Ilium, it is probable that he often came here during his administration : 
at all events, he took great interest in the city, and lavished favours upon 
it. The family of the Julii always attached great importance to their 
descent from Tilus (or Ascanius), the son of Aeneas; and the political 
object of Virgil’s Aened was to prove and glorify their genealogy. This 
explains the favours which the Julii lavished upon Ilium, and their hatred 
against the Greeks, because they destroyed Troy, and also because they 
had espoused the cause of Mark Antony. 

I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Frank Calvert for a squeeze 
of another inscription engraved on a marble slab, which he found on his 
field at Hissarlik after my departure thence in the summer of 1873. It 
has been carefully re-copied from the squeeze by my friend Professor 
Stephanos Koumanoudes, who, judging from the shape of the characters, 
thinks that this inscription dates from the time of Antigonus Doson, who 
died in 221 8.6. 


(Γνώμη τῶν cuvédp)ov* ἐπειδὴ Μαλούσιος Βακχίου 
(Lapyapeds ἀνὴρ ἀγ)αθὸ(ς) ὧν διατελεῖ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ᾿Αθ- 
(ηνᾶς τῆς Ἰλιάδος καὶ) περὶ τὰς πόλεις, καὶ πρότερόν τε πολλὰ χρησ(ά-) 








5. Velleius Paterculus, ii. 102. 


5 


10 


15 


20 


25 


30 


δῦ 


40 


45 


σι 
[ 


094 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuar. XI. 


Ν᾿ / ἴω 
(μενος τῷ τε) συνεδρ(ί)γῳ καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν εἴς τε τὰ κατασκευάσμα- 
/ \ A / 
(τα πάντα τὰ τῆ)ς πανηγύρεως Kal εἰς τὰς πρεσβε(ί)ας τὰς (ἀ)ποστελ(λο-) 
/ \ an ” a a 
(μένας περὶ) τῶν ἄλλων τῶν συμφερόντων τῇ πανη(γύρει) χρήματα 

” \ \ ” “ a a 

(ἄτογκα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην προθυμίαν ἐμ πᾶσι τοῖς (κ)αιροῖς παρεχόμε(νος με-} 
\ A >’ / \ a 

(τ)ὰ πολλῆς εὐνοίας, καὶ νῦν εἴς Te THY πρεσβείαν THY ὕστερον ἀποστ(ελλο-) 
/ \ 3 / / la) 

(μέγνην πρὸς ᾿Αντίγονον ἔδωκεν χρυσοῦς τριακοσίους ἀτόκους καὶ εἰς (τὴν) 
a / \ "> a 

(τοῦ) θεάτρου κατασκευὴν χρήματα κομίσας εἰς Ἴλιον ἔδωκεν τοῖς ἐγ- 

/ 7 / A 
(δόγταις ὅσων ἐδέοντο χρυσοῦς χιλίους τετρακοσίους πεντήκοντα 

/ ry \ fal 
ἀτόκους" ἐπειδὴ Μαλούσιος διατελεῖ πράττων καὶ λέγων ἀπροφα- 

/ 3 a a an an fal a 
σίστως ἐμ πᾶσι τοῖς καιροῖς τὰ συμφέροντα TH θεῷ Kal ταῖς πόλεσιν, 
ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ, δεδόχθ ϊ ὃ : σαι Μαλού 

γαθῇ τύχῃ, δεδόχθαι τοῖς συνέδροις, ἐπαινέσαι Μαλούσιον 

κ / a lal A a 
Βακχίου Tapyapéa καὶ στεφανῶσαι αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ γυμνικῷ ἀγῶνι 
A , » Ν a an a 
χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ ἀπὸ δραχμῶν χιλίων, ἀρετῆς ἕνεκεν τῆς περ(ὶ) 

Ν e \ \ fal 
TO ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν πανήγυριν καὶ TO κοινὸν τῶν πόλεων, δεδόσθαι δὲ 

’ aA \ \ 5 fi / / / iN Ν “ > 
αὐτῷ μὲν τὴν ἀτέλειαν καθάπερ δέδοται, δεδόσθαι δὲ Kal τοῖς ἐκ- 

ν A b) Le > 
γόνοις αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀτέλειαν ὅτι ἂν πωλῶσιν ἢ ἀγοράξωσιν" τὸ δὲ ψή- 

/ a A 

φίισμα τόδε ἀναγράψαντας εἰς στήλην θεῖναι εἰς TO ἱερὸν τῆς 

"AG A 5 θῇ δὲ \ a “ x Ὁ A e/ 
nvas, ἐπιμεληθῆναι δὲ τοὺς Tapyapeis, ὅπως ἂν εἰδῶσιν ἅπαντες 

ld A A 9S n 
OTL ἐπίσταται TO κοινὸν τῶν πόλεων τοῖς οὖσιν ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν εἰς 

ς \ / 3 “N/ ΄, la) / Babe) \ , 
αὑτοὺς χάριν ἀποδιδόναι.---Γ[νώμη τῶν συνέδρων" ἐπειδὴ Μαλούσιος 
» , “ / Υ͂ \ \ / e \ 
ἀποστελλόντων τῶν συνέδρων πρέσβεις πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ( .... . ὑπὲρ) 
τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ αὐτονομίας τῶν πόλεων τῶν κοινωνουσ(ῶν τοῦ 
ἱεροῦ καὶ τῆς πανηγύρεως ἔδωκεν ATOKA χρήματα τοῖς ἀποστ(ελλο-) 

/ 3 ῇ « 53 }- « Ψ 7 Ν \ S.A 3 
μένοις ἀγγέλοις ὅσα ἐκέλευον οἱ σύνεδροι, παρεσκεύασε(ν δὲ) καὶ τὰ (εἰς) 

\ By ee \ yA \ / ς A > “ xX 
σκηνὴν ἄτοκα χρήματα Kal τἄλλα δὲ προθύμως ὑπηρετ(εῖ εἰς) ὅτι ἂ(ν Ta-) 
ρακαλῇ τὸ συνέδριον" ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ, δεδόχθαι τοῖς συνέδροις, ἐπαι- 

la , / 4 «“ » \ >’ “4 3 \ \ 
vecat τε Μαλούσιον Βακχίου Tapyapéa, ὅτι ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός ἐστιν περὶ τὸ 
ἱερὸν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς καὶ τὴν πανήγυριν καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν πόλεων καὶ στε- 
φανῶσαι αὐτὸν χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ ἀπὸ δραχμῶν χιλίων ἐν τῷ γυ- 

lal 3 la > / NX Ν 7 Ἰὃ 2 / \ ig Ἂ 
μνικῷ ἀγῶνι, ἀναγράψαι δὲ τὸ ψήφισμα τόδε εἰς στήλην τὴν ὑπὲ(ρ) 

A lal ἴω / la) 5 Uy 2 \ e ῇ 
τῶν συνεδριῶν τῶν Μαλουσίου μελλουσῶν ἀνατεθήσε(σθα)ι εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, 
ἐπιμεληθῆναι δὲ τοὺς Ταργαρεῖς, ὅπως ἂν εἰδῶσιν ἅπαντες, ὅτι 
ἐπίσταται τὸ κοινὸν τῶν πόλεων τοῖς οὖσιν ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν εἰς αὗ- 

\ / ᾽ , ΄ A L ἄγοι \ , 
τοὺς χάριν ἀποδιδόναι.---Γ[νώμη τῶν συνέδρων" ἐπειδὴ Μαλούσιος κε- 
λεύει ἐπαγγεῖλαι αὐτῷ ἤδη τὸ συνέδριον, πόσων δεῖται παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρημά- 
/ \ , / \ > MS 
των εἴς τε TO θέατρον Kai εἰς τἄλλα κατασκευάσματα καὶ εἰς τὰ 
ἱερὰ καὶ εἰς τὴν πρεσβείαν, καὶ φησὶ θέλειν παρόντων τῶν συν- 
ἔδρων ἤδη δοῦναι πάντα" ἀγαθῇ τύχη, δεδόχθαι τοῖς συν- 

Ἵ 2 / a ἜΜ ee) r A 
ἔδροις ἐπαγγεῖλαι Μαλουσίῳ, δοῦναι τοῖς ἀγωνοθέταις χρ(υσοῦς) 
τρισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους σὺν τοῖς πέρυσι ὀφειλομένοις α(ὐτῷ,) 
τοὺς δὲ ἀγωνοθέτας οἷς μὲν ἂν αὐτοὶ χρήσωνται, (τὰ) O(?)é a(?)(varo-) 
ματα θεῖναι εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ἂν δέ τι περιγένηται (ἐκ Ὁ) δοθέντίων τῶν) 

” 5 lal / / “ / - 2 ὃ) M 
ἔργων, ἀποδοῦναι Μαλουσίῳ.---[Γνώμη τῶν συνέδρων " ἐπειδὴ Ma- 
» / \ ΒΥ ΧΆ, > \ δ fa) \ \ 

λούσιος Βακχίου Tapyapeds ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ὧν διατελε(ξ περὶ τὸ) 
ἱερὸν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς τῆς ᾿Ιλιάδος καὶ τὸ συνέδριον, δ(εδόχθαι) 

a 7] A / “Ὁ / > \ 
τοῖς συνέδροις, στεφανῶσαι Μαλούσιον χρυσῷ στ(εφάνῳ ἀπὸ) 

la σχῶ ay a δὲ > \ \ bd ὃ / \ a “δ my 
χρυσ(ῶν τριά ὃ Kov)Ta, καλεῖν δὲ αὐ(τὸν Kal) εἰς προεδρία(ν σὺν τοῖς συνέδρ- Ἷ 
ous ἐν τοῖς ay@(?)ow ovouac(ti........ ) εἶναι δ(ὲ ἀτέλειαν) 


§ II.] BASE OF THE STATUE OF METRODORUS. 635 


καὶ αὐτῷ Kal ἐγγόνοις " τὸ δὲ ψή(φισμα τό)δε ἀναγράψαντας (τοὺς aywvo-) 
θέτας εἰς στήλην θεῖναι εἰς (τὸ Lepo)v τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς.-- Ἐ[[νώμη τῶν συν-) 
ἐδρων" ἐπειδὴ Μαλούσ(ιος) ἀ(νὴρ ἀ)γαθὸς ὧν διατ(ελεῖ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν) 
τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς τῆς ᾿Ιλιά(δος) καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν πόλ(εων,) ᾿ 

ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ, δεδόχθ(αι τοῖς) συνέδροις, (a)is τιμαῖς (τετίμηται Μαλού-) 
aos ὑπὸ τοῦ συνε(δρι)ου, ἀναγράψαι ἑκά(στγην (τ)ῶν πόλεων τῶν κοινωνου- 
σῶν τοῦ ἱεροῦ κ(αὶ τῆ)ς πανηγύρεως καί. .. .. . .. καθὼς ἑκάσ-) 

τῇ νόμος ἐστί(ί. .. )--ίμαλος Λαμψακη(νὸς εἶπεν" ἐπειδὴ Μαλούσιος) 
ὁ Γαργαρεὺς ἐ(πιμεμ ϑ)έληται προθύ(μως .. .) 

τ ἀναλώ(μαᾶτα ....... 

RUSE κεν on ἐν ον ως οἱ. 

τ προί OO )E τ τὸ a af.’ 4 ν᾿ γα ον wo δος δεδόχθαι τοῖς συνέδροις 
στεφ(ανῶσαι Μαλούσιον Βακχίου Tapyapéa χρυσῷ ate-) 


πε λΝ 


I also found in the Temple of Athené, besides an inscribed pedestal of 
black slate, 3 ft. 8in. high and 202in. broad, the statue of a man, of fine 
white marble, nearly 4 ft. high. As is proved by the inscription, it was 
sculptured by Pytheas of Argos, and was erected by the Ilians in honour 
of Metrodorus, the son of Themistagoras, of whom it is a representation. 
The figure was in the position of an orator, as 1s shown by the footmarks 
on the pedestal. The head and the feet are unfortunately wanting. 

The inscriptions run as follows :—- 


OAHMOSOIAIEIQN 
MHTPOAQPONGEMIS= TAT OPOY 


And lower down, on the same side of the pedestal— 


NrebASAPREIOZE ΠΟΙΉΣΕ 


‘O δῆμος ὁ ᾿Ιλιείων 
Μητρόδωρον Θεμισταγόρου. 
Πυθέας ’Apyetos ἐποίησε. 


There were in antiquity many men named Metrodorus, but only two 
of them were especially celebrated, and both were natives of Asia Minor. 
The one, born in Lampsacus, was a pupil of Epicurus;® the other, a 
native of Scepsis, was a philosopher, orator, and statesman, and was held 
in high esteem by Mithridates VII. Eupator,’ who afterwards had him 
put to death in a horrible manner. The name of the father of this 
Metrodorus of Scepsis is unknown, and whether he was called Themista-. 
goras or otherwise, is uncertain; but it is extremely probable that the 
inscription and the statue were raised in honour of the Scepsian orator, 
philosopher, and statesman. I find no mention whatever of the sculptor 
Pytheas of Argos. Only one Pytheas, a silver-chaser, is named by Pliny,° 





6 Strabo, xiii. p. 589. 8 Plutarch, Life of Lucullus. 
7 Strabo, xiii. p. 609. o TT, Nexxxve 19.158: 90: 


636 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap. XI. 


as being a contemporary of Pompey the Great: Pliny, however, does not 
state his birth-place. Another Pytheas was a wall-painter and a native 
of Achaea. Neither of these can therefore be the Argive sculptor who 
carved the statue and put his name on the pedestal, But, as Professor 
Koumanoudes, observes to me, it is not astonishing that the name of an 
insignificant aii should be forgotten, seeing that the names of so 
many great kings are lost. 

In the same part of the Temple of Athené we found the fragment of 
a marble slab, which has evidently been very long, with the following 
inscription :— 


EMEIT OYANOYITATOYIAIOY KAA YAIOYNONAIOYY IOCYNEPQNOZENITA=ANTOY 
ΤΟΙΣΠΟΙΜΑΝΗΝΩΝΑΡΧΟΥΣΙΝΕΞΑΠΟΣ ΤΕΙΛΑΙΠΡΟΣΗΜΑΣΕΙΣΠΑΡΑΦΥΛΑΚΗΝ 
ΠῊΣ ΠΟΛΕΩΣΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΑΣ KAIENAYTQN HTEMONALNOIMANHNON ©. 
ONTEZHMON P1AOIK Al ΕΥΝΟΩΣ AIA ΚΕΙΜΈΝΟΙ ΠΡΌΣΤΟΝ AHMONHMON 
δ EZANEXTEIAANTOYE TELTPATIOTAZK AIENAYTAN HTEMONANIK: 
APON MHNO $1 AOYYIOZKAITTAPAT ENOMENOX EIZ THN ΠΟΛΙΝΗΜΩΝ 
TE ENAHMIANMTIOIEITAIKAAHNK AIEYZXH MONA ΚΑΙΑΞΙ 
POYA HMOYKA ITHEEAYTOY NATPIAOZLTHNTETON 
EAYTQINEANIZKQNENAHMIANEVT, . ONT 
10 TONKAOATIEPENIBAAAEIAN AP 
XEIPIXMENHNEATQUINI 
THNYNEPTHE YAAK 
ΕΙΣ ΦΕΡΕΤΑΙΣΠΟΥΔ 
ΕΚΚΑΙΝΩΝΟΥΔΕΙ 
15 ΜΟΝΚΑΙ 


A if Sf ‘ 
ἐπεὶ τοῦ ἀνθυπάτου Taiov Ἰζλαυδίου ἸΠΤοπλίου υἱοῦ Νέρωνος ἐπιτάξαντος, 
τοῖς ἸΪοιμανηνῶν ἄρχουσιν ἐξαποστεῖλαι πρὸς ἡμᾶς εἰς παραφυλακὴν 
τῆς πολεως στρατιώτας καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνας Ἰ]οιμανηῶν (οἱ 9) 
ὄντες ἡμῶν φίλοι καὶ εὐνόως διακείμενοι πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἡμῶν 
5 ἐξαπέστειλαν τούς τε στρατιώτας καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνα Νίκ(αν-) 
4. 2 fy an 
dpov, Mnvodirov (vi)ds καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς THY πόλιν ἡμῶν (τήν) 
τε ἐνδημίαν ποιεῖται καλὴν καὶ εὐσχήμονα καὶ ἀξί(αν τοῦ τε ἡμετέ-) 
ρου δήμου καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδος, τήν τε τῶν (ὑφ᾽ 3) 
ἑαυτῷ νεανίσκων ἐνδημίαν εὔτ(ακτ)ον π(αρέχεται καὶ ἑαυ-) 
Ν 7 b] / 3 \ % \ 5 / \ 5 
10 τὸν καθάπερ ἐπιβάλλει avdp(L... . .. καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τὴν ἐγκε-) 
χεῖρισ μένην ἑαυτῷ TUTTOS κανὼν eee eveee 
\ ¢e \ A a 
TID AED ENS MPU ἢ} a) ies Nis gs co og co eS 
5 / \ 
εἰσφέρεται σπουδ(ὴν) 
ἐκ καινῶν οὐδει. .. .. 
ΡΝ ΌΝΑ 


The Proconsul Caius Claudius Nero, the son of Publius, who is praised 
in this inscription, ruled over the province of Asia from 674 to 675 after 
the foundation of Rome (80-79 B.c.). Hence he lived in the time of 
Cicero, who mentions him in his orations against Verres.'° 

The Poemanenians (Ποιμανηνοί) are the inhabitants of the fortress of 
Poemanenon, to the south of Cyzicus.”* 





10 Waddington, Fastes des Provinces Asiatiques 11 Pape-Benseler, Lexikon der Griechischen 
del’ Empire Romain ; Paris, 1872, pp. 43, 44. Ligennamen. 


5 IT.] INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ANTONINUS PIUS. 637 


To judge from the form and thickness of the stone, this inscription 
must have been very long and have contained more than 70 lines. But 
even the fragment is of historical value, and all the more as we know for 
certain that it comes down to us from the year 80 B.c. 

Upon the site of the Doric Temple of Apollo, on the north side of the 
hill, I found at a depth of 64 ft. a block of marble, 51 ft. high and 2? ft. 
both in breadth and thickness; it weighs about 50 cwt. and bears the 
following inscription :— 


HBOYAHKAIOAHMO | 
IAIEQNETIMH ZANAY 
KAAYAIONKAIKINAI 
AIONKYZIKHNONA 

5 TAAOTIZTHNYNOTO 

᾿ OTATOYAYTOKPATOPO 
SAPOXTITOYAIAIOYAA 
NOYANTQNIOYZIEBA 
EYXSEBOYEK..INOAA 

» METAAATHINOAEIKATO 
SF ANTAKAIL. PAD XONT 
πε ΔΘ ΓΙ bo JAK AILEY 
FOPIAJZANA...NAZHET 
AZ=IONAPETH..ENEKENK. 

15 EYNOIAZTHINPOLTH 

ΠΟΛΙΝ 


The first name occurring in this inscription, of which the syllable ay 
is preserved, is probably ΑὙΛΟΣ. The word KAIKINA! should no doubt be 
KAIKINAN, Caecinam. Whether the other name, of which AION remains, is 
intended for rAION, I do not venture positively to decide, but I consider 
it to be probable. For the inscription, which I read as follows, is written 
in bad Greek, especially towards the end:—H βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμο(ς) ᾿Ιλιέων 
ἐτίμησαν Αὖλον Κλαύδιον Ἰζαικινὰν Vaiov (?) Kufienvov a(pyov)ta λογιστὴν 
ὑπὸ το(ῦ θειγοτάτου αὐτοκράτορο(ς Kat)capos Τίτου Αἰλίου ᾿Αδ(ρια)νοῦ ’Av- 
τωνίου Σεβα(στοῦ) Εὐσεβοῦς κ(α)ὶ πολλ(ὰ καὶ) μεγάλα τῇ πόλει κατο(ρθώ)- 
σαντα καὶ παράσχοντά τε τῆ λογιστεία καὶ συ(νη)γορίαις ἄνδ(ρα) πάσης 
τ(ιμῆς) ἄξιον ἀρετῆς ἕνεκεν κ(αὶ) εὐνοίας τῆς πρὸς τὴν πόλιν. 

The emperor mentioned in this inscription is of course Antoninus 
Pius, whose reign began in the year 188 a.p., and who died in 161 a.p.; 
it is merely by an error that he is here called Antonius. He took the 
name of Hadrian from his adoptive father, the Emperor Hadrian, and 
assumed the name of Aclius after the death of Hadrian’s first adopted son, 
Aelius Caesar. Upon the upper end of the block of marble there are two 
foot-marks, the one considerably in advance of the other. Each of them 
being 151 in. long, they leave no doubt but that upon this block the 


6388 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuar. XI. 


colossal statue of the Cyzicene, who is praised in the inscription, stood in 
the attitude of an orator. In the hinder foot-mark there is a hole, 1+ in. 
square, in which was placed the iron rod for fixing the statue. To judge 
from the size of the foot-marks, the statue must have been more than 8 ft. 
high; and, as the marble block is 5} ft. in height, the whole must have 
been at least 191 ft. high, and hence we may conclude that the Temple of 
Apollo in which this work of art stood was very spacious. Ἵ 
In the quadrangular building of large wrought stones, 59 ft. long and 
45 ft. broad, the foundations of which I had brought to light in October 
1871, I found, at a depth of about 5ft., a slab of marble 25-6in. in 
length, the upper part of which is 13°6 in. in breadth, and the lower part 
15°36in. It contains the following inscription :— 


9 \ if ν 7 , A an 
Ezrevdn Διαφένης ἸΠολλέως Τημνίτης, διατρίδϑων παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ, 
" N ἣν / an A i / ΄ 2 
φίλος ὧν καὶ εὔνους διατελεῖ τῷ δήμῳ, χρείας παρεχόμενος προθύμως εἰς 
ἃ 5, » ἊΝ A , A An A Ων 
ἃ ἂν τις αὐτὸν παρακαλῇ, δεδόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ ἐπαινέσαι μὲν 
5 \ 5 \ us a \ Ν 5 Ν \ 5 , 9 \ 
αὑτὸν ἐπὶ TOUTOLS, παρακαλεῖν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν εἶναι φιλότιμον εἰς τὰ 
n if 7] if A , 
τοῦ δήμου συμφέροντα, δεδόσθαι δὲ αὐτῷ πολιτείαν, προξενίαν, ἔγκτησιν, 
5 J - \ ς an 9 A b] Δ ἢ 3. EN \ \ , 
ἀτέλειαν ὧν καὶ OL TONLTAL ἀτελεῖς εἰσι καὶ ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν πρώτῳ 
Ν Wad Sy ND Λ \ b) 7, ree) ’ 7 5 \ \ 5 7 
μετὰ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ ἄφιξιν καὶ ἐμ πολέμῳ καὶ ἐν εἰρήνη ἀσυλεὶ καὶ ἀσπονδεί' 
>) th δὲ \ ὃ ὃ / 3 Lal n ’ 7 Ν ’ θ lod , 
ἀναγράψαι δὲ Ta δεδομένα αὐτῷ ταῦτα εἰς στήλην Kal (ἀνα)θεῖναι ε(ἰς. . .. 


The king spoken of in this inscription must have been one of the kings of 
Pergamus, and from the character of the writing I believe that it must be 
assigned to the third century before Christ. 

At about the same depth, and by the side of the building, I found 
a second marble slab, 16°5in. in length and 13:4in. in breadth. The 
inscription runs as follows :— 


Ἰλιεῖς ἔδοσαν Μενελάῳ ᾿Αῤῥαβαίου ᾿Αθηναίῳ εὐεργέτῃ γενομένῳ αὐτῶν 
καὶ περὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀνδρὶ ἀγαθῷ γενομένῳ προξενίαν καὶ εὐεργεσίαν. 


This second inscription, to judge from the form of the letters, appears 
to belong to the first century B.c. ᾿Αῤῥαβαῖος here occurs for the first 
time as an Attic name. 

At the same depth, and likewise by the side of the foundations of the 
same building, I found a third marble slab, nearly 15in. long and about 
14 in. broad, bearing the following inscription :— 


; / / 5 \ / a - , 
Μηνόφιλος Γλαυρίου eter" ἐπειδὴ πλείονες τῶν πολιτῶν ἐπελθόντες ἐπὶ 
; \ “4 , Ἂς / Ee ee ep) 14 ” 3 a 

τὴν βουλήν φασιν Χαιρέαν tov τετωγμένον ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αβύδου εὔνουν τε εἶναν TH 

, \ a / I an 

πόλει val ἐνίοις πρεσβευομένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου πρὸς αὐτὸν βουλόμενον TH 

n \ \ a an 

πόλει χαρίζεσθαι τὴν πᾶσαν σπουδὴν καὶ πρόνοιαν ποεῖσθαι καὶ τοῖς συναν- 
an A nA nan , / ¢/ i \ ¢ nan 

τῶσιν αὐτῷ TOV πολιτῶν φιλανθρώπως προσφέρεσθαι, Wa οὖν καὶ ὁ δῆμος 

\ a / \ , 
φαίνηται τὴν καθήκουσαν χάριν ἀποδιδοὺς τοῖς προαιρουμένοις τὴν πό(λιν) 


ρα Senne an δεδόχθαι. 


This third inscription also appears to belong to the first century B.C. 
It is probable that the building in which I discovered these three 


8.1 INSCRIPTION CONTAINING CONTRACT FOR SETTLEMENT. 639 


inscriptions was the Town-hall or Bouleuterion of Ilium ; at all events, it 
does not appear to have been a temple. 


The following inscriptions were found at a depth of from 19in. to 
31 ft. below my wooden house on Hissarlik :— 


O16) οἱ δ᾽ α΄ ef alle ew Sela a 8 στὰ ἃ © sh/a 7 αὖ οἱ σ΄, ο τον δ Ὁ sa © ὦ SS «GO κ' φ 


ΤΡ ABONKOW. sx .JEyPAN®: oc. 
ZKATATIA HOOZEIZOINIZ TPA... 
TON EYHOIEOALZKAAPEIZO mee 
EAN ΔΕ ΕΣ TOY Ey2yNOH =O MEN...-. 
...E PONYTIHPXENKAILZ THAD..... 
Bg wel NE Oe E.On Shum O OIPAIK eae: .... 
ee ATO KATE, ΤΑ ΜΈ ΘΙ. aa -3.... 
ee NOY S ΤΗΝ ΣΥΝΘΕΣΙ͂Ν. ΠΕΡ 
ee IMOAO TIA LOAN Wil PAF: Whe. 
Δ ον Olena ΘΝ ΤΕΣ ΠΡ ΕΘ Ὁ}... 
τ ΕἸ ΛΈΣ (ies το τλῆ ea 
Pe GO LON ἸΙΟΤΙ SA Yate pais Mn es ee Rods 
1 SANS tone cof a γεν Ra βαρ σε Ane meee τς 


6 @ 6. CNC OO νυν ὁ ie ey Se De) 8) σὰ ee σ΄ Ce ρ' ae we) 8 fe δ΄ a) a) “ie: 


ΕΣ il da Sra cr oe PODS Wace) rere 
eta: Tat eae a obi GOOUKON ces προ ΕἸ Ὡς ard 
τ. S MOTO TAHUOS εἰς Οἰνέστρα.. Ὁ νιν οτος 
τῶν ἐψη ισ αι Σαορεῖς δ. Σ᾿ πὲ τε τος 

οἷς ἀὐὸρᾶς τοὺς οὐ» 5 δινεν(ους).. ἢ... 4 «18 «0 me < 

Σ ἘρΟν ὑπ ον εν καὶ στηλω" <i vie) tee ee 

τ OEY TH τῶν Σ ἢ ποῦράκ (ὧν) 1 Ὁ. τὰ πον ως 
τ 

ὙΠ EVOUS THD ΡρρέΕοΨσοὁΕσππππ aves 8 
eee (0)uoroylas τὸ avtiypa(pov)........ 
a OLRNGOPTES ἡρέθησ᾽ (ἂν)... wees sla οἷς 
cn (Avjomeiou Minioos: metre aie avers ee 
ee GouvitamelOnse Bats ἐν eter tebisie ais fA Ow 
oe ae εν ΠῚ 


This inscription contains a contract for a settlement and gives the 
names of the men selected for founding it. S«adpeis is an unknown word, 
which has never before been met with. 





1 Sic. 2 Sic. 3 Sic. 


640 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. 


\XN 
ὩΣ XIAIAS 
ὭΣΤΗΣ ΔΟΘΕΙΣΗΣ 

EIPF ENTE KA IOYE AABo 
ῬΒΑΛΛΟΝΤΩΙΕΝΙΑῪΤΩ 

THNZTYNEAPEIANOYKA 

THE BOOST THNTIMHNY 

TA2FKPEQNTAZTAOIPA 

TP2BOAONTHNPOAINTHM 
wKAZAN TOYS TOKOYS TOYS 

KOSIAS ΤΕΣ ZTAPAKONTATE 

ΘΦΕΤΟΣΔΙΑΚΟΣΙΑ ΣΤΕΣΣ αὶ 

ΚΑΊΙΟΤΙ ΤῊΝΣΥΝΕΔΡΕΙΑῚ 
ΤΕΙΛΑΝΠΕΝΤΑΚΟΣΙΑΣ ΚΑΙΤῊΗ 
ὩΡΗΜΕΝΗΣΤΗΣΤΙΜΗΣΤΩΓΚΡΕ 


TA AYO 
ΜΉ NE σὰν ob πεν ohooh ἢ 
ena. rt COS ΥΩ OG He, mando Ὁ γ κὰν ον se, 0° 
Yonge Sucnty t ws τῆς OoOeions τὸ, νον we 
Phi ieee εἰ πέντε Kal οὗ ἔλαβο(ν) .. .. 
5... . (τὸ ἐπ) βάλλον τῷ ἐνιαυτῶ(") .. 
: THY TUVedpEeLay OU KA... 1... 
. πῆς Boos THY τιμῆνν. . .. 2 os 
. TOY κρεῶν TAS λοιπὰ(ς). . . we 
. (τε) τρώβολον τὴν πόλιν τὴημ .. 
10... . (ἠνάγϑηγκασαν τοὺς τόκους τοὺς... 
. (α)κοσίας τεσσαράκοντα πέ(ντε). 
. θετος διακοσίας τεσσα(ρα) . . .. 
. καὶ ὅτι τὴν συνέδρεια(ν) . . . ees 


b) 7 / \ 
.. . (ἀπέσ)τειίλαν πεντακοσίας καὶ TN - 
15... -- ρημένης τῆς τιμῆς TOY κρε(ῶν). .. 
/ - , 
. (τάλαν τα δύο . eee ee ee ee 


[Cuar. XI, 


COINS FOUND AT NOVUM. ILIUM. 641 


§ 1Π.] 


ὃ II. Tue Comms rounp at Novum In1um. By M. Acuitxies Postonaccas, 
KEEPER OF THE NATIONAL CoLLECTION OF Corns at ATHENS. 


According to the testimony of the famous numismatologist Eckhel,* 
all the known coins of Ihum belong to Novum Ilium, and are either 
autonomous or imperial. Of these, the autonomous are either of silver or 
copper, and belong to the Macedonian period or to the succeeding times ; 
the imperial coins occur only in bronze, and date from Augustus to 
Gallienus and his wife Salonina. 

Of the autonomous silver coins we only know of tetradrachms of an 
artistic style, belonging to the Attic metrological system, bearing on 
one side the head of Athené with a three-crested helmet crowned with 
laurel, and on the other side the legend ΑΘΗΝΑΣ IAIAAOS, the name of 





No. 1481. 


the archon, and the image of the standing Athené holding on her right 
shoulder a spear, and a distaff in her left hand ;° on the field are mono- 
grams and accessory symbols (No. 1481). The tetradrachms in question 
were struck, according to the illustrious Cavedoni,° under the reign of 
Mithridates Eupator, king of Pontus and the Cimmerian Bosporus 


(123-64 5... 





No. 1483. 


No. 1482. 


The types of the bronze coins have on one side a head or bust of 
Athené, a turretted head of the personified Rome with the legend ΘΕᾺ 
POMH (No. 1482), and a she-wolf suckiing Romulus and Remus (No. 1489); 
on the other side the following devices :*—a standing Athené, like that 


on the above tetradrachms (see No. 1481) ;° a standing Apollo, dressed! 
| 





* Dectrina Num. Vet. ii. p. 483. 

ἢ Pausanias, vii. 5, § 4, describing the statue 
of Athené Polias at Erythrae in lonia, says: 
ἠλακάτην ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ τῶν χειρῶν ἔχει. Accord- 
ing to Apollodorus (iii. 12. 3), the Palladium, 
which had fallen from heaven, held in the left 
hand a distaff and a spindle. 

§ Spicilegio numismatico, p. 152. 


7 121-63 B.c. according to Eduard Meyer, 
Geschichte des Kénigreichs Pontos ; Leipzig, 1879, 
8vo. p. 56. 

8 It is to be understood that the following 
descriptions and cuts are of the reverses of the 
medals. 

9. Choiseul-Gouffier, Voyage pittoresque de la 
Greéce. 

25 


642 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap. XT, 


in a long chiton and holding a patera and a lyre; or Ganymedes carried 
away by the eagle of Zeus (No. 1482). 





No. 1484, Νο. 1485. No. 1486. No, 1487. 

Hector standing, with his head turned aside, holding in his right 
hand a lance, in his left a sword, with the legend exTwp (Nos. 1484 
and 1485). Hector walking, his right hand uplifted, holding in his left a 
shield and a lance, and the legend EKTOP or EKKTOP (sic) (No. 1486). 
Hector naked, walking, having a helmet on the head, a sword in the 
uplifted right hand, a shield in his left, with the legend EKTOP IAIEQN. 

Aeneas walking, carrying Anchises on his back and holding Ascanius 
by the hand. Aeneas flying with Anchises and Tiilus.'° Aeneas going 
on board a ship, carrying Anchises on his back and leading Ascanius 
by the hand (No. 1487). 

The legends and types of the imperial coins are more numerous and 
more varied ; the most important and curious of them are the following :— 





No. 1488. No. 1489. No. 1490. 


AIA IAAION IAIEIC or IAIEQN. Zeus Nikephoros seated, holding in his 
right hand a spear; sometimes, instead of Niké, he holds the Palladium: 
on coins of the younger Faustina, of Commodus (in the collection of 
Dr. Schliemann), of Crispina and of Julia Domna (No. 1488). 

AAPAANOC IAIEQN. Dardanus seated, holding in his left hand a 
sceptre, with a woman standing by: on the coins of Crispina (No. 1489). 
The type in question represents, according to Cavedoni,"' the colloquy 
of Dardanus about his marriage with Batieia, daughter of Teucer, king 
of the Troad;’ or, according to another tradition,? with Teucer’s wife 
Chrysé, who brought him the Palladium as a dowry. 

ΕΙΛΟΟ IAIEQN or ΙΛΙΕΩΝ. Ilus standing, wearing an upper garment 
(ἱμάτιον), and sacrificing on an altar before a column on which stands 
the Palladium: on a coin of Julia Domna (in Dr. Schliemann’s collection) 
and of Caracalla (No. 1490). : 

The following coins, all of which have only the legend IAIEQN or 
IAIEQN, have these types :— 





10 According to Sestini, Descriptio Num. Vet. p. 305, No. 1. 
ἘΣ Op. cit. p. 153, 1 Apvllodorus, iii. 12. 1. 2 Dionys. Halicarn. Antig. Roman. i. 68, 69. 


§ 1Π.] COINS FOUND AT NOVUM ILIUM. 643 


A man (Ilus) riding on a bull, which is jumping near a tree; in front 
the Palladium on a column: on a coin 
of the younger Faustina (No. 1491). 
Athené on a column, towards which 
a cow is approaching: on a coin of 
the same empress. Ilus leading a 
cow to the statue of Athené Ihas on 
a small column; in the field is a ? 
column: on a coin of Gordianus III. No. 1491. ouiian 
(No. 1492). 

These four types find their interpretation in Apollodorus,? who relates 
that Ilus travelled to Phrygia, carried off the victory in the sacred 
games, and, having consulted an oracle, received 
the answer that he must follow “a speckled cow,” 
and build a city on the spot where she might he 
down. This took place on the so-called hill of 
Até, where Ilus built a town called by him Ἴλιος. 
Praying to Zeus to grant him a favourable sign, 
he saw falling from heaven before his tent the 
ATE RL Palladium, which for that reason was called duzerés : 
No. 1493, hence the reason is evident why the Ilan Zeus 

holds the Palladium on his hand.* 

ANXEILHE A®POAEITH or ANXEILIL APPOAITH IAIEQN. Aphrodite, 
wearing a long chiton, and Anchises are standing joining hands: on coins 
of Julia Domna (No. 1493). This type may be interpreted by the verses 
in the Homeric Hymn -"-- | 





ρος 





τὸν δὴ ἔπειτα ἰδοῦσα φιλομμειδὴς ᾿Αφροδίτη, 
ἠράσατ᾽, ἐκπάγλως δὲ κατὰ φρένας ἵμερος εἷλεν. 
Compare also what Apollodorus says.° 

MPIAMOC IAIEQN or ΙΛΙΕΩΝ. Priam, wearing a Phrygian cap, seated 
and holding a spear in his left hand: on coins of Commodus and Crispina 
(No. 1494), 

NECTOPHC IAIEQN. Nestor, clad in an upper 
garment (ἱμάτιον), is sacrificing with his right hand 
on an altar before the statue of Athené, and holding 
in his left a spear in an oblique position: on a coin 
of Caracalla. 

EKTOP IAIEQN or €KTOP or €KTWP IAIEQN. Se 
Hector’s ideal youthful head covered with a helmet: No. 1494. 
on a coin of the younger Faustina. Hector stand- 
ing, armed with lance and shield: on a coin of Maximinus L, the 
Thracian. Hector standing before a burning altar, holding in his right 
hand a patera, in his left a lance and shield: on a coin of Julia Domna, 
in the collection of Dr. Schliemann. Hector standing, wearing a helmet; 
his head is turned aside; in his right hand he holds a shield: on a 
coin of Septimius Severus with Geta. Hector standing, naked, wearing 








© ni, 12. 3, 4 Cavedoni, op. cit. p. 153. 5 In Aphrodit. iv. 56, 57. oie Lee 


644. THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. (Caupaxt 


a helmet, holding in his right hand a lance, and leaning with his: left 
on a shield: on a coin of Caracalla and Geta (No. 1495). Hector 





No. 1495. τ 1490. Tener. No, 1498, 
standing armed before a column with a statue, holding in its one 
hand a lance and shield, in the other a small figure: on coins of 
Caracalla. Hector standing armed, holding in his left hand a shield 
and spear, and touching with his right the statue of Athené on a column: 
ona coin of Caracalla (No. 1496). Cavedoni observes’ that the last two 
types remind us of the passage in the Ilad,* where Hector leaves the 
camp by the advice of Helenus and goes quickly up to the town, to order 
the Trojan matrons to go in suppliant procession to the Temple of Athené 
in the Acropolis. Hector walking, armed: on coins of Faustina the elder 
and of Caracalla (No. 1497). Hector walking, armed ; he lifts in his right 
hand a spear in the attitude of fighting, and his left hand holds the shield 
as if warding off a blow: on coins of Caracalla (No. 1498). Hector armed, 
marching forth to battle: on a coin of Hadrian. 

Hector on a chariot drawn by two horses: on a coin of Marcus 
Aurelius. Hector, in full armour, on a chariot drawn by two horses: 
on a coin of Gordianus III. Hector on a chariot drawn by two horses, 
holding in his uplifted right hand the whip, and in his lett the reins 





No. 1499. No. 1500. 


as well as lance and shield: on coins of Marcus Aurelius and Caracalla ® 
(No. 1499). The last three types are according to the INad. xix. 399-401: 
σμερδαλέον δ᾽ ἵπποισιν ἐκέκλετο πατρὸς ἐοῖο" 
Ξάνϑε τε καὶ Βαλίε, τηλεκλυτὰ τέκνα Ποδάργης, 
ἄλλως δὴ φράζεσθε σαωσέμεν ἡνιοχῆα 
Hector on a chariot drawn by four horses, holding in his right hand 
the reins and the shield, in his left the whip: on a coin of Marcus 
Aurelius. Hector on a chariot with four horses: on coins of Commodus, 





T “Op. Cit, Pp. 153; § vi. 86 and ff, 9 Mionnet, Description de Médailles antiques, Suppl. v. Pl. 5. 


§ TII.] COINS FOUND AT NOVUM ILIUM. 645 


Caracalla, and Gallienus. Hector on a chariot with four horses, holding 
in his right hand a lance, and in his left a shield and the reins: on 
coins of Commodus (No. 1500). 





No. 1501, No. 1502. 


Hector standing, holding a shield and throwing a burning torch: on 
coins of Julia Domna and Valerianus I. Hector as on the preceding coin, 
but armed with a javelin, which he throws upon a ship before him: on a 
coin of the younger Faustina (No. 1501). In the two last types Hector 
is represented as fighting (with Ajax), and intending to set the Greek ship 
on fire. So thinks Cavedoni,’’ having in his mind the following verses 
of the Iad :— Ἕκτωρ δὲ πρύμνηϑεν ἐπεὶ λάβεν, οὔ τι μεθίει 


ἄφλαστον μετὰ χερσὶν ἔχων, Τρωσὶν δὲ κέλευεν " 
Οἴσετε πῦρ, Gua δ᾽ αὐτοὶ ἀολλέες ὄρνυτ᾽ ἀὐτήν." 


ας τοὶ δ᾽ ἔμβαλον ἀκάματον πῦρ 
νηὶ θυῇ " τῆς δ᾽ αἶψα κατ᾽ ἀσβέστη κέχυτο φλόξ." 
Hector walking, holding in his left hand a shield, and throwing with 
his right a burning torch upon the two ships before him. On a coin 
of Elagabalus* (No. 1502). 





τὰ 
D> ἡ 
ἃ ὩΣ. 


ἃς ΡΛ πῆι ; lg 4 
No. 1503. : ok 1504, 


Hector armed with a lance and shield, fighting on a chariot with four 
gallopping horses. Patroclus is lying under the horses, lifting his right 
arm, and resting the left on the ground; behind him is his shield :—on 
a coin of Macrinus (No. 1503). Cavedoni* thinks that on this coin 
Patroclus is represented as uttering to Hector these last words :— 





ἤδη νῦν, Ἕκτωρ, μεγάλ᾽ εὔχεο" col yap ἔδωκεν 
νίκην Ζεὺς Κρονίδης καὶ ᾿Απόλλων, οἵ μ᾽ ἐδάμασσαν 
ῥηϊδίως." 
Hector on ἃ chariot with four horses, holding in his right hand a shield 
and lance, in his left a Niké. On a coin of Septimius Severus (No. 1504). 
SO Ce Cit, fis 1.59: 1 xv. 716-718. 2 xvi. 122, 123; 
3 Revue Num. 1852, Pl. iv. fig. 9. 4 Op. cit. p. 153 in note. 5 Ti, xvi. 844-846, 





646 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Cuap. XI, 


This type, which represents Hector’s victory, is interpreted by the 
foregoing verses. 

Hector standing in full armour, dragging with his right hand the 
lance from the supine 
corpse of Patroclus, 
which he spurns with 
his left foot; in his 
left hand he holds a 
shield: to the usual 
legend is here also 
added NATPOKAOC :— 
on a medallion of 

nga Septimius Severus 
No. 1505. No. 1506. (No. 1505). This very 
curious type is adapted to the verses of the Iliad :— 











ey 


AR 





©0090, 





ST 


τ 


erEKT 






CTIAT DO 


CO ΑΝ ΟΣ 
SOG i SP 


i t - 
ὡς ἄρα φωνήσας δόρυ χάλκεον ἐξ ὠτειλῆς 
εἴρυσε, λὰξ προσβάς-, τὸν δ᾽ ὕπτιον do ἀπὸ Sovpds.§ 


This is the excellent interpretation of Mr. Barclay Vincent Head, who 
has published the medallion in question in the Numismatic Chronicle.’ 

Three warriors contending for the corpse of Patroclus: the warrior in 
the middle seems to represent Ajax coming to the rescue, when the 
Trojans were dragging away the corpse from the Greeks, as described in 
the splendid passage of Homer (I/. xvii. 274 ff.): on a coin of Macrinus 
(No. 1506). Although this type is altogether different from the fore- 
going, 1t nevertheless has the legend EKTOP IAIEQN. 

CKAMANAPOC IAIEQN. ‘The river Scamander per- 
sonified, recumbent, holding in some cases a reed, and 
leaning on an overturned vase, from which water flows: 
on coins of Nero, of Nero and Britannicug, of Vitel- 
lus, Marcus Aurelius, Commodus, Caracalla, and Geta 
(No. 1507). 

IAION POMH. ‘Two women standing, of whom one 
(the personified Ilium) is turretted and dressed in a 
long chiton, and holds in her right hand the Palladium. The other 
woman (the personified Rome), in a dress fastened with a girdle, is 
turretted, and holds in her left hand a flag:—on a medallion of 
Caracalla. The Tychae (ΤΠ ύχαι, genic) of the cities of Ilium and Rome, 
with joined hands: on a coin of Elagabalus. 

ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΣ KTIZTHE. Head of Augustus: statue of Athené, with the 
hair bound together on the crown of the head, on a small pedestal, 
holding in her uplifted right hand the Palladium, in her left a lance: 
on a coin of Augustus. With regard to this Ilan coin, particular atten- 
tion is claimed by the cpithet of Augustus as founder (κτίστης) ; but the 
word is to be understood as restorer, it being customary to give this title 
to benefactors who were deemed worthy of honour. 

Besides the types on the imperial coins here represented, there also 





No. 1507. 


§ xvi. 862, 863, 7 New Series, viii.; London, 1868, 8vo. p. 326, Pl. xi. 2. 


§ ΠΙ.] COINS FOUND AT NOVUM ILIUM. 647 


occur the following, which bear merely the legend IAIEQN or IAIEQN 
namely :— , 

The winged Ganymedes standing, holding in his right hand a bow, in 
his left a shepherd’s crook: on a coin of Commodus, 


No. 1510. 





Sy et 


Ne. 1568. No. 1509. 


The winged Ganymedes, wearing a Phrygian cap on his head, seated 
on a rock, and offering drink to the eagle of Zeus, behind which is a tree: 
on a coin of Commodus (No. 1508). 

The winged Ganymedes, as in the foregoing type, but holding a vase 
before the eagle which is caressing him; behind is a column on which 
stands a statue: on a medallion of Commodus (No. 1509). 

The winged Ganymedes carried away by the eagle, and holding in 
his right hand a shepherd’s crook: on coms of Commodus and Geta 
(No. 1510). The legend of the rape represented on the foregoing coin, 
which is not mentioned by Homer, is related by Apollodorus,? who says: 
τοῦτον (τὸν Lavupndnv) μὲν οὖν διὰ κάλλος ἀναρπάσας Ζεὺς δι’ ἀετοῦ θεῶν 
οἰνοχόον ἐν οὐρανῷ κατέστησεν. 

Aeneas walking, carrying on his back Anchises, and leading Ascanius 
by the hand: on medallions of Commodus and of Caracalla. Homer 
says nothing concerning the flight of Aeneas represented in this type, 
which is interpreted by the following verses of Virgil :— 


“Ergo age, care pater, cervici imponere nostrae ; 
Ipse subibo humeris, nec me labor iste gravabit.” 10 
Ce ee he, oe  Parvus’ Lulus 
Sit comes et longe servet vestigia coniux.” ἢ 





Ξ “ Cessi et sublato montes genitore petivi.” 2 
No. 1511. 


The same type; below is a she-wolf suckling Romulus and Remus: 
on a coin of Hadrian (No. 1511). 

Hector, with a helmet on his head, walking, and throwing with his 
right hand a stone; his left is armed with a shield and two lances: 
on a coin of Diadumenianus. 

Hector in full armour, on a chariot drawn by two horses: on a coin 
of Gordianus III. 


® According to Vaillant, Numismata Gracca, and Mionnet, Descr. de Méd. 
θ᾽ 111}: 72. 2. 19. Aen. ii. 707, 708. 1 Jbid. ii, 710, 711. 2 [bid, ii. 804. 


CHAPTER XII. 


THE CONICAL MOUNDS IN THE TROAD CALLED THE HEROIC TUMULLI. 


Tux traveller who goes by sea from Constantinople to the town of the 
Dardanelles, sees on both sides of the Sea of Marmora and the Hellespont 
a number of conical hills, on the origin of which tradition is silent, and 
which are universally called by the name of “ Tepeh,” a Turkish word 
signifying merely a low and small hill, but which in the imagination of 
men has obtained, like the word “tumulus” in the West, the additional 
signification of a sepulchral mound, covering the remains of a deceased 
person, or of more than one. 

The first of these Tepehs which tradition has assigned to a particular 
person, is the tumulus on the Thracian Chersonesus, obliquely opposite 
the town of the Dardanelles, attributed to Hecuba, of which Strabo says: 
“Between the two (Dardanus and Abydus) the Rhodius falls into the 
Hellespont, and directly opposite its mouth the Cynossema (Κυνὸς σῆμα, 
or Κυνόσσημα, 1.6. Dog’s monument), said to be the tomb of Hecuba, 
stands on the Chersonesus.” * 

Proceeding from the Dardanelles by land to the Plain of Troy, the 
traveller passes another tumulus to his left, near the site of Dardanus ; 
immediately afterwards, a third to his right, and a fourth again to his 
left, above the village of Ren Kioi. Descending hence to the sea-shore, 
he passes three more Tepehs on the height which overhangs the little 
port of Karanlik, and which belongs to the heights of Rhoeteum. To 
none of the six tumuli last mentioned does tradition attach a name. 

To the north of the heights of Rhoeteum he will see, close to the 
shore, a very low tumulus, to which tradition points as the original 
sepulchre of Ajax, whose second resting-place is identified with the large 
tumulus on a lower spur of the heights of Rhoeteum. This latter 
tumulus is called In Tepeh, which name may be derived from the stem 
AIANT, seen in the genitive of Αἴας. 

Riding thence along the shore of the Hellespont, the traveller reaches 
on the lower height, immediately to the north-east of Cape Sigeum, the 
tumulus which tradition throughout historical antiquity claimed as the 
tomb of Achilles. 

Proceeding thence in a southerly Sikaionk on the road which borders 
the heights of Sigeum and leads to Yeni Kioi, the traveller passes at a 
distance of only about 350 yds. to the south-east of the latter tumulus 
another, which is identified σι the tomb of Patroclus. But this ident+4- 


1 Strabo, xii). p. 595: μεταξύ τε ὁ Ῥόδιος Hecuba was fabled to have been changed into ἃ 
ἐκπίπτει ποταμός, Kal ὃν ἐν τῇ Χεῤῥονήσῳ τὸ bitch. 
Κυνὸς σῆμά ἐστιν, ὅ φασιν Ἑκάβης εἶναι τάφον. 


Cuap. XII] FUNERAL RITES IN HOMER. 649 


cation must be quite modern, it being in perfect opposition to the precise 
statement of Homer, who’ puts in the mouth of Achilles the words: “ Let 
us wrap the bones (of Patroclus) in a double layer of fat, and put them 
in a golden urn, until I also am hidden with Hades. Now do not make 
the tumulus ee but only of becoming size. Later, you Achaeans, who 
shail survive me on the ships with many rowing-benches, may make it 
wide and high.”? Huis companions obeyed: having gathered the bones of 
Patroclus, they wrapped them in a double layer of fat, and put them in 
a golden urn, which they brought into the tent, and covered with a soft 
linen cloth. They then marked out the round place for the tumulus, laid 
the foundations around the funeral pile, and heaped up the earth. Having 
completed the tumulus, they departed.* 

Now, in all this Hae amon word to show that the golden urn which 
contained the bones of Patroclus was either deposited in the tumulus, or 
was meant to be ever deposited there. All we can possibly understand 
here is that on the death of Achilles his bones should be added to those 
of Patroclus in the golden urn, and that on that event the tumulus should 
be enlarged, but there is no allusion whatever to the depositing of the urn 
in it. Had it been deposited, or had it been destined to be deposited 
there, Homer would not have kept back from us the important fact. 
Consequently the tumulus of Patroclus was a mere cenotaph. I wish I 
could cite, as further evidence, the beautiful passage in the Odyssey,* 
where it is said that the bones of Achilles and Patroclus he together in a 
golden amphora, in a tumulus on the shore of the Hellespont; and the 
passage in the Πα," according to which the bones of Hector, after being 
put in a golden box, were laid in a grave and covered with a tumulus 
of stones. Unfortunately both these books of the Odyssey and Iliad are 
universally acknowledged to be later additions. Consequently all we 
know from the poet regarding the nature of one of the tumuli in the 
Plain of Troy is that it was a cenotaph, and this Homeric assertion has 
been borne out by all the researches hitherto made. But before his 
funeral Patroclus appeared to Achilles in a dream, and said: 


θάπτε we ὅττι τάχιστα, πύλας ᾿Αἴδαο mephaw.® 


Now the word θάπτω has always been translated by “ bury ” or “ inter.” 
But as from the foregoing passage it is evident that no real burial took 
place, I suggest that the meaning of this word, in this instance as well as 
in three other passages in which it occurs in the Iviad,’ can only be “ burn 
the body and perform the funeral ceremony,” without implying that the 





4 7: ΣΤ. 243-948: ἀμφὶ πυρήν - εἶθαρ δὲ χυτὴν ἐπὶ γαῖαν ἔχευαν. 


καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐν χρυσέῃ φιάλῃ καὶ δίπλακι δημῷ χεύαντες δὲ τὸ σῆμα πάλιν κίον. 

θείομεν, εἰς ὅ κεν αὐτὸς ἐγὼν "Αἴδι κεύθωμαι " 4 xxiv. 76-84. 5 xxiy. 793-798. 

τύμβον δ᾽ οὐ μάλα πολλὺν ἐγὼ πονέεσθαι ἄνωγα, Olds xxiiteed 1 

GAN ἐπιεικέα τοῖον. ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τὸν ᾿Αχαιοί 7 Il. xxiv. 664, 665: 

εὐρύν θ᾽ ὑψηλόν τε τιθήμεναι, of κεν ἐμεῖο ἐννῆμαρ υέν κ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐνὶ μεγάροις γοόῳμεν, 

δεύτεροι ἐν νήεσσι πολυκλήϊσι λίπησθε. τῇ δεκάτῃ δέ κε θάπτοιμεν δαινῦτό τε λαός. 
of. Sxl. 90. θη: It, xxii. '630.: 

κλαίοντες δ᾽ ἑτάροιο ἐνηέος ὀστέα λευκά ὡς ὁπότε κρείοντ᾽ ᾿Αμαρυγκέα θάπτον "Ἐπειοί. 

ἄλλεγον ἐς χρυσέην φιάλην καὶ δίπλακα δημόν, Ll. ΧΧΙ 9. 323% 

ἐν κλισίῃσι δὲ θέντες ξανῷ λιτὶ κάλυψαν. αὐτοῦ οἱ καὶ σῆμα τετεύξεται, οὐδέ τί μιν χρεώ 


΄ ΄- ͵ὔ ἷς a 
τορνώσαντο δὲ σῆμα, θεμείλιᾶ τε προβάλοντο ἔσται τυμβοχοῆσ᾽ OTe μιν θάπτωσιν ᾿Αχαιοί. 


650 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuap. XII. 


bones were buried. In this sense I also understand the word θάπτω in 
a passage in the O/yssey, in which the funeral of Elpenor is described :— 
“Then I sent forward my companions to the palace of Circe to bring 
the dead body of Elpenor. We at once cut trunks of trees, and, sore 
grieved, performed his funeral on the high projecting shore, shedding 
abundant tears. And when the body was burnt with his weapons, we 
heaped up a tomb, erected a pillar (stéé) on it, and put up on its highest 
point a well-fitting oar.” ὃ 

But in another passage of the Odyssey the word θάπτω must really 
mean “to bury in the ground: ”—“ First came the soul of our companion 
Elpenor, for he had not yet been buried below the earth with broad 

athe. ° 

if In a passage in the Iliad, where the funeral of Eétion is described, 
we read :—“ He (Achilles) slew Eétion; but he stripped him not of his 
arms, through the restraint of a religious awe, but burnt him there in 
his panoply, and heaped up a mound.” ?° 

Here, as well as in the description of Elpenor’s funeral, Homer leaves 
us in doubt as to whether the tumulus was heaped over the body of the 
deceased, or whether, as in the case of Patroclus, the bones were carried 
away, and the tumulus was a mere cenotaph. But I have no reason to 
doubt that in a post-Homeric time, and probably as early as the time 
when the xxivth Iliad and the xxivth Odyssey were written, it was really 
the custom to heap a tumulus over the remains of great personages. At 
all events, in the imagination of Aeschylus, Agamemnon’s sepulchre was a 
tumulus, for he makes Electra say: “On the tumulus of this sepulchre 
I announce this to my father.”™! Further, all the artificial tumuli at 
Sardis, as well as on the Crimean coast and elsewhere in the south of 
Russia, appear to be real tombs. 

Riding for half an hour further south on the road to Yeni Kioi, the 
traveller passes to the left of another much higher mound, called Hagios 
Demetrios Tepeh, from an open chapel close by, which is dedicated to that 
saint. But, as we have seen in the preceding pages, the chapel has 
received this dedication from a temple of white marble sacred to Demeter, 
which stood on the site, and of whose marbles it is partly built. This 
Tepeh, by its high position on the very brink of the lofty shore, over- 
hangs the sea, and it is therefore visible from a great distance out at sea ; 
and, as Professor Virchow says, there is no point on land, to a distance 
of 9 or 12 miles, from which it cannot be seen. 

Proceeding further on, the traveller, after having passed Yeni Kioi, 





85. Od, xin 9-15 9. Od xr iia: 


δὴ τότ᾽ ἐγὼν ἑτάρους mpole ἐς δώματα Κίρκης 
οἰσέμεναι νεκρὸν Ἐλπήνορα τεθνηῶτα. 
φιτροὺς δ' αἶψα ταμόντες, ὅθ᾽ ἀκροτάτη πρόεχ᾽ 
ἀκτή, ι 
θάπτομεν ἀχνύμενοι, θαλερὸν κατὰ δάκρυ χέοντες. 
αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ νεκρός τ᾽ ἐκάη καὶ τεύχεα νεκροῦ, 
τύμβον χεύαντες καὶ ἐπὶ στήλην ἐρύσαντες 
πήξαμεν ἀκροτάτῳ τύμβῳ εὐῆρες ἐρετμόν. 


Πρώτη δὲ ψυχὴ ᾿Ελπήνορος ἦλθεν ἑταίρου " 
οὐ γάρ πω ἐτέθαπτο ὑπὸ χθονὺς εὐρυοδείης. 

10 Tl, vi. 416-419: 

nes κατὰ δ᾽ ἔκτανεν ᾿Ηετίωνα, 
οὐδέ μιν ἐξενάριξε (σεβάσσατο γὰρ τό γε θυμῷ), 
ἀλλ᾽ ἄρα μιν κατέκηε σὺν ἔντεσι δαιδαλέοισιν 
ἠδ᾽ ἐπὶ σῆμ ἔχεεν. 

11 Aeschylus, Choéphoroe, v. 4: 
τύμβου δ᾽ ἐπ᾿ ὄχθῳ τῷδε κηρύσσω πατρί. 


Cuar. XII.] DESCRIPTION OF THE TUMULI 651 


comes to another tumulus, 60 ft. high, situated on the height close to and 
north of the Bay of Besika, and called, probably for that reason, Besika 
or Bashika Tepeh, from the Turkish work Beshik, which means “ cradle.” 
It lies immediately tc the east of the little promontory called Palaeo- 
castro, of which we have spoken before. 

Still further south, and separated by a deep valley from the heights 
of Sigeum, there follows a group of tertiary ridges, in the midst of 
which, and about four miles distant from the sea-shore, rises another 
gigantic tumulus, 85 ft. high and 433 ft. in diameter at its base, called 
Ujek Tepeh. To understand well the height of 83 ft. the reader should 
bear in mind that the highest houses in Broadway in New York are not 
more than 70 ft. high. 

Going on thence to Bounarbashi, and ascending the heights behind it 
—the Bali Dagh—the traveller sees there four more tumuli, the highest 
of which consists of loose pebbles, and has for this reason been identified, 
by the defenders of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory, with the tomb of Hector ; 
while of the other three, which are much lower, one has been attributed 
by them to King Priam himself. 

Descending again to Bounarbashi and crossing the Scamander, the 
traveller finds opposite the Bali Dagh—on the slope of the mount which 
overhangs the river, and which, as before mentioned, 15 crowned with the 
ruins of an ancient town—another tumulus’ of pebbles, which has lost 
much of its primitive height. Descending again and riding along the 
right bank of the Scamander, the traveller sees, at a short distance to 
the north-west of the confluence of the Scamander and the Thymbrius, 
on the right bank of the latter, the large tumulus called Hanai Tepeh, 
situated on the farm of Mr. Frank Calvert, whom I have helped to 
excavate it, and who has described the results of our researches in 
Appendix IY. 

Proceeding thence in a north-westerly direction by the road to 
Hissarlik, the traveller passes to his right another smaller tumulus, 
called Pasha Tepeh,’ on a low hill-ridge, which extends from the heights 
of the tertiary formation pretty far into the plain. Further on, at 
distances of no more than 200 and 300 yds. to the south of Novum Ilium, 
he sees to the right and left of the road two still smaller tumuli. 

Finally, I have to mention the low tumulus on the right bank of the 
Kalifatli Asmak, at a distance of about 300 yds. to the north of Koum 
Kioi. I have had occasion to mention this tumulus repeatedly in the 
preceding pages, and have explained the reasons why I hold it to be 
identical with the tumulus of Ilus, which is mentioned four times in 
the Iliad. 

Proceeding now to the history of the researches made in these tumuli 
of the Troad, generally called “ Heroic Tombs,” I must begin with that of 
Ajax, as according to tradition it was first opened, not indeed by the hands 
of men, but by the waves of the sea. 





1 This tumulus, like all the other tumuli, is indicated on the Map of the Plain of Troy, 
2 Marked on the map Pasha Tepeh or Tumulus of Batieia. 


652 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuap, ἘΠῚ: 


1. The Tumulus of Ajae.—aAs before mentioned, the tumulus on the 
shore of the Hellespont, 600 yds. to the north of the conical hill now 
universally attributed to Ajax, and called In Tepeh, has had the honour to 
be indicated by tradition as the original tomb of that hero. According 
to the legend related by Pausanias, that side of the tumulus which faced 
the shore having been washed away by the sea, the entrance to the 
tomb was rendered easy; the corpse was found to be of so gigantic a 
size that the bones at the knees, called knee-pans (patellae) by anatomists, 
were of about the size of the quoit (discus) of a boy who exercises himself 
in the pentathlon.2 This legend is confirmed by Philostratus, who says 
that, the tumulus of Ajax having been destroyed by the sea, his bones 
had come to light, denoting a man 11 cubits long, and that Hadrian, 
on his visit to Troy, embraced and kissed them, and erected over them | 
the present tumulus, now called In Tepeh, in honour of Ajax. Accord- 
ing to M. Burnouf’s measurement, the height of this tumulus of In 
Tepeh above the sea is 131 ft. Strabo also confirms the fact that in 
his time the tomb of Ajax was on the shallow sea-shore, for he writes: 
“ Hereupon (after Ophrynium) follows the city of Rhoeteum on a hill, and, 
adjoining Rhoeteum, the shallow sea-shore, on which is the tomb and the 
temple of Ajax, as well as his statue, which was taken away by Marcus 
Antonius and carried to Egypt; but Caesar Augustus returned it to the 
Rhoeteans.”° Strabo’s statement is confirmed by Lucan® (38-65 a.p.), 
who praises the beauty of the statue of Ajax. 

It appears incredible indeed that all the archeologists who cite the 
passage of Philostratus have thought the word περιαρμόζειν meant 
“restore,” and have therefore understood that Hadrian merely restored 
the tomb and the temple, whereas τώφον περιαρμόζειν τινι can never have 
meant anything else than “erect a tomb to some one.” Strange to say, 
even no less an authority than Carl Gotthold Lenz,’ one of the greatest 
philologists and Homeric scholars that ever lived, has fallen into this 
wonderful error. 

We shall not attempt to investigate whether the corpse found in the 
low tumulus on the sea-shore was that of Ajax or not; at all events, it 
appears certain that a corpse was found there, and that Hadrian brought 
it to the spur of the heights of Rhoeteum, now called In Tepeh, and built a 
small sanctuary over it, which he covered up with a high conical tumulus ; 
and no doubt in such a manner that nothing of it was visible at the top of 





3 Pausanias, i. 35, § 3: τοῦ yap τάφου τὰ πρὸς 
τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἔφασκεν ἐπικλύσαι τὴν θάλασσαν, 
καὶ τὴν ἔσοδον ἐς τὸ μνῆμα οὐ χαλεπὴν ποιῆσαι, 
καί με τοῦ νεκροῦ τὸ μέγεϑος τεκμαίρεσθαι τῇδε 
ἐκέλευε: πεντάθλου γὰρ παιδὸς εἶναί οἱ κατὰ 
δίσκον μάλιστα τὰ ἐπὶ τοῖς γόνασιν ὀστᾶ, καλου- 
μένας δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν μύλας. 

4-Philostr. « Heroiea,; Ρ. 18%, δι]. Ππγξοι: 
“Axove δή: πάππος ἣν μοι, ξένε, πολλὰ τῶν 
ἀπιστουμένων ὕπὸ σοῦ γιγνώσκων, ὃς ἔλεγε 
διαφθαρῆναι μέν ποτε τὸ τοῦ Αἴαντος σῆμα ὑπὸ 
τῆς θαλάσσης, πρὸς ἣἧ κεῖται, dora δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ 
φανῆναι κατὰ ἑνδεκάπηχυν ἄνθρωπον, καὶ ἔφασκεν 


᾿Αδριανὸν βασιλέα περιστεῖλαι αὐτὰ ἐς Τροίαν 
ἐλθόντα καὶ τὸν νυνὶ τάφο; περιαρμόσαι τῷ 
Αἴαντι ἔστιν ἃ καὶ προσπτυξάμενον τῶν ὀστῶν 
καὶ φιλήσαντα. 

5 Strabo, xiii. p. 595: Εἶτα Ῥοίτειον πόλις ἐπὶ 
λόφῳ κειμένη Kal τῷ Ῥοιτείῳ συνεχὴς yov 
ἁλιτενής, ep ἣ μνῆμα καὶ ἱερὸν Αἴαντος καὶ 
ἀνδριάς, ὃν ἄραντος ᾿Αντωνίου κομισθέντα εἰς 
Αἴγυπτον ἀπέδωκε τοῖς Ῥοιτειεῦσι πάλιν, καθάπερ 
καὶ ἄλλοις, 6 Σεβαστὸς Καῖσαρ. 

δ Pharsalia, ix. 961-979. 

7 See C. G. Lenz, Die Ebene von Troja; Neu 
Strelitz, 1798, p. 76 


Guar. XII.) IN TEPEH: THE TOMB OF AJAX. 653 


the mound. The base of this building was circular, and was, as Choiseul- 
Gouffier reports, consolidated by a number of curved walls built within 
the circle, and adapted to support the weight of the edifice. There 






























































































































































































































































































































































































































































No. 1512. Tumulus of In Tepeh, called the Tomb of Ajax, with the Ruins of his Temple built by Hadrian. 
appears to have been no other entrance than by a circular passage 
vaulted all round, 3} ft. in diameter. This passage is still well preserved, 
but the foundations of the temple, which probably consisted of large 
wrought stones, were in 1770 partly taken out by a Turkish officer,” 
who used the materials for building a bridge. Visitors will find in and 
close to the tumulus large massive blocks of masonry, consisting of 
small stones joined with chalk. There 15 every probability that the early 
Christians who, in their pious zeal, destroyed so many temples and works 
of art, also destroyed the temple and statue of Ajax, but this could not of 
course be done without partly demolishing the tumulus. The Turkish 
officer, therefore, who in 1770 removed the foundations of the temple, 
only completed the destruction begun probably 1400 years before. On 
the right bank of the In Tepeh Asmak, close to the shore, visitors will 
see a large mutilated marble statue, which may perhaps be identical 
with the statue of Ajax. The sea is 10 ft. lower than the base of the 
primitive tumulus of Ajax ; but in strong southerly storms the mound is 
nevertheless flooded, and it is therefore very probable that 10 may have 
been washed away by the waves. What now remains of it is not more 
than 3ft. 4in. above the surface, and consists of pebbles with a large 
number of fragments of marble sculptures. 1 sank a shaft in the mound, 
but struck the rock at a depth of 8 ft. 4 in., and found nothing but 
pebbles and some large bones identified by Professor Virchow as_horse- 
bones. There is no trace of a temple. 





8 See C. G. Lenz, Die Ebene von Troja, nach dem Grafen Choiseul-Gouffier ; Neu Strelitz, 1798, 
p. 77. 


604 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuap. XII. 


2. The Tumulus of Achilles.—The second tumulus in succession, called 
that of Achilles, was explored in 1786 by a Jew, by order and on, account 
of Choiseul-Gouffier, who was at that time French Ambassador at Con- 





























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































No 1513. Tumulus called the Tomb of Achilles. 


stantinople. A shaft was sunk from the top,? and the virgin soil was 
reached at a depth of 29 ft. The upper part of the conical tumulus was 
found to consist of well-beaten clay to the depth of 6 ft.; then followed a 
compact layer of stones and clay, 2 ft. deep; a third stratum consisted of 
earth mixed with sand; a fourth of very fine sand. In the centre was 
found a small cavity, 4ft. in length and breadth, formed of masonry, and 
covered with a flat stone, which had broken under the weight pressing 
upon it. In the cavity were found charcoal, ashes impregnated with fat, 
fragments of pottery exactly similar to the Etruscan, several bones, easy 
to distinguish, among which was a tibia, and the fragment of a skull; 
also fragments of an zon sword; and a bronze figure seated on a chariot 
with horses. Several of the clay vases were much burnt and vitrified, 
whereas all the painted vessels were unhurt. This is an abstract of the 
account given of the excavations by Choiseul-Gouffier..° But, as no man 
of experience or worthy of confidence was present at the excavation, 
scholars seem to have distrusted the account from the first, and to have 
thought that the Jew, in order to obtain a good reward, had procured 
and prepared beforehand all the objects he pretended to have found in the 
tumulus. And all the experience we have now gathered by the explora- 
tion of so many similar tumuli is fatal to the Jew’s account of his dis- 
coveries. As I felt assured that the fragments of pottery contained in the 
tumulus would give me the key to its date, I was very anxious to explore 





® See C. G. Lenz, Die Ebene von Troja, nach dem Grafen Choiseul-Gouffier ; Neu Strelitz, 1798, 
p. 64. 10 Jbid. pp. 60-62. 


Cuar. XII] TOMBS OF ACHILLES AND PRIAM. 655 


it; but as the owner of the land, a Turk in Koum Kaleh, would not give 
me the permission to sink a shaft in it without receiving beforehand a 
reward of £100, I abstained from doing so. 

That this tumulus was considered in the historical times of antiquity 
as the sepulchre of Achilles, is evident from Pliny (H. N. v. 33) and 
Quintus Smyrnaeus (vu. 402), both of whom place it on the left bank of 
the Scamander. That Homer knew, from his own eyesight, the tumulus 
which in his time was considered as the common tomb of Achilles and 
Patroclus, or at least that he had a particular tumulus in view which he 
attributes in common to both heroes, appears evident from the verses in 
which he makes Achilles direct the Greeks to heap up for Patroclus 
a small tumulus, and to make it larger and higher after his own death.' 
This is also confirmed by the passage in which Patroclus appears to 
Achilles in his dream, and begs him not to put his bones apart from his 
own,” but to erect a tumulus over the bones of both.? I call attention 
to the word copos (an ἅπαξ εἰρημένον), used in the latter verse for the 
usual σῆμα. 

3. The next tumulus excavated was that which is situated on the 
height above Ren Kioi. It was explored by the late Mr. Frederick Calvert, 
who ascertained that it was an artificial mound, but found neither bones, 
nor ashes, nor objects of human industry in it. 

4. The Twmulus of Priam.—The fourth tumulus was excavated by 
Mr. frank Calvert, who gives the following account of it :*—‘‘ According 
to the description of Forchhammer, three of the four tumuli before 
Gergis are situated on the summit of the rocky eminence, the Bali Dagh, 
a little distance outside the thick wall which separates them from the 
Acropolis; and by the side of each is a deep pit, apparently artificial. 
The fourth is on the same ridge, more to the west. He is not altogether 
correct, however, in stating that their materials are all derived from 
the natural rock on which they stand, for ons of them alone is entirely 
so; namely, the one correctly so described by Lechevalier, and which he 
names the tomb of Hector. The largest of the other mounds, supposed 
to be the tomb of Priam,’ was the one I decided on excavating. It is 
about 13 ft. in height, and, cropping out on the summit, traces of a 
quadrangular building were visible. I caused an open shaft to be com- 
menced at the base of the mound, and it was carried along the surface 
of the natural rock through a mixture of earth and stones, as far as 
the masonry in the centre, which rested upon the rock. This structure 
I found to be, as at the top, square in form, and measuring about 14 ft. 
by 12. It is formed of large irregular stones, roughly hewn on the 
outward faces alone, and put together without cement. The space in 
the interior is filled in with small loose stones. A few casual potsherds 





1 7], xxiii. 245-248: om Tl. Χ ΧΙ OL 
τύμβον δ᾽ od μάλα πολλὸν ἐγὼ πονέεσθαι ἄνωγα, ὧς δὲ καὶ ὀστέα νῶϊν buh σορὸς ἀμφικαλύπτοι... 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιεικέα τοῖον. ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τὸν ᾿Αχαιοί 4 Contributions towards the Ancient Geography 
εὐρύν θ᾽ ὑψηλόν τε τιθήμεναι, of κεν ἐμεῖο of the Troad, p. 2. ᾿ 
δεύτεροι ἐν νήεσσι πολυκλήϊσι λίπησθε. 5. Remarks and Observations on the Plain of 
2 JI, xxiii. 69-90. Troy, by W. Franklin, p. 19; Walpole’s Travels, 1. 


p- 108. 


656 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuap. XII. 


were thrown out during the excavations, but nothing was found to 
indicate that this mound had been used as a place of sepulture. It 
appears rather to have served as a base to some statue or public monu- 
ment, or, as Dr. Hunt remarks, as a foundation to some altar or shrine.” ® 

5. The fifth tumulus explored, likewise by Mr. Frank Calvert, was the 
conical mound below Yeni Shehr, the so-called Tumulus of Patroclus. 
He sank an open shaft in it and dug down in the centre to the virgin soil, 
but found here also neither bones nor ashes nor anything else. Homer 
says of the cenotaph of Patroclus: 


/ X rol 
τορνώσαντο δὲ σῆμα, θεμείλιά τε προβάλοντο .. .” 


which means, “they traced out the circle for the tumulus, and encom- 
passed it with foundation-stones.” This passage leads us naturally to 
expect to find at least one circle of stones in or around this and the other 
tumuli; but nothing of the kind has been found in any one of the tumuli 
hitherto excavated. 

6. The Tumulus of Hector—In October 1872 this tumulus, already 
mentioned as on the Bali Dagh, was excavated by my honoured friend 
Sir John Lubbock. It consists entirely of small stones, and was, probably 
for this reason, attributed by Lechevalier to Hector. But there were 
found in it neither bones nor charcoal nor any traces of the destination of 
this tumulus for a funeral mound. 

7. The Pasha Tepeh.—The seventh tumulus, called Pasha Tepeh, was 
excavated in the beginning of May 1873 by Mrs. Sophia Schliemann. 
As I have said in the preceding pages, there can hardly be any doubt 
regarding the identity of this tumulus with the mound held by Strabo 
to be the tomb of Aesyetes, mentioned by Homer,* for Strabo says that 
it was situated at a distance of 5 stadia from Novum Ilium on the road 
to Alexandria-Troas.? But Alexandria-Troas lay to the south-west of 
Ilium, and the road to it, which is distinctly marked by the ford of the 
Scamander at its entrance into the valley, goes direct south as far as 
Bounarbashi. Now, Pasha Tepeh is exactly at a distance of 1017 yds. to 
the south of the southern wall of Novum Ilium, and therefore its situation 
answers perfectly to Strabo’s indication, and even the road close to which it 
lies is most probably identical with the road of which Strabo speaks. But 
the identity of this tumulus with the tomb of Aesyetes is quite out of the 
question, for, according to the above Homeric passage, Priam’s son Polites 
was watching on the tumulus of Aesyetes when the Achaeans should rush 
forth from the ships, and it must therefore have been situated to the 
north of Ihum, between the city and the Hellespont, probably about Koum 
Kioi. If, therefore, Demetrius of Scepsis and Strabo, who adopted his 
theory, pretended that Pasha Tepeh was identical with the tumulus of 
Aesyetes, it was merely to uphold their impossible theory that Troy had 
been situated on the site of ᾿Ιλιέων Κώμη. 

But Pasha Tepeh being in front of Ilium and to the side of the Plain, 





6 Walpole’s Travels, i. p. 108. 7 7]. xxiii. 255, 
8 Ji. ii. 791-794, already quoted at p. 147. ® Strabo, xiii. p. 599. 


Cuar. XII.] PASHA TEPEH: TOMB OF BATIEIA, 657 


its position corresponds perfectly with the indications which Homer 10 
gives us of the position of the monument held by the gods to be the 
tumulus of Myriné, whereas men believed it to be the sepulchre of 
Batieia, and there can hardly be any doubt that the poet, in describing 
this tomb to us, had Pasha Tepeh in view. 


᾿ ;}}]]}}}}}}} ΠῚ] ey. i | ") 
ae ha a | 








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ἊΣ “ΞΞΞΞ 
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No. 1514. The Pasha Tepeh, or Tumulus of Batieia, excavated by Mrs, Sophia Schliemann. 




















































































































































































































































































































We have seen that Batieia, or Bateia, was the daughter of Teucer, son 
of the Scamander and the nymph Idaea, and the queen of Dardanus. 
Myriné, to whom the tumulus was ascribed by the gods, was one of the 


10 Ji, ii. 811-814: τὴν ἢ τοι ἄνδρες Βατίειαν κικλήσκουσιν, 
ἔστι δέ τις προπάροιθε πόλιος αἰπεῖα κολώνη, ἀθάνατοι δέ τε σῆμα πολυσκάρθμοιο Mupivys: 


ἐν πεδίῳ ἀπάνευθε, περίδρομος ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα, 


2 τῇ 


658 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuar. XII, 


Amazons who undertook a campaign against Troy.!_ I remind the reader 
that, according to Professor Sayce, Myriné is identical with Smyrna, 
which was a name of Artemis-Cybele, the Amazons having been in the 
first instance the priestesses of this Asiatic goddess. 

Mrs. Schliemann sank from the top a shaft 102 ft. broad and 173 ft. 
long, and found that the layer of vegetable soil is scarcely more than 
2 of an inch thick; then follows brown earth as hard as stone, which 
alternates with strata of calcareous earth. At a depth of 15 ft. the white 
limestone rock was struck. No ashes or charcoal were found, much less 
the bones of a burnt corpse. . That Mrs. Schliemann could have missed the 
traces of a funeral pyre, if such had really existed, is inconceivable, when 
we consider the size of the perpendicular cutting. There were found in 
the brown earth some fragments of hand-made pottery similar to that of 
the third, the burnt city of Hissarlik, which led me to ascribe a similar 
age to the mound. But, after the winter rains had widened the shaft 
and brought to light more pottery, I found there also very common 
archaic Greek potsherds, which made me at first doubt of the great 
antiquity of this tumulus. But having carefully compared them with the 
common archaic pottery found in the lowest stratum of Novum Ilium, 
as well as with the archaic pottery found in my excavations in Ithaca, 
I no longer hesitate to attribute to them a high antiquity, although 
their age does not, of course, come up to that of even the latest pre- 
historic city of Hissarlik. I therefore find in the pottery no obstacle 
to my theory that this tumulus existed at the time of Homer, and that it 
gave him the idea for the sepulchre of Queen Batieia or the Amazon Myriné. 
As for the fragments of pre-historic pottery contained in the tumulus, 
they were no doubt lying on or in the ground with which it was heaped up. 

8. Tumulus of Ujek Tepeh—Although my honoured friend Sir Austen 
Henry Layard had already in January 1879 obtained for me permission 
to explore the remaining tumuli of the Troad, there yet remained a 
thousand difficulties to overcome. But by the kind endeavours of Mr. 
E. Malet, Minister Plenipotentiary during Sir A. H. Layard’s absence, 
and of Count Hatzfeldt, the German Ambassador at Constantinople, who 
assisted me at the request of Professor Virchow, I obtained my firman on 
the 17th of April, and began on the following morning to sink shafts on 
the summits of the gigantic tumuli of Ujek Tepeh and Besika Tepeh. 


Ujek is the pure Turkish word al ἡ, which means “ fireside.” The 


tumulus is, according to M. Burnouf’s measurement, 213 ft. high above 
the sea, and it has obtained its name from the strange fact that (probably 
from a confusion of the name Ilus with Elias) it is regarded as the 
sepulchre of the prophet Elias by the inhabitants of the Troad, who 
go thither on pilgrimage on the festival of that saint, on the Ist of 
August, to pray to him and to light fires on the top of the tumulus in 
his honour. Such fires must have been kindled there by the Christians for 
many centuries, for down to a depth of 2 ft. 2in. I found nothing but 
yellow wood-ashes mixed with fragments of uninteresting modern pottery. 


1 Jj, iii. 189, 190 ; Strabo, xii. Ὁ. 573. 


659 


EXCAVATION OF UJEK TEPEH. 


Omar, Xi.) 


I worked 


is 


EARS 1 ν 7 
: . ᾿ S = ΗΠ τ A] RUNNIN ire ἘΞ 
PPI Sa Mc 


— τ σπασν,- τη 


ae An We 















































































































































































































































I began my excavations by sinking a shaft 10 ft. square. 
during the first two days with picks and shovels only, with which latter 


I threw out the earth from the shaft; but the next two days I had to 





employ baskets, and, when the depth of the shaft had reached 13 ft., to 


erect a wooden triangle (called by builders shear-legs), by means of which 
the earth was drawn out in baskets with windlasses. In the accompanying 


engraving, No. 1515, this tumulus is represented from the north side, 


660 THE. HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuap. XII. 


which has, according to M. Burnouf’s measurement, a perpendicular 
height of 68 ft. 6in.; its greatest height of 83 ft. is on the east side, its 
lowest of 53 ft. 8in. on the west side. Another engraving, No. 1516, 

































































































































































No. 1516. The Scamander below the confluence of the Thymbrius ; in the background the Tumulus of Ujek Tepeh. 


represents the tumulus of Ujek Tepek as seen from the confluence of the 
Scamander and Thymbrius. 

The excavations of both Ujek Tepeh and Besika Tepeh were conducted 
by my able engineer Mr. M. Gorkiewicz. The first day I could only work 
the shaft in Ujek Tepeh with four labourers, but I had to increase the 
number daily as we went deeper, until I had twelve workmen, which 
remained the number of hands in the shaft to the end.” 

I struck, at a depth of 2ft. 8in. below the summit, a wall which 
consists alternately of roughly-hewn stones, large and small, from 1 ft. 
to 3 ft. long and from 8 in. to 1 ft. 6in. thick, cemented with a quantity 
of clay; and, as visitors will see, by a most lucky chance this wall was 
discovered exactly on the west side of my shaft, so that it was no obstacle 
tome. Its direction is from north to south. Having dug through the 
layer of ashes, I struck alternately layers of coarse yellow, brown, or 
whitish clay, which are intersected at intervals of from 4 to 5 ft. by 
horizontal strata of unwrought stones; and these could not, in my opinion, 
have been put there for any other purpose than to consolidate the 
tumulus. On reaching a depth of 6 ft., I found that my shaft had been, 
commenced on too large a scale, and I therefore narrowed it to 63 ft. 
square. ΤῸ avoid fatal accidents I supported the four sides of the shaft 
vertically as well as horizontally with large beams and thick planks, 
which were carefully nailed together. Nevertheless there was always 
some danger, particularly for the workmen who worked in the shaft, and 
who always had to be hoisted in and out by the rope of the windlass. 
I therefore paid somewhat higher wages to those who worked the windlass 
above, and double wages to those who worked below. No Greek workman 
in the Troad ever works on a Sunday or on any of the numerous other 


? The following description is illustrated by Plans V. and VI. at the end of the volume; the 
former giving a Plan an the latter a Section of the subterranean buildings within the tumulus. 


Cuar. XIL.] DIFFICULTIES OF THE EXCAVATION. 661 


Greek holidays; but by paying 5 frances to each man who worked on 
those days, I got them to overcome all their scruples, and always had most 
assiduous labourers. Thus in four weeks’ time I reached, at a depth of 
46 ft. 4in., the virgin soil, consisting of very hard yellow clay mixed with 
stones. As will be seen from the plan of the excavation (Plans V. and VI.), 
the large wall on the west side of my shaft is only 11°80 metres = 
39 ft. 4in. high, and reaches down to a depth of 42 ft. below the sur- 
face; consequently, it was not built on the virgin soil, but 4ft. 4in. 
above it. By comparing these figures with the height of the tumulus 
as given above, the reader will see that the mound was erected on a 
natural hill. j 

Simultaneously with this shaft, I dug into the mound from the north 
side, at a perpendicular depth of 66 ft. 8in. below the summit, a tunnel 
6 ft. 8in. high, 5 ft. 4in. broad below and 4 ft. 41n. above ; and I made 
it vaulted, in order to lessen the danger for my workmen. Owing to the 
narrowness of the tunnel, there was only room in it for three men, of 
whom two worked with picks, whilst the third carried out the earth in a 
wheelbarrow. ) 

I did not begin the tunnel lower down, owing to the rising ground on 
the west side of the tumulus, which made me afraid that I should strike 
the natural soil. The earth being as hard as stone, and the tunnel being 
so narrow, I could not work in it with my usual pick-axes, and had to 
have a dozen steel picks half their size made in haste, one end of which 
was pointed and the other 2-3rds in. broad and very sharp. When I 
had penetrated 29 ft. horizontally into the mound, I came upon the virgin 
soil, consisting of a yellowish sandy clay and stones. It was covered to 
the depth of 1ft. Tin. with a layer of humus, which was no doubt on 
the surface when the tumulus was built. This humus was covered, from 
1ft. 2in. to 1ft. 4in. deep, by a layer of brown clay, succeeded by 
another thin layer of black earth. This latter was followed by a thin 
layer of white clay, on which again lay a stratum of humus; then 
followed again a layer of brownish clay, 3ft. thick. I now at once 
ordered the tunnel to be raised 64 ft.; and as, in digging further into 
the mound, I nevertheless again struck the virgin soil, I was obliged to 
raise the tunnel 33 ft. higher, and then to follow the ascending slope of 
the natural soil in the direction of my shaft, which I at last reached 
after a month’s very hard labour. 

The layers of brown, yellow, or white clay succeeded each other 
continually as I worked on. Visitors will see that their thickness varies, 
which is natural, for the earth was of course brought gradually from 
many different places when the mound was heaped up. Fortunately I had 
no need to support the sides or the roof of the tunnel with wooden 
beams and planks; for the soil being, as already mentioned, as hard as 
stone, there was not the slightest danger to my workmen. But the heat 
in the narrow tunnel was very great, and it was increased by the petroleum 
lamps; besides, the work being very heavy, I was obliged to pay the 
workmen 5 francs a head daily. Great was our joy when at last the 
bottom of the shaft was reached, and a cool draught of air was established 


662 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuap. XII. 


through the tunnel. The event was celebrated by my workmen with 13 
okes (32% bottles) of wine and two roasted sheep, which I had given them 
on the occasion. The tunnel is 96 ft. 8in. long. By digging galleries to 
the right and left at the bottom of the shaft, I found that the great wall 
formed the east side of a gigantic quadrangular mass of masonry, a spe- 
cies of tower, 15 ft. square ; its height being, as already stated, 39 ft. 4 in. 
I further ascertained that it had been founded directly above a circular 
enclosure, 4 ft. 4in. high, consisting of well-cut polygons, from 1} to 21 ft. 
long, 1ft. 2in. broad, and 21 ft. thick, which are so admirably fitted 
together that the whole enclosure appears to consist of one single block ; 
its diameter being 34ft. As will be seen on the plan and section of 
Ujek Tepeh (Plans V. and VI.), on the north-west side of this circle 
another wall leans against it, which also forms a curve, but of a greater 
radius. It is of the same height, and consists of rather small quad- 
rangular wrought stones, joined together without any binding material. 
Having cut a gallery into the massive square structure, I found in its 
midst, and 6 ft. above its base, a quadrangular cavity, 3 ft. square and 5 ft. 
high,® filled with fine earth, which must in the course of ages have pene- 
trated through the fissures between the stones. From this cavity I cut 
a vertical shaft through the masonry down to the virgin soil, without 
finding anything else than some fragments of pottery, among which late 
Roman potsherds are conspicuous, and also an iron knife. I also dug 
galleries above the two circular walls, and was by these means enabled 
to sink vertical shafts into the circular enclosures. From one of the 
shafts I also dug a tunnel, and joined it to the shaft sunk in the midst 
of the massive quadrangular tower; but everywhere I obtained the same 
result—some fragments of iron implements and pottery of various epochs, 
among which late Roman pottery is the most abundant. ‘The very 
same result had been obtained in the large vertical shaft, as well as in 
the large tunnel. 

How difficult it is to dig tunnels in the midst of a huge mound, from 
these again to sink shafts, and to dig tunnels again from the bottom of 
these shafts, he who has been an eye-witness of such an undertaking can 
alone understand. 

In the opinion of M. Burnouf and my own, the circular enclosure of 
polygonal stones, over which the quadrangular tower is built, can have 
been nothing else than a sacred shrine, and must probably have been built 
a considerable time before the superincumbent structure and the tumulus 
were erected. He thinks with me that it is of the Macedonian age, or 
perhaps of the fifth century B.c.; for as the polygons have been worked 
with iron pick-hammers, we do not feel ourselves authorized to attribute 
to it a higher antiquity. Professor Sayce finds the masonry of the 
circular enclosure to be distinctively Macedonian, and does not think it 
can possibly be older. 

Considering all this, and bearing in mind that history knows only of 
one single tumulus having been erected here, I do not hesitate to assert 


3 See on Plan VI. 


Cuap. XII] UJEK TEPEH THE CENOTAPH OF FESTUS. 663 


that this must necessarily be that very historical monument; namely, 
the tumulus which, according to Herodian, the Emperor Caracalla (211- 
216 a.p.) erected in honour of his most intimate friend Festus, whom 
some believed he had poisoned merely to provide his Patroclus, in order 
to imitate the funeral celebrated by Achilles to his friend,* which Homer 
describes with so much beauty and precision in the twenty-third book 
of the Iliad. 

The tumulus of Patroclus was, as we have seen above, a mere 
cenotaph ; it is therefore obvious that the tumulus of Festus could be 
nothing else than a cenotaph, because the funeral rites detailed by Homer 
were, of course, scrupulously observed by Caracalla. The identity of this 
tumulus with that of Festus is confirmed by its gigantic proportions; for 
a vain fool like Caracalla, who aped the manners of Alexander the Great, 
and in cold blood murdered his dearest friend in order to imitate Achilles, 
could not but erect a funeral mound far exceeding in magnitude all the 
other tumuli of the Troad. 

Of a funeral fire no trace was found either at the bottom of the tower 
or elsewhere in the tumulus. We may therefore consider it as certain 
that the corpse of Festus was not burnt on this very spot. But pro- 
bably it was burnt close by. If Caracalla built the cenotaph right 
upon the open sanctuary which the two circular enclosures seem to 
indicate, it may probably have been in order to impart a greater solemnity 
to his farce. 

To many of the fragments of terra-cottas found in this tumulus I would 
not hesitate to assign the date of the fifth, to some of them even of the 
sixth or the seventh century 8.0.; but it is not to them, but to the 
abundant late Roman potsherds, that we must look for the key to the date 
of the monument, for this may be at any time later, but it cannot possibly 
be older, than the latest pottery found at its bottom. With regard to the 
great quadrangular tower, it is obvious that it was built for no other 
purpose than to support the tumulus and to preserve it. All my tunnels, 
shafts, and galleries in this tumulus remain open to visitors of the present 
and all future generations, Sir Austen H. Layard having kindly obtained 
for me permission to that effect from the Turkish Government. 

Regarding the quadrangular tower discovered by me in Ujek Tepeh, I 
call the reader’s attention to the similarity of this tumulus with the 
so-called tumulus of Priam on the Bali Dagh, which, as I have just 
mentioned, was excavated by Mr. Calvert, and in which also a quadran- 
gular structure was discovered. 

My honoured friend Dr. Arthur Milchhoefer, member of the German 


Archeological Institute in Athens, 


kindly calls my attention to the 





4 Herodian, iv. 8, §§ 3-5: ἀφικόμενος δὴ ἐκεῖ, 
<a ἐς ὅσον ἤθελε τῶν ὀνειράτων ἐμφορηθείς, 
ἧκεν ἐς Ἴλιον. ἐπελθὼν δὲ πάντα τὰ τῆς πόλεως 
λείψανα, ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέως τάφον, στε- 
φάνοις τε κοσμήσας καὶ ἄνθεσι πολυτελῶς πάλιν 
᾿Αχιλλέα ἐμιμεῖτο, ζητῶν τε καὶ Πάτροκλόν τινὰ 
ἐποίησέ τι τοιοῦτον. ἢν αὐτῷ τις τῶν ἀπελευ- 
θέρων φίλτατος, Φῆστος μὲν ὄνομα, τῆς δὲ 


βασιλείου μνήμης προεστώς᾽ οὗτος ὕντος αὐτοῦ 
ἐν Ἰλίῳ ἐτελεύτησεν, ὡς μέν τινες ἔλεγον, 
φαρμάκῳ ἀναιρεθεὶς ἵν᾿ ὡς Πάτροκλος ταφῇ, ws 
δὲ ἕτεροι ἔφασκον, νόσῳ διαφθαρείς. τούτου 
κομισθῆναι κελεύει τὸν νέκυν, ξύλων τε πολλῶν 
ἀθροισθῆναι πυράν - ἐπιθείς τε αὐτὸν ἐν μέσῳ καὶ 
παντοδαπὰ ζῷα κατασφάξας ὑφῆψέ τε, καὶ φιάλην 
λαβὼν σπένδων τε τοῖς ἀνέμοις εὔχετο. 


664 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuar. XII. 


analogy which exists between the tumulus of Ujek Tepeh and the 
Cucumella at Vulci in Etruria, of which he gives me the following 
details :— 

“The Cucumella is a tumulus now between 40 and 50 ft. high by about 
200 ft. in diameter at the base. It was first explored in 1829 by the 
Prince of Canino, the proprietor of the land. The tumulus was surrounded 
by a wall of large blocks which is now destroyed, and on which, according 
to all analogy, must have stood the sculptures of sphinxes and lions, of 
which several have been found outside. Beneath the wall were found 
some unimportant tombs, which, in the opinion of Mr. Dennis,° belong to 
servants and slaves. Towards the middle of the tumulus two towers were 
struck, about 40 ft. high; one quadrangular, the other conical; which are 
distinguished from everything else of the kind by their careless and 
irregular masonry. But Micali ® observes that the conical tower consists 
of better and larger materials than the other. These towers have, it 
is asserted, no visible entrance, though an entrance is indicated in the 
drawing given by Micali.’ 

“Lenoir * has already called attention to the tumulus of Alyattes in 
Lydia, which, according to Herodotus,? had on its summit five conical 
pillars (like the tomb of Porsena, near Chiusi, and the so-called ‘tomb of 
the Horatii and the Curiatii, near Albano), and he draws from this the 
conclusion that the towers had been erected in the tumulus of Cucumella 
to support five similar pillars. 

“Of the further discoveries of the Prince of Canino, besides Ed. 
Gerhard,’ Mr. Dennis says: ‘At the foot of these towers is now a shape- 
less hollow; but here were found two small chambers constructed of 
massive regular masonry, and with doorways of primitive style, arched 
over by the gradual convergence of the horizontal courses. They were 
approached by a long passage, leading directly into the heart of the 
tumulus ; and here on the ground lay fragments of bronze and gold plates, 
very thin, and adorned with ivy and myrtle leaves. Two stone sphinxes 
stood guardians at the entrance of the passage.’” 

“Tt is a remarkable fact that the tomb of Porsena, at Clusium, the only 
Etruscan tomb of which we have any record, bore a close affinity to the 
only Lydian sepulchre described by the ancients (that of Alyattes), the 
square merely taking the place of the circle; for it is said to have had 
‘five pyramids’ rising from a square base of masonry, one ‘at each angle, 
and one in the centre. And the curious monument at Albano, vulgarly 
called the tomb of the Horatii and Curiati, has a square basement of 
masonry, surmounted by four cones, and a cylindrical tower in the midst. 
Five, indeed, seems to have been the established number of cones, pyra- 
mids, or columnar czppi, on tombs of this description ; whence it has been - 





5 The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, i. 8 Annali dell’ Instituto, 1832, p. 272. 
p. 452. 2 10a. 

6 Storia d’ Ant. Pop. It. iii. Ὁ. 103. 1 Bullet. dell’ Inst. 1829, p. 51. 

7 Antichi Monumenti, 62. 1; see also the 2 Dennis, op. cit. p. 453. 
sketch in the Monumenti of the Roman Insti- 5. Varro, ap. 0D lini. ἮΝ, 2x5 oie 


tute, i. 41. 2, 


Cuap. XIL.] EXCAVATION OF BESIKA TEPEH. 665 


suggested that three other towers are probably buried in the unexcavated 
part of the Cucumella.” + 

Dr. Milchhoefer adds that, on account of the sphinxes, we cannot 
ascribe a later date than the fifth century 8.0. to the Cucumella. ‘“ We 
have,’ he says, “in these monuments a new proof of the ancient and 
direct connection of Asiatic and Tyrrhenian culture. In Asia Minor, and 
especially perhaps in the necropolis of Sardis, might be found the key to 
the solution of many of these moot questions.” 

But the tumulus of Ujek Tepeh seems to have no affinity to any one 
of these tombs. It was evidently copied by Caracalla from the other 
tumuli of the Troad, and from the cenotaph of Patroclus as described by 
Homer. The large size of the quadrangular tower erected just in the 
centre, and the fact that no other masonry was found in my tunnel, prove 
that this is the only tower in the tumulus, and that its sole object was to 
consolidate the mound. 

9. Tumulus of Besika Tepeh.—Simultaneously with the exploration of 
Ujek Tepeh, I also investigated the Besika Tepeh, of which I have already 
spoken. It is not mentioned by ancient writers, but some modern tra- 
vellers have identified it with the sepulchre of Peneleos.° This tumulus is, 
according to M. Burnouf’s measurement, 141 ft. high above the sea, 48 ft. 
3in. in height, and 266 ft. in diameter at its base. Here also I sank from 
the summit of the tumulus a shaft 64 ft. square, and began at the same 
time to dig a tunnel into the mound from the north side. But I gave up 
this tunnel after a few days, and limited myself to the sinking of the 
shaft. The earth being very loose, I had constantly to support all the 
four sides of the shaft, both vertically and horizontally, with beams and 
planks, in order to avoid accidents. Just as in Ujek Tepeh, I worked here 
at first with picks and shovels, throwing out the earth on the sides of the 
mound. But when the depth of the shaft exceeded 6 ft., I had the earth 
hfted out with baskets, and, when this could no longer be done, I made 
a wooden triangle of beams over the shaft, and had the earth removed in 
baskets with windlasses, three men being always occupied at the bottom 
of the shaft in digging and filling the basket. I began with seven 
workmen, but had to increase their number gradually to ten. The danger 
from the loose earth being here still greater than in the Ujek Tepeh, 
I had to pay as high wages as at the latter tumulus. As in that case, the 
earth which was brought up was thrown all round the summit, in order to 
avoid disfiguring the mound. I struck from time to time layers of large 
stones, which can have had no other purpose than to consolidate the 
tumulus. Ina great many places these stones may be seep pecping out 
from the slope of the mound. 

After incessant labour for twenty-four days, my shaft, at a depth of 
44 ft., reached the rock, which consists of limestone. M. Burnouf, who 
carefully measured and investigated the different strata of earth in the 





4 Ann. Inst. 1832, p. 273—Lenoir. have been five.” (Dennis, op. cit. i. pp. 453, 454.) 
Dennis says : “I much doubt this. There may 5 Barker Webb, Zopographie de la Troade, 
be one or two more, but from the position of the  p. 66. 
disclosed towers in the mound there can hardly 


666 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuap. XII. 


shaft, found the rock covered with a layer of dark vegetable earth, which 
was probably there when the tumulus was made :— 


métres, 


Stree 1; 

1. The thickness of this humus is ” δὰ 10 Ἐπὶ Ὁ τ: 
2. A stratum of white earth .. wa a Ze 70) aes 
3. A stratum of dark earth Ss To a ΓΞ $0) Ἐξιουῦ κα 
4. Do. stones and white earth By Pit) νυ ἃ 
δ. Do. vegetable earth #4 a 10. ΞΞ.. 5. ἢ 
6. Do. earth with yellow clay and phones ᾿ς tes we Le 
as Do. do. do. do. tothe top 7°80 = 26 0 
13°20 44 0 


From the depression of the soil at the foot of this tumulus, on the 
north-east side, it is evident that all the clay and earth for making it has 
been taken from that place. Further on, in a north-easterly and easterly 
direction, the rock has evidently been artificially levelled for a distance of 
about 200 yds. square, and most probably this little plateau has been the 
site of the prehistoric city to which we are indebted for the strange 
pottery found in the tumulus. 

From the bottom of the shaft I excavated two galleries, which cross 
each other, and of which each has a length of 18 ft. 4in. The excavation 
of these galleries was a very dangerous work, the earth being so loose and 
full of huge stones, that I could not proceed a single foot without sup- 
porting the roof and both sides of my underground passages with beams 
and planks. Owing to the nature of the soil, I could use large picks here. 
The débris, carried in baskets from the galleries into the central shaft, 
were poured there into the large basket and drawn up by the windlass. 
The most curious object I found was the fragment of a vase-bottom 


=> 





No. 1517. Fragment of a Vase-bottom, with signs, found in the 
Tumulus of Besika Tepeh. (Actual size. Depth, 43 ft.) 


(No. 1517), with incised signs, filled up with white chalk, of which I sent 
a copy to Prof. Sayce, who answered me: “I do not think it is a real 
inscription, but it may possibly be a bad attempt to imitate a cuneiform 
inscription seen by some one who did not understand the latter, like the 
bad copies of Egyptian hieroglyphics made by the Phoenicians.” 


Cuap. XII.] POTTERY OF THE BESIKA TEPEH. 667 


In the layers of yellow clay I never found anything, whilst the layers 
of dark earth, which appear to have been cut away from the surface of 
the ground when the tumulus was made, contained large masses of frag- 
ments of very coarse as well as of better pottery, of a red, brown, yellow, 
or black colour, which has received a lustrous surface by hand-polishing : 
all this pottery is hand-made. The coarse pottery, which is sometimes an 
inch thick, is either quite unpolished or polished on one side, but seldom 
on both. The largest of the vessels which the fragments of the rude 
pottery denote, cannot have been higher than about 3 ft. They are some- 
times ornamented with a projecting rope-like band round the neck and 
a handle in the form of a rope. In general, these coarse vessels are 
baked only to about one-third of the thickness of their clay, and 
they far exceed in rudeness any pottery ever found by me in any one 
of the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. But, strange to say, some 
of them have a rude painted ornamentation of large black bands. 

The fragments of the better pottery denote smaller vases, and the first 
impression they make is certainly that they are similar to the pottery 
of the second city of Hissarlik, and of the same make ; nay, some of them 
appear at first sight to be similar even to the pottery of the first city. 
But on close examination we find that they are vastly different ; for their 
clay is coarser, and contains much more of the coarsely-crushed silicious 
stone and syenite, with a far greater quantity of mica; besides, the 
pottery is evidently altogether different in shape and fabric. It is seldom 
baked to more than half the thickness of the clay, and generally only to 
one-third. Nevertheless, having been abundantly dipped in a wash of clay, 
and having been evidently put twice to the fire, and polished both inside 
and outside before each baking, the vases are generally smooth on both 
sides ; but a vast number of them have only been polished on the outside, 
and are rude and coarse on the inside. The vase-bottoms especially are 
rude and bulky, all of them are flat, and in a very great number of cases 
they have the impressions of the wicker-work of straw on which the vases 
had been put after they had been modelled. On most of these vase- 
bottoms the impression of the wicker-work is so perfect, that one might 
count in them all the straws of which it was composed. Indeed, it 
would appear that the impression of the wicker-work was made on 
purpose to decorate the vase-bottoms. In a few cases the vase-bottoms 
represent the impression of a wicker-work of rods. 

The Besika pottery further differs from that of Hissarlik in the total 
absence of perforated projections for suspension. Only two fragments with 
a hole were found ; one of them belonging to a bowl, the other being the 
fragment of a hollow wing-like handle, such as we see on the vases like 
No. 180, p. 303. Two such wing-like handles were found, which prove 
that vases similar to those represented under these numbers were in use. 
There were also found two fragments of a red and a black vase, with a 
rudely-incised linear decoration representing net-work, which had evi- 
dently been made after the baking; also two fragments with a concave 
linear decoration ; whereas hundreds of other fragments were brought to 
light, having a most curious painted decoration, which is for the most 


668 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [Cuar. XII. 


part of a floral kind, representing trees of brown colour on a light-yellow 
dead ground, but so rudely made that one doubts after all if the primitive 
artist intended to represent trees with their branches, or fish-spines. 
Sometimes we see this floral decoration of a lustrous black, on a light- 
yellow dead ground; and in such cases, all the rest of the vase being 
of the same uniform lustrous black colour, I cannot but think that the 
decoration must have been produced without paint, and merely by a 
polishing stone. Sometimes we see on the vases a number of parallel 
black bands, between which the painted tree or herring-bone decoration 
proceeds alternately in opposite directions. At other times we see a 
decoration of painted brown bands, vertical or horizontal, on ἃ lght-red 
dead ground. But it must be well understood that the decoration is, in 
the case of the vases or jugs, always on the outside, in that of the bowls 
on the inside. There are also bowls which are on the outside of a lustrous 
black, on the inside partly of a lustrous dark-red, partly of a light-red, 
and decorated with dark-red bands, with the tree or herring-bone orna- 
mentation described above. We also frequently see on the outside, both 
of the vases and bowls, which are of a light-brown or dark-red colour, 
very curious black signs, resembling written characters; but they are so 
indistinct that I believe them to have been painted with black clay. The 
same is. no doubt the case with the painted floral or other decorations ; 
they are too indistinct to be anything else than clay paint. The total 
absence of the whorls and the tripod-vessels, which occur in such immense 
numbers at Hissarlik, is astonishing. 

The vase-handles of Besika Tepeh are usually plain, but there are some 
with pointel projections. Of vessels with breast-like projections only two 
fragments turned up; one of them has the projection at the very rim. 

But not all the pottery is hand-made. In carefully examining one by 
one all the thousands of fragments, I found the fragments of two wheel- 
made vases, which, as compared with any of the other fragments, are of 
very fine clay, but the baking of both is but very slight. One of them 15 
grey, and is the lower part of a vase; it is decorated with a hardly per- 
ceptible painted black band, probably of clay colour: the other, though 
of the same colour, is covered on the outside with a whitish clay, which 
gives it the appearance of Egyptian porcelain. 

If, at the risk of wearying the reader, I have given a detailed 
account of the Besika Tepeh pottery, it is because it is of capital interest 
to archeology, no similar pottery having ever come under my notice 
elsewhere. All this pottery must have been lying on the north-east side 
of the tumulus, on or in the soil with which the latter was made. Here, 
therefore, was a town or village, which no doubt extended much further 
still to the north-east and east, for, as I have before stated, the projecting 
rock there has been artificially levelled. But as to the chronology of this 
settlement it is difficult to express an opinion, the more so as, with the 
exception of the hollow wing-like vase-handles, the pottery is so totally 
different from all the pottery found in the five pre-historic cities of 
Hissarlik, and most decidedly denotes an altogether different race of 
people. IL have vainly endeavoured to find an analogy to it in the British 


Cuap. XII.] THE TOMB OF ILUS. ° 669 


Museum. The only similar pottery I found there consisted of two brown 
yase-fragments from Malta; but in these the resemblance is very striking. 
Of other objects of human industry found in this tumulus, I can only 
mention some good polishing-stones for smoothing pottery. Strange to 
say, not a single flint knife or flint saw turned up, and not even a single 
stone hammer, bruising-stone, or saddle-quern, which are found in such 
immense abundance in all the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. 

Some bones, apparently of animals, were found here and there in the 
tumulus; also many oyster-shells, a broken murex, and some other shells. 

No trace of a funeral fire was found at the bottom or anywhere else in 
the tumulus. 

10. Hagios Demetrios Tepeh.—I also explored, in company with Pro- 
fessor Virchow and M. Burnouf, the conical hill, called Hagios Demetrios 
Tepeh, which I have mentioned in the preceding pages. We found it to 
consist altogether of limestone-rock. Nevertheless, as M. Burnouf found 
a small pitcher of the Roman time near the surface, I excavated for two 
days on its summit, in the hope of finding there at least tombs of the 
Greek period ; but I found the layer of earth to be nowhere deeper than 
5 ft., with no trace of sepulchres. As in the days of old the inhabitants 
went in crowds on the festival of Demeter to the adjoining marble temple 
of that goddess, of which large ruins still exist, in the same manner they 
now go on the festival of Hagios Demetrios on pilgrimage to the little 
open shrine of the saint and kindle on the mound bonfires in his honour. 

11. Lhe Tomb of Ilus.—I further excavated the repeatedly mentioned 
σῆμα ἴλου, or Tomb of Ilus, situated on the right bank of the Kalifatl 
Asmak, at a very short distance to the north of Koum Kioi. As this 
tumulus probably consisted of pure earth, and was brought under the 
plough, it gradually vanished, and its present dimensions are merely 
98 ft. in. in diameter and 3ft. 4in. in height. There is a circular 
depression around its centre, which seems to indicate that there has 
been a round recess, from which the stones have been extracted for build- 
ing purposes. I merely found there a layer of stones and débris 1 ft. 8 in. 
deep, and not even a fragment of pottery. Below the stones I struck a 
layer of clay, and then a thick stratum of coarse or fine river sand ; and 
beneath this (at an average depth of from 5 to 8: ft. below the surface) 
the very compact brown clay of the plain. 

12. At Prof. Virchow’s suggestion, I also sank a shaft into the tumulus 
situated near the southern extremity of Novum Ilium,° to the left of the 
road in going to Pasha Tepeh, but I found there nothing else than a few 
fragments of Roman bricks, and struck the rock at a depth of about 5 ft. 

13. I cannot conclude this discussion of the Heroic tombs in the Troad 
without discussing the real tomb of Hector. According to the Ihad, 
Hector’s corpse was brought out of Troy and put on the pyre raised 
before the town.’ The body haying been consumed by the fire, the bones 





δ See the Map of the Troad. ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ δεκάτη ἐφάνη φαεσίμβροτος Hos, 
¥- 7 Il. xxiv. 782-787 : kal τότ᾽ dp ἐξέφερον θρασὺν Ἕκτορα δάκρυ 
ὡς ἔφαθ᾽, οἱ δ᾽ ὑπ᾿ ἀμάξῃσιν βόας ἡμιόνους τε χέοντες, 
(εύγνυσαν, αἶψα δ᾽ ἔπειτα πρὸ ἄστεος ἠγερέθοντο. ἐν δὲ πυρῇ ὑπάτῃ νεκρὸν θέσαν, ἐν δ᾽ ἔβαλον πῦρ. 


670 THE HEROIC TUMULI IN THE TROAD. [0Ἐ 64». ΧΗ. 


were collected, put into a golden box, and deposited in a grave, which 
was covered up with large stones, and over these the tumulus was raised. 
The poet leaves us in doubt of what material this tumulus was made; 
but as he says that it was raised in haste, we must suppose that it was 
heaped up with earth. Around it sat watchmen, on the look-out lest the 
Achaeans might rush forth ere the tumulus was completed. The work 
being terminated, the men returned to the town.’ 

From both these passages it is evident, that the author of the 
twenty-fourth Iliad had in view, not a cenotaph, but a real tomb, and 
that this tomb was erected before or close to Ihum. But here I have to 
repeat that the twenty-fourth Ilad, as well as the twenty-fourth Odyssey, 
is generally regarded as pseudo-Homeric and as a later addition. This 
would at once explain why we see here a real tomb instead of a mere 
cenotaph, like that which was erected for Patroclus ;° and further, why 
we see in the twenty-fourth Iliad the tumulus of [lus on the right bank 
of the Scamander,’ whilst according to other passages it was situated on 
the left bank of that river.1 Professor Sayce observes to me that ‘“ the 
author of the twenty-fourth Iliad seems to have been a native of Smyrna, 
well acquainted with Lydia (see 11]. xxiv., lines 544 and 614-617); 
he may consequently be describing the practice of the Lydians, whose 
burial mounds exist in such numbers in the neighbourhood of Sardis.” 
In fact, it appears that, if not throughout antiquity, at least from 
the Macedonian period, the twenty-fourth Iliad was considered as apocry- 
phal, for Lycophron already mentions Hector’s tomb at Ophrynium:? 
and this is also confirmed by Strabo.2 But it seems that the Ilians also 
showed in or near their city a tumulus which they alleged to be Hector’s 
tomb, for Dio Chrysostom‘ relates that Hector’s tomb was in high honour 
by the Ihans. Lucian® also mentions sacrifices to Hector at Ilium. 
Philostratus moreover informs us that Hector had a celebrated statue at 
Thum, which wrought many miracles, and was the object of general 
veneration ; games were even held in his honour.® I also remind the 
reader of the Emperor Julian’s letter given in the preceding pages,’ 





8 Il. xxiv. 792-801: 
δὴ haste) Sys αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα 
ὀστέα λευκὰ λέγοντο κασίγνητοί θ᾽ ἕταροί τε 
μυρόμενοι, θαλερὸν δὲ κατείβετο δάκρυ παρειῶν. 
καὶ τά γε χρυσείην ἐς λάρνακα θῆκαν ἑλόντες, 
πορφυρέοις πέπλοισι καλύψαντες μαλακοῖσιν * 
αἶψα δ᾽ ap’ ἐς κοίλην κάπετον θέσαν, αὐτὰρ 
ὕπερθεν 
πυκνοῖσιν λάεσσι κατεστόρεσαν μεγάλοισιν. 
ῥίμφα δὲ σῆμ᾽ ἔχεαν: περὶ δὲ σκοποὶ εἵατο 
πάντῃ, 
μὴ πρὶν ἐφορμηθεῖεν ἐϊκνήμιδες "Axatol, 
χεύαντες δὲ"τὸ σῆμα πάλιν κίον " 
9 Il. xxiii. 253-256, as quoted above. 
10 7], xxiv. 349-351: 
ot δ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὖν μέγα σῆμα παρὲξ Ἴλοιο ἔλασσαν, 
στῆσαν ἄρ᾽ ἡμιόνους τε καὶ ἵππους, ὕφρα πίοιεν, 
ἐν ποταμῷ" 
1 Jl. viii. 489-491: 
Τρώων αὖτ᾽ ἀγορὴν ποιήσατο φαίδιμος Ἕκτωρ, 


νόσφι νεῶν ἀγαγών, ποταμῷ ἔπι δινήεντι, 
ἐν καθαρῷ, ὅθι δὴ νεκύων διεφαίνετο χῶρος. 

See also 560, 561, and x. 414, 415. 

2 Lycophron, Alexandra, 1208 ff. 

3 xiii, p. 595: Πλησίον δ᾽ ἐστὶ τὸ ᾿Οφρύνιον, 
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὸ τοῦ Ἕκτορος ἄλσος ἐν περιφανεῖ τόπῳ. 
4 Orat. xt.h79. 5 Deorum Conviv. 12. 

6 Heroica, p. 295: τὸ ἐν Ἰλίῳ ἄγαλμα τοῦ 
Ἕκτορος ἡμιθέῳ ἀνθρώπῳ ἔοικε καὶ πολλὰ ἤθη 
ἐπιφαίνει τῷ θεωροῦντι αὐτὸ ξὺν ὀρθῷ λόγῳ" 
καὶ γὰρ φρονηματῶδες δοκεῖ καὶ γοργὸν καὶ 
φαιδρὸν καὶ ξὺν ἁβρότητι σφριγῶν καὶ ἡ ὥρα μετ᾽ 
οὐδεμιᾶς κόμης. ἔστι δ᾽ οὕτω τι ἔμπνουν, ὡς τὸν 
θεατὴν ἐπισπάσασθαι θιγεῖν. τοῦτο ἵδρυται μὲν 
ἐν περιβλέπτῳ τοῦ Ἰλίου, πολλὰ δὲ ἐργάζεται 
χρηστὰ κοινῇ τε καὶ ἐς ἕνα, ὅθεν εὔχονται αὐτῷ 
καὶ ἀγῶνα θύουσιν, ὅτε δὴ θερμὸν οὕτω καὶ 
ἐναγώνιον γίγνεται, ὡς καὶ ἱδρῶτα am αὐτοῦ 
λείβεσθαι. 

7 See pp. 181, 182. 


Cuap. XII] THE TOMB OF HECTOR. 671 


in which he states that first of all he was conducted to Hector’s heroiim, 
where his bronze statue stood in a small temple ; it was anointed with 
oil, and there was still a sacrificial fire burning on the altar. But already, 
perhaps more than 700 years before Julian’s time, Thebes in Boeotia 
had disputed with Ophrynium and Ilium the honour of possessing 
Hector’s bones; for, as Pausanias® relates, in consequence of an oracle 
Hector’s bones were brought from Ilium to Thebes, and a tomb was 
erected over them at the fountain of Oedipus, where they were wor- 
shipped. I may still further mention that in the Peplos of Aristotle is an 
epigram : ὃ 


πὶ Ἕκτορος κειμένου ἐν Θήβαις. 


Ἕκτορι τόν δε μέγαν Βοιώτιοι ἄνδρες ἔτευξαν 
τύμβον ὑπὲρ γαίης, σῆμ᾽ ἐπιγιγνομένοις. 


I give here finally under No. 1518 the engraving of a terra-cotta 
figure, probably an idol, which was found by a boy near the village of 





ith 
h 0!" 

Q jlo 
RA Cp 





\« 

ἡ 
MM 
oi 


\rsners” εἰ ain ~ 

Ble ards BAY ro ἢ ΤῊΝ Dita 

Bee Ἐς 
aN <A) = aah ay 









i 


τ 





7) 
) 





No. 1518. Figure of Terra-cotta, with a cap on the head; 
found in the T'road, near the surface. (Actual size.) 


Yeni Shehr, and which is remarkable for its resemblance to some of the 
rudest Mycenean idols.!° 


δ Paus. ix. 18, § 4: Ἔστι δὲ καὶ Ἕκτορος αἴ κ᾽ ἐθέλητε πάτραν οἰκεῖν σὺν ἀμύμονι πλούτῳ, 
Θηβαίοις τάφος τοῦ Πριάμου πρὸς Οἰδιποδίᾳ Ἕκτορος ὀστέα Πριαμίδου κομίσαντες ἐς οἴκους 
καλουμένῃ κρήνῃ " κομίσαι δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰ dara ἐξ ἐξ ’Aatns Διὸς ἐννεσίῃς ἥρωα σέβεσθαι. 

Ἰλίου φασὶν ἐπὶ τοιῷδε μαντεύματι" 9. Appendix Epigrammatum Anthol. Palat. 9. 

Θηβαῖοι Κάδμοιο πόλιν καταναιετάοντες, 10 See my Mycenae, Pl. xviii. and xix. 


672 THE AUTHOR'S CONCLUSION. [Cuar. XII. 


In closing this account of the result of my researches on the site of 
“sacred Ilios” and in the country of the Trojans, I would express the 
fervent hope that historical research with the pickaxe and the spade, 
which in our time engages the attention of scholars with more curiosity 
and more diversity of opinion than any other form of study, may be 
more and more developed, and that it may ultimately bring forth into 
broad daylight the dark pre-historic ages of the great Hellenic race. 
May this research with the pickaxe and the spade prove more and more 
that the events described in the divine Homeric poems are not mythic 
tales, but that they are based on real facts; and, in proving this, may 
it augment the universal love for the noble study of the beautiful Greek 
classics, and particularly of Homer, that brilliant sun of all literature ! 

In humbly laying this account of my disinterested labours before the 
judgment-seat of the civilized world, I should feel the profoundest satis- 
faction, and should esteem it as the greatest reward my ambition could 
aspire to, if it were generally acknowledged that I have been instru- 
mental towards the attainment of that great aim of my hfe. 

I cannot conclude without mentioning with the warmest gratitude the 
names of my honoured and learned friends Professor Rudolf Virchow of 
Berlin, Professor Max Miller and Professor A. H. Sayce of Oxford, Pro- 
fessor J. P. Mahaffy of Dublin, M. Emile Burnouf of Paris, Professor H. 
Brugsch Bey, and Professor Paul Ascherson of Berlin, Mr. Frank Calvert, 
U. 8. Consul of the Dardanelles, and Mr. A. J. Duffield of London, who 
have favoured me with most learned and valuable Appendices or Notes to 
the present work. Lastly, I here express my warmest gratitude to the 
learned publisher of this work, my honoured friend Mr. John Murray, as 
well as to my honoured and learned friend Mr. Philip Smith, for all the 
kind services they have rendered me, and all the valuable assistance they 
have lent me in carrying out the present work. 


APPENDIX T. 


TROY AND HISSARLIK. 


By Proressor Vircuow. 


At the beginning of last year Dr. 
Schliemann asked my help in his ex- 
plorations at Hissarlik and in the 
Trojan plain. The journey to Troy 
was a considerable one, but, after a 
good deal of hesitation, I resolved to 
make it. In fact, I could not refuse. 

A journey to Troy—how many 
heads would be turned by the thought 
of it! Men of the most various callings 
offered me their company, when it was 
known that I meant to visit so rare a 
spot. And yet this was no Swiss tour, 
where the attraction is in the scenery, 
though an occasional visit may be paid 
to the Riitli and Kiisznacht, Sempach 
᾿ and Laupen, Murten and St. Jacob an 
der Birs.’ It is the Iliad which takes 
us to Troy. The forms conjured up 
by the poet fill the traveller’s fancy 
from the first. He wants to see the 
spots where the long struggle for 
Helen was fought, the graves where 
the heroes he who lost their lives in 
it. Achilles and Hector stand in the 
foreground of the vivid picture, which 
is still engraven, as it was thousands 
of years ago, on the mind of every 
educated boy. This picture, it is true, 
cannot have now all the moving power 
it had in antiquity. Even Xerxes, as 
he marched against Greece in the 
fulness of his might, could not with- 
stand the fascination of these memories. 
While his army was marching from 
Adramyttium to Abydos, he sought 
out the ruins of Jlium, and there 
offered a thousand bulls to Athené. 
Alexander again, when his army 
crossed the Hellespont in its trium- 





phant progress against Asia, forthwith 
turned his steps to the funeral mound 
of Achilles, that it might give him 
strength and a confident hope of vic- 
tory. The soil of Troy has had no such 
mighty visitors since, but any one who 
treads it feels something of what 
Xerxes and Alexander felt at the same 
place. There is an atmosphere of 
poetry lying over the whole country, 
and of this atmosphere it cannot be 
divested. 

It is not to be supposed, however, 
that it is this poetical atmosphere 
alone which arouses the traveller’s 
interest. Before the Iliad arose with 
all its wealth of stories, there existed a 
series of popular travellers’ stories, in 
which Troy figured. One of the oldest 
of Greek myths is connected with the 
name of the Hellespont. Helle and 
her brother started from Boeotia over 
the sea north-eastwards; but when 
they came to the Trojan coast, Helle 
fell into the sea (Pontos), and only 
her brother Phryxus reached the dis- 
tant Colchis, where he hung up the 
ram’s golden fleece. Then came the 
Argonauts, to fetch this fleece, and the 
great Heracles, whose deeds on the 
Trojan coast bring him into contact 
with the royal race of Priam. At the 
north end of Besika Bay there is a 
steep and almost bare promontory of 
shelly tertiary rock, where travellers 
are told that the princess Hesione was 
exposed to the attacks of the sea- 
monster until the monster was slain 
by the roving hero; and there is still 
visible, though half filled up, a deep 

a x 


674 TROY AND 


trench going crosswise through the 
headland of Sigeum, on the south side 
of Hagios Demetrios Tepeh, which is 
said to have been dug by Heracles in 
order to drain the Trojan plain. 

It is but a short step from the 
heroes to the Olympian gods them- 
selves. ‘The walls of the ancient city 
had, as the story went, been built by 
Poseidon when undergoing a tempo- 
rary bondage. Ganymede was a 
member of the Trojan royal family. 
The union of Anchises with the 
goddess of beauty herself gave birth 
to Aeneas, through whom the race of 
the Julii in Rome could lay claim to 
descent from the gods. Thus was it 
that the first emperors arose by the 
grace of God: the Julii were not un- 
mindful of this descent, and they 
showered honours and privileges on 
the late city of New Ilium. Lastly, 
not to forget the most important of 
all these legends, it was Priam’s son 
Paris who decided the contest be- 
tween the three goddesses for the 
prize of beauty. The apple of Paris 
won for the judge the beautiful Helen, 
but brought ruin in the sequel on 
himself, his family, and his country. 
In this way does the central fact of 
the Iliad connect it with the doings of 
the Immortals. 

It cannot be pure chance or mere 
caprice that has associated with this 
country such a rich store of myths, 
whether of gods, heroes, or men. No 
other place has ever gathered around 
itself a fund of legend so great or so 
glorious. ‘There must be something in 
the country, in its natural conditions, 
some special incentive to poetical crea- 
tion, to account for this wealth of 
legend. The place itself must have 
possessed a special charm for the poet. 
Nature must have worn an aspect here 
which gave fire to his fancy. Who 
can believe that all these memories 
have been arbitrarily connected with 
the Hellespont, or that the Troad has 
been chosen without reference to its 
real nature, by a sort of geographical 


HISSARLIK. [App. I. 


caprice, to be the arena of all these 
legendary events ? 

The ordinary traveller, especially if 
he approaches the country from the 
sea, will find this riddle hard to read. 
On the other hand, if he comes, as 1 
did, by way of the Black Sea and the 
Bosporus to the Dardanelles, and en- 
ters the Troad on that side by land, 
an immeasurably deeper impression is 
made by the beauty and singularity of 
the region. Constantine the Great has 
borne conclusive testimony that. this 
is the case. When he formed the 
purpose, fraught with such world-wids 
issues, of transplanting the seat of 
the Roman Empire from Rome to the 
East, his thoughts turned first to 
Thum. Weare told that the building 
of the new Rome had been actuaily 
begun here, when the superiority of 
Byzantium in natural charms and 
political importance dawned upon his 
mind. He built Constantinople, and 
Ilium was left to fall in ruins. There 
can be no doubt that if the traveller 
sails through the southern part of the 
Hellespont, on one of the steamers 
whichare now almost the only means of ᾿ 
transport, especially on a day when 


the mountain background is hidden, 


the whole Troad looks uninteresting, 
dreary, and barren. It is not likely 
that any one who did no more than 
coast round the Trojan plain would 
ever think of making it the scene of 
action for a great poem or a wide circle 
of legends. 

For all this, scholars dispute as to 
whether Homer, or, to speak in more 
general terms, the poet of the Ilad, 
was ever in the country itvelf. A 
marvellous dispute this must seem to 
any one who has not merely seen the 
country from the sea, but has traversed 
its interior! I must say I think it 
impossible that the Iliad could ever 
have been composed by a man who 
had not been in the country of the 
Iliad. 

There is, it is true, a third alter- 
native. It is conceivable that the 


‘App. I.] 


legend of Ilium, like those of Gany- 
mede and Paris, of Hesione and 
Heracles, of Laomedon and Anchises, 
arose and assumed form in the country 
itself, on a foundation laid by the im- 
pressions made by the scenery on the 
native inhabitants, and that these le- 
gends were then, at whatever stage of 
completeness, put into the hands of the 
poet of the Iliad, who was a native of 
some other country. Such an assump- 
tion, while it recognizes the charms of 
the country as a cradle of legend, con- 
siderably disparages the functions of 
the poet of the Iliad. We have, I 
believe, no right to make it. The 
Iliad could hardly have preserved go 
true a local colouring, if a stranger had 
adopted the native legends and 
wrought them into his poem, without 
ever having seen the land itself. 
There are instances, it is true, which 
seem to prove the contrary. Schiller 
had never been in Switzerland, and 
yet he produced in his Wilhelm Tell a 
work of art so perfect, that even the 
man born on the shore of the Lake of 
Lucerne cannot but wonder at it. In 
a certain sense, and in the case of 
Troy itself, Virgil may be added as 
another example. But we must not 
forget how different were the condi- 
tions under which these poets worked. 
Both Schiller and Virgil found wri¢- 
ten local legends, and accurate geo- 
graphical information ready to their 
hands. In spite of this they were not 
able to give to their poetry such a 
specific local colouring, or to find such 
clearly recognizable localities for all 
their scenes, as the author of the Iliad 
does. How different is the glowing 
recollection of ever-fresh passages in 
the Iliad, which arises as we traverse 
the Troad, to the reminiscences of 
Wilhelm Tell suggested by a sail on 
the Lake of Lucerne or a clamber 
about its shore! The power of in- 
tuition shown by the poet of Wilhelm 
Tell is marvellous indeed, but it is 
confined to three or fuur spots whose 
situation could be easily grasped with 


BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. 





675 


the help of good maps; while in the 
Iliad we are struck, on the one hand, 
by the truth of the general impres- 
sion of what is an extensive district, 
and on the other by the number of 
distinct views which present to us 
ever fresh spots in the landscape. I 
do not refer merely to Homer’s oft- 
noticed characteristic description of 
all objects by means of short and apt 
distinctive epithets, as “Ida rich in 
springs,” “the eddying Scamander,” 
“the windy Ilium,” but far more to 
his almost surprising knowledge of 
the meteorology of the district, of 
the flora and fauna, and the social 
peculiarities of its population. ‘Three 
thousand years have not sufficed to 
produce any noteworthy alteration in 
these things. The clouds are still 
drawn in the same courses as are de- 
seribed in the Ilad, and the storms 
gather on the same mountain-tops as 
in Homer’s time. ‘The number of 
wild beasts has grown gradually less, 
and the camel and the turkey have 
been added to the tame stock, but the 
native species are unchanged. The 
flowers, shrubs, and trees, mentioned in 
the poem, still grow on the river-baniks 
and the mountain uplands. This is the 
case, above all, with the people. Im- 
migration has followed immigration : 
Aeolians and Romans, Turks and Ar- 
menians, have come into the country, 
but the population remains what it 
has always been. There is but little 
cultivation, and there are herds in 
abundance; and this influences not 
only the social arrangements of the 
people, but even the nature of the 
earth’s surface. If the Turks were not 
such an unchangeable race, another 
mode of life would have been sure 
to arise in the course of time. It is 
possible, however, to burn petroleum, 
and to remain in all else a Homeric 
Trojan; to build a church or a mosque, 
and still to hold a proper carriage or 
a passable high-road in abhorrence. 

I do not mean, however, to assert 
that the poet of the Ilad was a native 


676 TROY AND 


Trojan, or that he tested every word 
in his poem by a reference to the 
realities of nature and human institu- 
tions. On the contrary, acknowledge 
that there are several passages in the 
Iliad which do not suit the circum- 
stances at all. The two springs of 
the Scamander, the cold and the warm, 
placed by the Iliad in the plain, are 
sought there in vain; they are high 
up on Mount Ida, two days’ journey 
from the plain. But the Iliad has 
not many passages of this kind, and 
several of these admit of more than 
one interpretation, while others are 
very possibly later additions made 
by some subsequent hand. Trifles 
such as these are not enough to cloud 
our conviction of the truth of the 
general representation. The truth of 
this warrants us in assuming that the 
poet did visit the country, though 
perhaps he may not have stayed there 
long, and it does not exclude the pos- 
sibility that a body of legend, though 
disjointed and incongruous, already 
existed before his time. 

For a bird’s-eye view of this mighty 
arena an eminence must be sought in 
the interior. This is furnished by 
the hill of Hissarlik, the scene of 
Dr. Schliemann’s excavations. There 
are other points admirably adapted 
for this purpose on the rising ground 
on the west, along the coast of the 
Aegean Sea, on the promontory of Si- 
geum and the ridge of Ujek. A most 
commanding view may be obtained 
from the conical sepulchral mound 
(also recently excavated by Dr. Schlie- 
mann) which rises to about 80 feet 
from a high ridge to the south of 
Sigeum, about two miles from Besika 
Bay. This is the Ujek Tepeh, which 
is seen far out at sea, and is used as 
a signal by sailors. From its summit 
we gain a comprehensive view of the 
whole arena of the Iliad. 

Immediately at our feet lies the 
Trojan plain proper, stretching away 
from the shores of the Hellespont on 
the north to Bali Dagh on the south. 


HISSARLIK. {App. I. 


This plain is an old fiord, which has 
been filled by river-deposit—especially 
that of the Scamander—which has 
produced a rich marshy soil, broken 
by frequent swamps and _ occasional 
deposits of sand. The plain lies so as to 
correspond in the main to the course 
of the Scamander, which, rising well 
to the east, gets nearer and nearer to 
the western edge of the plain, and 
flows into the Hellespont close by the 
Sigean promontory. On both sides of 
its course, and more particularly on 
its right, it is joined by a network of 
branch channels, which in dry seasons 
are nearly or quite empty, but which, 
when the river is high, receive the 
surplus waters of the Scamander and 
swell to all appearance into indepen- 
dent streams. The lower we get in the 
plain, the broader and deeper do these 
become, and near the coast they never 
run dry, though the inroads of the 
water of the Hellespont make them 
more or less brackish. 

This complicated network of water- 
courses, We may say at once, is of 
considerable significance for the in- 
terpretation of the Iliad. Beyond a 
doubt this 1iver is the Scamander 
of the poem. Im spite of all the 
attempts which have been made to 
transfer this name to a little rivulet 
which runs its short course in the 
western part of the plain by the side 
of the Scamander—the Bounarbashi 
Su—an unprejudiced comparison of 
the Homeric references with the actual 
phenomena forbids us to loox for the 
“divine” Scamander in a corner of 
the Trojan plain, and to force the real 
river of the plain, to which it owes 
its existence, into a position of fic- 
titious inferiority. It is true that in 
many points the great river does 
not correspond to the Scamander of 
the poem. The Scamander flowed 
into the Hellespont to the eastward 
and not to the westward of the plain. 
It is described as lying between Ilium 
and the naval camp of the Achaeans ; 
and the battle-field, again, is repre- 


Arr. I.] 


sented as between the camp and the 
river's left bank. The Bounarbashi 
brook suits these conditions still less, 
and this is reason enough for leaving 
it out of the discussion for the future. 
Assuming the great river to be the 
Scamander, we must choose between 
two explanations of the facts. Hither 
Homer is all wrong about the course 
of the Scamander—and this would be 
a strong argument to prove that he 
had never been in the Troad—or the 
river has in the course of centuries 
altered its bed, and its lower course 
is no longer the same as that of the 
old Scamander. | 

I have not space on the present 
occasion to expound in detail the 
reasons which to my mind make it in 
the highest degree probable, if they 
do not absolutely prove, that the 
Scamander does flow in a new bed, 
and that the channels called Asmaks, 
which are now only used occasionally 
and are partially filled with salt 
water, mark different old beds of the 
Scamander, which it has long since 
abandoned. In this respect the Trojan 
plain resembles the deltas of other 
rivers. Just as the Rhine and the Vis- 
tula have changed their estuaries in 
historical times, and have left extinct 
watercourses or networks of streams 
where they used to run, so has it been 
with the Scamander. Even Pliny, the 
distinguished Roman author who col- 
lected together all the natural science 
of his time, speaks of a Palaesca- 
mander. As early then as the begin- 
ning of the Christian era there was 
an ‘ald Scamander,” just as for five 
centuries past there has been an “old 
Rhine.” 

It is probable that this opinion 
would have found a more ready ac- 
ceptance if the Trojan plain, like other 
deltas, had had a free expansion sea- 
wards. It has however a peculiarity 
shared by many estuaries in Asia 
Minor, Greece, and Turkey, namely, 
that the formation of the delta has 
taken place in a fiord, and that it is 


BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. 








677 


consequently enclosed by ridges of 
hills which formed the banks of the 
old fiord. It would perhaps be more 
intelligible if we called it a valley 
rather than a plain, were it not 
that the level surface is too broad 
in proportion to the height of the 
surrounding hills to give the effect of a 
valley. There is no doubt, however, 
that if the Trojan “ plain” lay on the 
north coast of Germany, it would be 
called a valley there. This valley 
is open towards the Hellespont, and 
closed in towards the west and south. 
On its right side, towards the east, 
there are some side-valleys introduced 
between the neighbouring upland 
ridges-—two in particular, which are 
longer than the rest—which in their 
turn send out a number of small 
valleys and coves into the mountains. 
Of these easterly side-valleys the 
largest runs parallel to the Hellespont, 
and is separated from it by a moun- 
tain ridge which rises higher and 
higher towards the east. In the 
midst of this valley flows a narrow 
mountain stream of but moderate pro- 
portions, sufficient however to satisfy 
the requirements of the Simois of 
the Iliad. Unless then the reader 
prefers to follow Hercher, in regard- 
ing all passages of the Iliad which 
mention the Simois as subsequent 
spurious interpolations, he may be 
content, with Demetrius of Scepsis 
and Strabo, to see the Simois in the 
brook just described, which in Turkish 
times has borne the name of Doum- 
brek Tchai. 

This name has misled many in 
modern times from the resemblance it 
bears to the Homeric name Thymbra. 
At the point where the Thymbrius 
fell into the Scamander the testimony 
of later writers placed the temple of 
Apollo, near which Achilles received 
his mortal wound from Paris, while 
seeking a lover’s meeting with Priam’s 
daughter Polyxena. The position of 
the Doumbrek Tchai does not suit 
this story. Numerous local features 


678 TROY AND 


unite in pointing rather to the most 
southerly of the above-mentioned side 
valleys, through which flows the 
Kemar Su; and hence most modern 
authorities take this to be the Thym- 
brius. 

This, then, is the extent of the so- 
called Trojan plain. Except for the 
two or three miles of coast along the 
Hellespont, it is surrounded by lines 
of hills, which are tolerably steep, 
though their height only ranges from 
100 to 500. feet. From the Ujek 
Tepeh we look over to the greater part 
of this encircling line. The western 
boundary of the plain, — the long 
and somewhat straggling ridge of 
Sigeum, which stretches along the 
coast of the Aegean Sea to the Helles- 
pont,—appears to be a continuation 
of the range from which the Ujek 
Tepeh itself arises. On the south 
there advances a stretch of broken 
upland which rises gradually to above 
900 feet in the “black mountain,” 
Kara Dagh. On the east several 
slightly diverging ridges extend into 
the plain, enclosing the side-valleys 
mentioned above. 

The most northerly of these eastern 
ridges keeps close to the coast of the 
Hellespont, and, ending abruptly 
towards the plain, forms the pro- 
montory of Rhoeteum, facing that of 
Sigeum on the west. Its extremity 
in the direction of the plain, and 
close to the sea-shore, is a half-isolated 
cone, the so-called grave of Ajax, In 
Tepeh ; while on the other side two 
other conical tumuli, those of Achilles 
and Patroclus, stand out from Cape 
Sigeum. Behind Cape Rhoeteum runs 
the Doumbrek valley, and to the 
south of it a second ridge, almost 
parallel with the coast of the Helles- 
pont, at the west end of which, and 
separated from it by a slight depres- 
sion, stands the celebrated Hissarlik, 
a spacious hill of more than 100 feet 
in height. From the Ujek Tepeh we 
look between Hissarlik and the In 
Tepeh into the Doumbrek valley, 


HISSARLIK., | [App. 1: 


which les open to our view, even to 
its very end. At the head of the 
valley the various ridges—the coast 
ridge, the Hissarlik ridge, and that 
to the south—after gradually rising, 
unite in a kind of knot, called Oulou 
Dagh. The wooded summit of the 
Oulou Dagh is the commanding point 
in this part of the landscape, and 
hence it agrees much better with 
what Homer says about the position of 
the renowned beacon-point Callicolone 
than does the far lower and much 
more retired Kara Your, an eminence 
on the eastern half of the ridge of 
Hissarlik. itself. 

The part of the landscape just 
described wears, not only from the 
Ujek Tepeh, but from the whole 
line of Sigeum, the aspect which, 
according to Homer, the battle-field 
wore just before the decisive battle. 
As the mortals advanced to meet on 
the plain, the Immortals ranged them- 
selves into two groups, according to 
the side they favoured. The gods on 
the Trojan side surveyed the fight 
from Callicolone, those on the Achaean 
sat on the rampart of Heracles on 
Sigeum. 

All the hills which rise immediately 
out of the plain consist of limestone of 
the middle tertiary period, very rich 
in mussel-shells. This stone must 
have been formed in a brackish or 
fresh-water lake, at a time when the 
Hellespont did not exist. There is 
only one place, and that is in the 
Doumbrek valley, where volcanic rock 
crops out. When, however, we take 
a wider space within our view, the 
case is different. 

We here encounter a long range of 
higher mountains, mostly rounded 
cones, stretching away in a wide 
sweep from the Oulou Dagh to the 
Kara Dagh, that is from the Helles- 
pont to the Aegean, and forming a 
frame for the Trojan plain, or, more 
correctly speaking, for the whole of 
the anterior Troad. This range con- 
sists throughout of volcanic rock, or 


App. I.] 


at least volcanic rock forms its basis. 
Trachyte, basalt, serpentine, &c., suc- 
ceed each other in picturesque variety. 
Beyond this frame there is no fight- 
ing in the Iliad between men, with 
the exception of single expeditions, 
which are mentioned as having already 
taken place before the poem opens. 
All mention of more distant places is 
either made incidentally, without im- 
mediate reference to the Trojan war, 
or concerns the gods. For it must be 
understood, once for all, that the my- 
thological arena of the Iliad is incom- 
parably wider than the strategical. 

At the chain of volcanic rock which 
stretches from Oulou Dagh to Kara 
Dagh, we are still far short of Ida 
proper. Neither in the Llad nor at 
the present day is this name applied 
to hills of such a moderate height. 
The later ancient writers were the 
first to see Ida itself in these out- 
lying ranges. Nowhere is the con- 
trast between these outlying hills and 
Ida more clearly visible than in the 
view from Ujek Tepeh. From this 
point we see to the south-east a huge 
cleft in the chain of these hills, to the 
left of Kara Dagh and to the right of 
Foulah Dagh. This is the point at 
which the Scamander breaks in wide 
curves through the outlying hills and 
enters the plain. Over this cleft, far 
away in the distance, Ida (Kaz Dagh) 
rises over the nearer range in a 
mighty mass. Between Ida and the 
northern range of lower hills lies a 
broad and fruitful valley, the plain of 
Iné and Beiramich, through the whole 
length of which, from east to west, 
flows the Scamander ; and there is the 
less reason for making Mount Ida 
extend to these lower hills, in spite of 
the broad intervening plain, because 
there rises on the west of the plain 
of Iné an extensive volcanic ridge, 
the Chigri Dagh, completely isolated 
from the mass of the Ida range, and 
much more closely connected with the 
hills near the Trojan plain. This 
ridge can be seen from Ujek Tepeh 


BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. 


679 


rising above the Kara Dagh, and com- 
manding, withits spurs, the whole of 
the coast district to the south. 

The view from Ujek Tepeh, how- 
ever, has been by no means exhaus- 
tively described : it extends far beyond 
the Troad. The whole picture which 
lies before the eyes of the admiring 
spectator is embraced by the old poet. 
10: the north of the plain, to begin 
with, we see a long streak of blue, 
the Hellespont. The Hellespont is 
no less an object. of wonder to us 
than it was to the ancients. They 
saw in it the road which led to the 
unknown ‘lands of the dark North. 
It took the traveller to Cimmerians 
and Hyperboreans, all wrapped in a 
mist of legend. ‘To our eyes the 
Hellespont is the common outlet for 
the waters of an immense range of 
rivers. ‘he Danube and Pruth, the 
Dniester and Dnieper, the Don and 
the Kouban, all roll their waters 
through the Hellespont into the 
Mediterranean. Accurately speaking, 
it is no mere water-way between 
two seas, but a huge stream which 
carries off the rainfall of a mighty 
tract of land. Germany and Austria, 
Bulgaria and Roumania, Russia and 
Caucasia, pay their tributes to this 
stream; and the contemplation of the 
beholder finds pleasure in following 
back the course of these tributaries, 
while he pictures to himself the 
wanderings of the peoples who have 
ranged in historic and _ pre-historic 
times within the limits of the regions 
which they drain. 

Who could fail to feel the thrilling 
interest of such a view? From the 
oldest times the Hellespont has been 
not merely the boundary, but, in a 
much higher degree, the connection 
between Asia and Europe. Here the 
armies of the two continents met in 
conflict. What the Persians failed to 
do, the Turks have done. ‘I'he enter- 
prise in which Alexander succeeded 
was attempted over again by the 
Crusaders. The shores of the Dar 


680 TROY AND 
danelles provide the easiest passage 
from Europe to Asia, or from Asia to 
Europe. History has taught us that 
the Asiatic stream has, on the whole, 
been the stronger one. It is probable 
even that our own ancestors, the 
Aryan immigrants, came. by this 
passage on their victorious career into 
Europe, long before the Ilad was 
composed, and still longer before the 
history of mankind began to be 
written. 

Such thoughts as these were con- 
stantly present to my mind as 1 
turned my eyes to the little bit of 
Europe which was visible from our 
wooden hut on Hissarlik. A very 
little bit it was, and I cannot say that 
I wished it larger. All we saw of it 
was the southern point of the Thracian 
Chersonese, a low rising ground be- 
yond the Hellespont, at the south end 
of which the ancients placed the grave 
of Protesilaus. In the evening, when 
I had put out my lamp and looked 
out once more, the only visible sign 
which remained to connect me with 
Europe was the beacon-lght at the 
end of this promontory, which shone 
straight into my little window. But 
what a crowd of memories did its 
beam awaken ! 

As I looked out in the morning from 
the same window, 1 saw stretching far 
away the deep-blue sea with its islands. 
In the distance, separated from the 
Chersonese by a wide stretch of sea, 
lay rocky Imbros, with its long jagged 
ridge; and just behind it rose the 
towering peak of Samothrace. How 
majestic this island looks from Ujek 
Tepeh! What Ida is in the far south- 
east, Samothrace is in the far north- 
west: the former the seat of Zeus, 
the mightiest of all the gods; the 
latter that of the next mightiest, 
Poseidon. 

The Northerner, especially if he 
lives where the sky is often clouded, 
finds it hard to understand how the 
religious ideas of Southern nations 
attached themselves so prevailingly 





HISSARLIK. (App. I. 


to the phenomena of the atmosphere, 
or, to speak more mythologically, of 
“Heaven.” It is necessary to see the 
wide horizon and the pure blue of the 
Trojan sky, in order to appreciate the 
effect produced here by the formation 
of clouds. When, on a sudden, while 
sea and land are lying apparently at 
rest, a dark mass of cloud gathers 
round the peak of Samothrace, and, 
sinking deeper every moment, en- 
shrouds one sharp line of rock after 
another, till the storm at last de- 
scends, and, after lashing the sea 
with its gusts, wraps even it in 
darkness, we find it easier to see 
how it was that a childlike spirit 
looked for the presence of the sea-god 
himself in the secret recesses of the 
clouds. And if far away in the south- 
western sky, in the direction of Greece, 
a single cloud appears over the Aegean, 
and gradually rises and spreads, draws 
nearer and nearer, and at last touches 
the summit of Ida, there to thicken 
and cling for hours and even days 
together, and if then lightning breaks 
from this cloud-mass whole nights 
through, while all the face of Nature 
seems to lie beneath it in fright, who 
can help thinking of the poet’s de- 
scriptions of the journey and sojourn 
of the Thunderer ? 

From the height of Ujek Tepeh 
may be seen several other islands of 
the Aegean, rising high, with clear 
rock outlines. Close at hand, just op- 
posite to Besika Bay, lies the vine-clad 
Tenedos, behind which the Achaean 
fleet hid by way of preparing for their 
attack on Ilium. Far to the south, 
though only when the air is very clear, 
we may see the angular lines of Les- 
bos, or, as it is called in modern times, 
Mitylene. Sometimes a cloud rises 
far out at sea, which makes for Lesbos 
and Cape Baba, the Lectum of the 
ancients, and which passes from 
mountain to mountain till it reaches 
Ida. 10 takes exactly the path which 
Hera took when she sought out her 
angry spouse on Gargarus, and accom- 


Arp. I.] 


plished the loving reconciliation por- 
trayed in one of the most charming 
passages in the Iliad. 

Who would not feel the captivating 
charm of such scenes as these? and 
who can fail to see that the great poet 
has created out of them the magnifi- 
cent picture he gives us of the ways 
and workings of the Olympian gods ? 
I will not here describe these natural 
phenomena in detail. I will even for- 
bear to portray the grand spectacle 
presented by the lifting and sinking 
of the clouds at the foot of Mount Ida. 
But I cannot conceal my amazement 
that it should have been thought 
possible to darken the wondrous 
beauty of the Trojan scenery by the 
light of the student’s lamp, and to call 
in question the background of reality 
which gave shape to the visions of the 
immortal poet. 

This attempt would probably never 
have been made if the site of ancient 
Ilum had been known. But even in 
the days of Demetrius of Scepsis, a 
native of the Troad, who lived about 
two hundred years before the begin- 
ning of the Christian era, not a trace 
was to be seen of the old city any- 
where in the plain. This country 
was left isolated at an early time 
by the ruin of many kingdoms; and 
thousands of years elapsed before the 
search actually began for the real site 
of the city. Since the commencement 
of that search, scarcely a part of the 
country has been safe from the con- 
jectures of the learned. Beginning 
with the Gulf of Adramyttium and 
Cape Lectum, they have sought the 
city, now here, now there. The 
points which occupied for the longest 
time the attention of scholars were 
Alexandria-Troas, the site of the ex- 
tensive ruins of a metropolis founded 
on the Aegean by Antigonus, and 
so post-Homeric, and Bounarbashi, 
a wretched Turkish hamlet at the 
southern extremity of the Trojan 
plain. It was only fifty years ago 
that Maelaren first ventured to fix on 


BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. 








681 


the hill and fo:tress of Hissarlik as the 
spot where 'I'roy once stood. Others, 
among whom was Von Eckenbrecher, 
adopted his view. ‘The first actual 
excavations were conducted by Mr. 
Frank Calvert. ‘These excavations, 
however, were confined to the sur- 
face. It has been reserved for Dr. 
Schliemann, by the application of re- 
sources such as can hardly ever have 
been devoted by a private individual 
to such an object before, to lay bare, 
by digging down to an amazing depth, 
the ruins of settlements of immense 
antiquity, and thereby to make His- 
sarlik an object of the highest interest 
to all educated. men. 

Does this settle the question about 
the site of the ancient Ilium? Op- 
ponents say, No. And why? While 
they condemn Schliemann for taking 
the Iliad literally, they think it a 
sufficient refutation of his views if 
they prove that the ruins of Hissarlik 
do not correspond to Homer’s descrip- 
tions. Correspond they certainly do 
not. Homer's idea of his sacred Ilios 
is very different from any conception 
we can form from the testimony of 
the ruins. 

No one doubts that Tlium was 
destroyed centuries before the Iliad 
was composed. How many centuries, 
is a question which divides even those 
who take Homer’s side. Even if the 
interval were not more than two or 
three hundred years, still Ilium itself 
could never have been seen by the 
poet. The Ilium of fiction must, under 
any circumstances, be a fiction itself, It 
is possible that legend may have pre- 
served many topographical particulars 
about the ancient city, but it is not to 
be imagined there should have been 
preserved a detailed and authentic de- 
scription of the city or the fortress 
as it existed before its destruction. 
“Grass” had no doubt “ grown” 
meanwhile over the ruins. New 
settlers had built on the old spot 
dwellings which had perhaps lain 
long in ruins themselves when the 


682 TROY AND 


poet began his work. It is very | 


questionable whether he ever saw 
with his eyes even the ruins of the 
fallen city.. The place where it stood 
he saw no doubt, but the city itself he 
saw only in a vision. Just as Zeus and 
Hera, Poseidon and Athené, Ares and 
Aphrodité, were creatures of his fancy, 
so the city of Ilium was itself “a 
dream.” Noone can expect the actual 
ruins to correspond to every imagina- 
tion of the poet; and when it is 
established that Homer had in his 
mind much that never existed, at all 
events on this spot, it simply comes 
to this, that the Iliad is not an 
historical work, but a poetical one. 
And yet the correspondence of the 
poetical representation with the local 
conditions is far from being so im- 
perfect as it is represented. The 
situation of Hissarlik satisfies in the 
main all the demands of the Homeric 
topography. From this spot, as from 
Ujek Tepeh, we get a view over the 
whole of the anterior Troad. The 
plain with its rivers and_ brooks, 
the side-valleys, the encompassing 
hills, the circlet of volcanic moun- 
tains, the Hellespont and the Aegean, 
he spread out before our eyes as we 
stand on the height of Hissarlik. 
The only difference is that we are 
ever so much nearer to the plain, and 
especially to that part of it which is 
best suited for a_battle-field, and 
which, if we overlook the present 
altered courses of the rivers, com- 
pletely answers to the topography of 
the Homeric field of battle. The sepa- 
rate objects on this plain are clearly 
distinguishable, and it is not quite 
impossible that Helen should have 
been able to point out the individual 
chieftains of the Achaeans to her 
royal father-in-law. The distance, too, 
is quite visible enough for the pur- 
poses of the Homeric landscapes. 
We see the Thracian Chersonese, and 
we have Imbros and Samothrace before 
us. Further to the left lies Tenedos, 
and right behind in the south-east 


HISSARLIK. [App. I. 


the snowy top of Ida rises above 
the nearer range of hills. At sunset 
even the pyramid of Athos may some- 
times be seen for a few minutes in 
the far west. 

It is true that the old city did not 
stand as high as the top of the hill of 
Hissarlik did before the excavations 
were begun. Dr. Schliemann had 
to go deep down—from 25 to 30 feet 
or more—before he came on the walls 
and houses of Ilium under the débris 
of later settlements. But even if we 
sink the level of Ilium to such a 
depth, it is still high enough to 
preserve to the city its commanding 
position. Its houses and towers, even 
though they were of a very moderate 
height, must have risen far enough 
above the surface to reach the level 
of the later hill. This would still 
make it a lofty, “windy” fastness. 
Our wooden huts, which had been put 
up at the foot of the hill, well below 
the level of the old city, looked 
straight down upon the plain from a 
height of at least 60 feet, and the 
winds blew about us with such force 
that we often felt as if our whole 
settlement might be hurled down the 
precipice. 

The fortress-hill of Hissarlik, as it 
appeared to travellers before Dr. 
Schlhemann started his huge excava- 
tions, was then, properly speaking, an 
artificial hill, most nearly comparable 
perhaps with the earth hills of the 
Assyrian plain which covered the 
ruins of the royal castles ; only it had 
not been set up on the plain itself, 
but on the west end of the second 
ridge of tertiary rock above described. 
Consequently it lay right over the 
plain, and must have looked high 
from the first. Its subsequent in- 
crease in height must have been 
very gradual indeed. In digging 
down from the surface fresh ruins 
are constantly encountered, belonging 
to various epochs. One people has 
lived here after another, and each 
fresh one which settled on the ruins 


Arr. I.] 


of its predecessor levelled the surface 
anew by clearing away some of the 


ruins and throwing them over the 


precipice. In this way the surface of 
the hill grew gradually in extent, and 
it is conceivable that, now that last 
year’s excavations have almost com- 
pletely laid bare the boundaries of the 
old city, the vast pit should present 
the aspect of a funnel, at the bottom 
of which the ruins of Ilium lie within 
a pretty small compass. We must 
admit the justness of the objection 
that this [lium was no great city, 
capable of finding room for a great 
army of foreign warriors in addition 
to a large population of its own. 
Such an Ilium as that existed only in 
the poet’s vision. Our Ilium hardly 
deserves to be called a city at all. In 
our part of the world we should call 
such a place a fortress or a strong- 
hold. For this reason I prefer to call 
the place a fortress-hill (Burgberq) ; a 
term which, strictly speaking, is 
merely a translation of the Turkish 
word Hissarlik. 

But why take these very ruins at 
the bottom of the funnel to be Ilium ? 
To this I answer that it is a question 
again whether there ever was a place 
called Ilium. Is it not questionable 
whether there ever was any Heracles 
or any Argonauts? Perhaps Ilium, 
Priam, and Andromaché, are just as 
much poetical fictions as Zeus, Posei- 
don, and Aphrodité. But this does 
not amount to saying that we ought 
not to look for the Ilium of the poet 
at the bottom of our funnel. There 
les a close array of houses surrounded 
by a mighty wall of rough-hewn 
stone. The walls of houses and rooms 
have been preserved to such an extent, 
that it is possible to give a ground- 
plan of the place. A pretty steep 
street, paved with large flags, leads 
through a single gate on the western 
side into the fortress. Only a narrow 
passage is left between the houses. 
The whole place is full of the rubbish 
left by a conflagration. Great clay 


BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. 











683 


bricks, half a yard square, have been 
melted by a fierce heat and turned toa 
glassy paste. Heaps of corn, especially 
wheat, pease, and beans, have been 
turned to charcoal. The remains of 
animal food, oyster-shells and mussels 
of all kinds, bones of sheep and goats, 
of oxen and swine, have likewise been 
partially burnt away. Of wood- 
charcoal proper there is but little to 
be seen, and what there is is mostly 
oak. ‘The conflagration must have 
lasted long enough to destroy entirely 
almost all the woodwork. Even the 
metal, and especially the bronze, is 
for the most part molten and reduced 
by fire to an undistinguishable mass. 

It is evident that this fortress was 
destroyed by a conflagration of great 
extent, which lasted long enough to 
destroy utterly all inflammable ma- 
terials. Such a fire as corresponds 
to Homer’s description has only taken 
place once in the settlements on 
Hissarlik. In the numerous strata of 
ruins which he one above the other 
there are several other traces of 
fire, but none on the scale on which 
they occur in the “ burnt city.” 
Even below it there are still strata, 
going down at some points to a 
depth of 20 or 25 feet or more, — 
for the “burnt city” was not the 
oldest settlement on Hissarlik,—but 
even in these oldest strata there is 
nowhere the trace of such an extensive 
conflagration. 

It is the “burnt city,” however, 
where, among numerous objects of 
art-work —of pottery especially — 
some of which are of rare excellence, 
gold has repeatedly been brought to 
light, sometimes in connection with 
objects of silver, bronze, and ivory. 
All these discoveries have been 
eclipsed in splendour by the “ T'rea- 
sure of Priam,” upon which Dr. 
Schliemann lighted in the third year 
of his successful excavations. And 
not a year has passed since, without 
the discovery of at least some articles 
of gold. I was myself an eye-witness 


6S TROY AND 
of two such discoveries, and helped 
to gather the articles together. ‘The 
slanderers have long since been si- 
lenced, who were not ashamed to 
charge the discoverer with an impos- 
ture. Especially since the Turkish 
government, on the occasion of the 
furtive appropriation of a portion of 
the discoveries by two of the work- 
men, has laid an embargo on all 
objects of the kind,—as is the case 
with such collections elsewhere, — 
such envious spite has retreated to the 
privacy of the family hearth. Since 
that time, objects of gold of the same 
type as those from Hissarlik have been 
found not only in Mycenae, but also 
in other Greek graves. One of the 
gold treasures which were excavated 
in my presence contained stamped 
plates of gold, the ornamentation of 
which is in the minutest details the 
counterpart of that found at My- 
cenae. 

The “burnt city” was then also 
the “city of gold.” It is only in it 
that we find this wealth of marvel- 
lous and at the same time distinctly 
foreign treasures. Tor it is clear that 
we have here no product of native 
industry, but articles brought from 
abroad either by trade or plunder. 
Their character is Oriental, and more 
particularly Assyrian. Consequently 
the burnt fortress must have been the 
seat of a great and prosperous hero— 
or of the son of such a man—who had 
amassed treasures of the rarest value 
in his small but secure home. 

The chief treasure was found all 
together at one spot, in a kind of 
cupboard. It appeared to have been 
originally stowed away in a wooden 
chest. It was near the wall of a very 
strongly built stone house, in other 
parts of which were found numerous 
other treasures, in vases of terra- 
cotta, in a good state of preservation, 
and which was evidently the resi- 
dence of the prince. For in no other 
place were any such treasures dis- 
covered ; and, as the area of the burnt 





HISSARLIK. [App. I, 


city has now been completely brought 
to light, we may assert definitely that 
on this spot. was the palace. The old 
city wall runs close by it, and the street 
which comes up through the single gate 
of the fortress leads up to it. 

Was this gate the Scaean gate, and 
this house the house of Priam? Dr. 
Schliemann, overawed by his learned 
adversaries, now talks only of the 
house of the “chief of the city ” 
(Stadthaupt). But can the “chief of 
the city,’ who was master of so much 
gold at a time when gold was so 
scarce, have been anything but a 
prince? And why not call him 
Priam? Whether Priam ever existed 
or not, the prince of the golden 
treasure who lived on this spot comes 
near enough to the Priam of the Iliad 
to make us refuse to forego the delight 
of giving the place his name. And 
what harm can there be in assigning 
to the western gateway, the only one 
which exists in the city wall at all, to 
which a steep road led up from the 
plain, the famous name of the Scaean 
gate ? 

Do not let us cut ourselves off from 
all poetry without the slightest need. 
Children that we are of a hard and 
too prosaic age, we would maintain 
our right to conjure up again before 
our old age the pictures which filled 
our youthful fancy. It saddens but 
it also elevates the soul when we 
stand on a place like Hissarlik, and 
read the course of history from the 
series of successive strata as from a 
geological disclosure. This history 1s 
not written for us, but set bodily 
before our eyes in the relics of bygone 
times, in the actual objects uxed by 
men who lived in them. Huge masses 
of ruins are piled in layers above the 
burnt stronghold, between it and the 
first layer containing hewn stones and 
a wall of square blocks. This was 
perhaps the wall which Lysimachus, 
one of Alexander’s generals, is recorded 
to have built on Ilium. Anyhow this 
wall resembles the walls of the Mace- 


App. I.] 


donian period, and the corresponding 
layer conceals Greek walls and pot- 
tery. Here then we have a definite 
limit of time. From this point we 
have got to reckon the time back- 
wards, and it is easy to see that this 
reckoning is not unfavourable to our 
interpretation of the Trojan legend. 

Perhaps then Homer’s song is not 
pure fiction, after all. Perhaps it is 
true that in a very remote pre-historic 
time a rich prince really dwelt here 
in a towering fortress, and that Greek 
kings waged a fierce war against 
him, and that the war ended in his 
own fall and the destruction of his 
city by a mighty conflagration. Per- 
haps this was the first time that 
Europe and Asia tried each other’s 
strength on this coast, the first time 
that the young but more and more 
independent civilization of the West 
put to the rough test of force its 
superiority over the already effeminate 
civilization of the Hast. ΤῸ me this 
seems a probability, but it is one 
which I will not press any one else to 
accept. 


BY PROFESSOR 








VIRCHOW. 685 


Of this we may be sure, that even 
the oldest and earliest settlement on 
Hissarlik was made by a_ people 
which had already felt the influence 
of civilization. True, it still used 
stone weapons, but these weapons 
were finely polished and bore witness 
by the delicacy of their outline to a 
knowledge of metals. In fact, traces 
of metals are not wanting even in the 
oldest strata. It is impossible there- 
fore to assign these strata to the Stone 
age. They are indications of what 
we may undoubtedly assert to be the 
oldest known settlement in Asia Minor 
of a people of pre-historic times, of some 
advance in civilization. Hence the hill- 
fortress of Hissarlik is certain to hold 
an enduring place as a trustworthy 
witness in the history of civilization. 
It will be to our descendants an im- 
portant geographical position, and a 
fixed starting-point for the flights of 
their fancy. For it is to be hoped 
that, however the strife may end about 
the existence of Ilium or of Priam, 
the young will never lose the Iliad. 


APPENDIX II. 


ON THE RELATION OF NOVUM ILIUM TO THE ILIOS 
OF HOMER. 


By Proressor J. P. MAnarry. 


Tue full and explicit argument of 
Strabo, in the 138th book of his Geo- 
graphy, has persuaded the philological 
world pretty generally, from his day 
to our own, that the Greek Ilium of 
his time was not the town about 
which the heroes of the Iliad were 
supposed to have fought their immor- 
tal conflicts. JI now propose, accord- 
ing to the flattering invitation of Dr. 
Schliemann, to enquire critically into 
this argument, and see what founda- 
tion it has in real history. 

Let me first observe that Strabo is 
not our original authority for this 
theory, but that he professedly bor- 
rows his arguments from a certain 
Demetrius of Skepsis (in the Troad), 
who had written largely on the sub- 
ject, and who had, in fact, started 
what I may call the illegitimacy of 
the Ilium of his day. This Deme- 
trius is described as follows by Strabo 
(xili, § 55): “Ex δὲ τῆς Σκήψεως καὶ 
6 Δημήτριός ἐστιν, οὗ μεμνήμεθα πολ- 
λάκις, 6 τὸν Τρωϊκὸν διάκοσμον ἐξηγησά- 
μενος γραμματικός, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον 
γεγονὼς Κράτητι καὶ ᾿Αριστάρχῳ.ς He 
was then a grammarian, probably of 
the Pergamene school of Crates, but 
versed in Alexandrian criticism, for 
he cited in support of his theory 
(Strabo, loc. cit. § 36) a learned lady of 
that school—Hestiaea—who had evi- 
dently raised doubts on the same 
point before him, and among her 
ἀπορήματα had asked whether the 
plain below the existing [lium could 
be the scene of Homer’s battles, see- 


ing that most of it was a late deposit 
made by the Skamander and Simois. 


-We may be sure from this authority 


being so carefully cited, as well as 
that of the orator Lycurgus, who 
asserts in a rhetorical passage the 
total destruction and complete dis- 
appearance of Ihum, that Demetrius 
had no older or clearer evidence for 
his theory in Greek literature. What, 
then, were his arguments ? 

(1.) The total destruction of Ilios 
is stated or implied by Homer himself. 

(2.) The sacred image of Athené 
is apparently in the Ihad a sitting 
figure, whereas that at the existing 
Ilion was standing. 

(3.) Various geographical allusions 
in the Iliad, about the hot and cold 
springs of the Skamander (§ 43); 
about the considerable distance of the 
ships from the town (ὃ 36); about the 
look-out of Polites, who ought to 
have used the acropolis of the town 
with far more effect, if it were so near 
(δ 37); about the dragging of Hector 
round the walls, which could not be 
done on the rough ground about the 
present town (ὃ 387), because the 
Καλλικολώνη, on which Ares sits, 1s 
not near the present town (ὃ 35) ; 
lastly (in order of importance), be- 
cause the ép:veds and φηγός mentioned 
in the Iliad, and which he translated 
wild fig wood and beech wood (?), 
were not close to Ilium, but some dis- 
tance further inland. 

From all these hints Demetrius con- 
cluded that Homer’s Ilios was not on 


Arp. II] BY PROFESSOR 


the site of the then existing city, but 
some 30 stadia higher inland, on 
the site of what he calls the Ἰλιέων 
κώμη. Here, he thinks, all the diffi- 
culties of allusion can be explained. 

In answer to the obvious questions, 
what had become of the old city? and 
how did the new one come by the old 
name ? he stated : 

(1.) That all the stones of the old 
city had been carried away to build 
or restore the neighbouring towns, 


when they had been sacked (ékzerop- | 


θημένων, οὐ τελέως δὲ κατεσπασμένων), 
whereas this town had been ἐκ βάθρων 
ἀνατετραμμένη (§ 38). 

(2.) On the second point nothing 
certain could be ascertained. Deme- 
trius considered it was founded by 
the Aeolic Greeks, “in the time of 
the Lydian monarchy” (ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν 
Λυδῶν ἡ νῦν ἐκτίσθη κατοικία καὶ τὸ 
ἱερόν: οὐ μὴν πόλις γε ἣν, ἀλλὰ πολ- 
λοῖς χρόνοις ὕστερον, καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγον, 
ὡς εἴρηται, τὴν αὔξησιν ἔσχε, ὃ 42). 

According to others, the town had 
been changed from one site to another, 
and finally settled there κατὰ χρησμὸν 
μάλιστα, from which Kramer conjec- 
tures, reasonably enough, κατὰ Κροῖσον 
μάλιστα. 

These arguments so fully ροτ- 
suaded Strabo and others, that the 
claim of the historical ium to pre- 
historic antiquity was rejected, espe- 
cially by the pedantic commentators 
on Homer. Thus from that day to 
this the Greek Ilium has been set 
down as a new foundation, perhaps 
on the old site, but more probably 
not so; and it has been called Novum 
flium, a name unknown to the Greeks 
and Romans. 

I now come to criticize Strabo’s 
arguments. 

(1.) As regards the evidence in the 
Iliad that the city was entirely de- 
stroyed, no passage can be shown 
which affirms it. The arguments of 
Demetrius are mere foolish quibbles. 
He quotes: 


v > « 
ἔσσεται ἦμαρ, ὅταν ποτ᾽ ὀλώλῃ Ἴλιος ἱρή, 


J. P. MAHAFFY. 








687 


and 
ἦ γὰρ kat Πριάμοιο πόλιν διεπέρσαμεν αἰπήν, 
and 


πέρθετο δὲ Πριάμοιο πόλις δεκάτῳ ἐνιαυτῷ. 


But that these latter need not mean 
τὸν ἀφανισμόν τῆς πόλεως appears from 
the frequent use of πορθέω, πέρθω, and 
its compounds as regards Lyrnessus, 
Pedasus, Thebé, and other towns of 
the Troad, as quoted by Strabo (§ 7). 
The quibbles about Heracles’ capture 
of the town, as compared with that 
of the Homeric chiefs (§ 32), are too 
foolish to require comment. The first 
line above quoted is a mere prophecy 
of Priam’s, pathetic as such, but of 
no other value. The belief in the 
total ruin of Homer’s Ilios really arose 
(1) from the Cyclic poems, and from 
(2) the many tragedies which were 
based on them. 

I do not delay over these points 
because any serious person requires 
them to be refuted, but simply to 
show the kind of argument which satis- 
fied Demetrius. 1 do not think any- 
thing more need be said about (2) 
the sitting image. It would at most 
prove that the old image had really 
been carried off from Ilos, as many 
legends stated. 

(3.) The various minute geogra- 
phical criticisms are more interest- 
ing, not from their weight, but because 
they lead us to discover the whole 
source of the dispute. But it is quite 
unnecessary to take them in detail, till 
we have considered the two broad as- 
sumptions involved in them: (a) that 
the poet (or poets) of the Iliad was 
accurate in all these details, and had 
a definite picture of the ground before 
his eye: (8) That the modern names 
of the places, which were indicated to 
Demetrius or to travellers in the time 
of Strabo, were faithfully handed 
down from other days. 

I do not believe that either of these 
assumptions is at all probable. From 
what we know of the geography of the 
Odyssey, and still more of the tragic 


688 


poets, it seems almost a law of Greek 
poetic art to be negligent of geo- 
graphical detail, while it is curiously 
faithful and accurate in the more 
essential features of poetry. We 
have, 1 think, no evidence whatever 
that any place in the world was 
bound to correspond accurately in its 
features to the descriptions of the 
Iliad. I will not even touch on the 


possible difficulties in such a matter | 


caused by a variety of authors on the 
Iliad. 

But supposing even that the allu- 
sions in the Iliad were consistent, and 
applicable to a real scene, what au- 
thority had the places designated to 
Demetrius, or to Strabo, to represent 


them? On this we have happily very | 


clear evidence. The historical Ilion 
had long been an obscure and half- 
forgotten place, when Alexander the 
Great, having sacrificed there, as an 
omen, on invading Asia, determined 
after his success (§ 26) to reward this 
town, and make it again a great city. 
This he did, and his policy was se- 
conded by Lysimachus. As the town 
lay on one of the thoroughfares into 
Asia, it throve and became very popu- 
lous, and of course crowds of visitors 
passed through, and desired to see the 
scenes of the Iliad, which they had 
learned by heart in their youth. Hence 
the ciceroni of the place were bound to 


satisfy them, and of course they were | 


equal to the occasion, ‘The tomb of 
Tlos, the beech-tree, the fig-tree, in fact 
every minute allusion in the Ilad, was 
to be verified on the spot. ‘The places 
therefore which Demetrius criticized 
were named by the people of 590-900 
B.c., when their city suddenly rose 
into importance, and when these tra- 
ditions acquired a pecuniary value. 
Of course they were ignorantly chosen. 
In most cases there was no evidence 
to go upon, and the least unlikely 
place must be selected. But 1 need 
not dilate to any traveller upon the 
habits of these ciceroni in all ages. 
But what shall we say of the state- 


NOVUM ILIUM AND THE ILIOS OF HOMER. 





[App. IT. 


ment that the historical town was 
founded in the time of the Lydians? 

In the first place, the date is suspi- 
ciously vague. Compare, for example, 
the parallel account of the founding 
of Abydos in the same book of Strabo 
(δ 22) : "A Budos δὲ Μιλησίων ἐστὶ κτίσμα, 
ἐπιτρέψαντος Τύγου, τοῦ Λυδῶν βασιλέως" 
ἣν γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τὰ χωρία καὶ ἡ Τρωὰς 
Or sce the still more explicit 
account of the transfer of Skepsis 
from its old site Παλαίσκεψις to the his- 
toric town (ὃ 52). The more specific 
date of Kroesus is only a conjecture, 
and is qualified by the suspicious 
μάλιστα. | 

It is probable then that this state- 
ment rested on no definite tradition, 
but only on reasoning by analogy 
from the foundation of Abydos and 
other towns in the Troad-by the per- 
mission of the Lydians. But why, it 
may be asked, did Demetrius assign 
so old an origin to the historical 
town, if he desired to destroy its 
claim to any epic importance? He 
only did so because there was clear 
evidence of the recognition of [lion 
as the genuine city up to the days of 
Xerxes. Had he attempted to assert 
a later foundation, he could have been 
refuted by distinct texts. 

I will now therefore trace down the 
history of the historical Ilium from 
the earliest evidence we have to the 
days of Demetrius, and show what 
were the reasons which determined 
the theory of the Skepsian critic. 

Our earliest allusion is (I think) 
that.in Herodotus, vii. 42, who speaks 
of τὴν ᾿Ιλιάδα γῆν, and says that Xerxes 
és τὸ Πριάμου Πέργαμον ἀνέβη, where he 
sacrificed ᾿Αθηναίῃ τῇ ᾿Ιλιάδ. There 
is no suspicion that this was any 
other than the historical (or Novum) 
Ilium, and this sacrifice distinctly 
implies that about 500 B.c. it was 
already an old and venerable shrine. 

Demetrius (or Strabo) admitted 
that the offering of Locrian virgins 
to this shrine was as old as the Per- 
sian wars; but in fact the origin of 


Ψ 
ἀπασα. 


App. II.] 


the custom was lost in the mists of 
antiquity. 

We find, about the same date as 
Herodotus, the learned Mitylenaean 
antiquary, Hellanicus, asserting that 
the Homeric and historic [lium were 
the same. This Demetrius quotes, 
but sets aside as a piece of favouritism 
in the historian (ὃ 42): “EAAdrixos δὲ 
χαριζόμενος τοῖς ᾿Ιλιεῦσιν, οἷος ἐκείνου 
θυμός, συνηγορεῖ τὸ τὴν αὐτὴν εἶναι πόλιν 
τὴν νῦν τῇ τότε. But why could he 
not quote any such ancient and re- 
spectable authority on his own side? 

I imagine the town to have been of 
no importance in Xerxes’ day except 
for its shrine; for in the quarrels of 
the Athenians and Mitylenaeans about 
Sigeum, settled by the arbitration of 
Periander (Herod. v. 94), we hear of 
Sigeum and Achilleum being occupied, 
but not a word about Ilium. And so 
through all the history of the Athenian 
hegemony, till in the closing years of 
the Peloponnesian war, when Xeno- 
phon tells us of Mindarus (Hellen. i. 
1. 4) κατιδὼν τὴν μάχην ἐν ᾿Ιλίῳ θύων τῇ 
᾿Αθηνᾷς The battle was off Rhoeteion. 
The shrine then had remained there, 
and the habit of sacrificing at it. 
But the town must also have been for- 
tified, and no mere κώμη, as Demetrius 
says. Jor we are told of Derkyllidas : 
(Hellen. 111. 1. 16): πέμπων δὲ καὶ πρὸς 
τὰς Αἰολίδας πόλεις ἠξίου τε ἐλευθε- 
ροῦσθαί τε αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐς τὰ τείχη 
δέχεσθαι. Οἱ μὲν οὖν Νεανδρεῖς καὶ 
Ἰλιεῖς καὶ Κοκυλῖται ἐπείθοντο" καὶ γὰρ 
οἱ φρουροῦντες Ἕλληνες ἐν αὐτοῖς, ἐπεὶ 
ἡ Μανία ἀπέθανεν, οὐ πάνυ τι καλῶς 
περιείποντο. 

So also Demosthenes (in Aristocr. 
p- 671) speaks of Ilium as opening 
its gates to Charidemus. It seems 
accordingly difficult to believe Deme- 
trius of Skepsis, when he says that, 
visiting it when a child, it was again 
so decayed that the roofs were ποῦ 
even tiled. Hegesianax, however, is 
quoted by Strabo as stating that the 
Galati in their invasion found it 
ἀτείχιστον, and hence deserted it after 


BY PROFESSOR J. P. MAHAFFY. 


689 


a short occupation. But this points 
to some sudden decay after the time 
of Alexander: for he, as we have 
already noticed, made it an important 
city, and from this date down to the 
age of Augustus it remained so, 
though doubtless with some vicissi- 
tudes. Nicolaus Damascenus (Frag. 
4, ed. C. Miller) tells us that, with 
the assistance of King Herod, he 
saved the lIlians from a fine of 
100,000 drachmae, imposed on them 
by M. Agrippa, because his wife Julia 
(daughter of the Emperor Augustus) 
was nearly lost along with her retinue 
in the Skamander, which had sud- 
denly risen with a flood. The Ilians 
protested that they had received no 
notice of her visit (B.c. 17). I fancy 
that the fine of 100,000 drachmae 
points to a supposed population of 
that number, for we know that the 


town was large and populous, and 


that Lysimachus had draughted into 
it the people of neighbouring towns. 
I need pursue its history no further. 
But so much will appear more than 
probable. By the favour of Alexander 
and lLysimachus, Ilium assumed a 
sudden importance, and even asserted 
authority over the whole Troad. This 
must have raised up for the Ilians 
many enemies among the neighbour- 
ing towns, especially at Skepsis, which 
boasted a foundation by Skamandrius, 
the son of Hektor. Demetrius, whose 
parents might remember Ilium a de- 
cayed and neglected place, lived to see 
it ousting his own city, and all the 
others of the Troad, from their former 
importance, and no doubt the Ilians, 
like all upstarts under royal favour, 
were overbearing and insolent. Hence 
this scholar set himself to work to 
pull down their historic reputation, 
and to prove that after all they were 
people of recent origin, and of no 
real nobility, as a city. He asserts 
that Hellanicus favoured them (χαριζό- 
pevos), but this very expression sug- 
gests an opposite feeling in his own 
mind. So he set to work to prove 
ΖΦ 


690 


that the places shown by the local 
guides (καὶ τοὺς ὀνομαζομένους τόπους 
ἐνταῦθα δεικνυμένους ὁρῶμεν) would not 
fit the descriptions of the Iliad, with- 
out moving the city. But he quietly 
assumes the accuracy of all these 
special spots, as then named, though 
he rejects the far more trustworthy 
tradition which attached the name of 
Ilion to the one historic city. 

I see no adequate reason to question 
this tradition, and believe that what- 
ever the Trojan war may have been, 
and whatever may be the accuracy of 
the details of the Iliad, the conflict 
was localized by the poet at the place 
then and ever after called Ilium, and 
that no new foundation ever took place. 

The argument of Demetrius 15 
merely that of a malevolent pedant, 
who hated the Ilians, on account of 
their recent good fortune, and who 
sought to detract from their respecta- 
bility on antiquarian grounds. 


NOVUM ILIUM AND. THE ILIOS OF HOMER, 


[Arp. II, 


Having made this examination on 
purely critical grounds, and having 
drawn my conclusions from internal 
evidence as to the value of Demetrius’ 
theory, I appeal to Dr. Schliemann 
to say whether his researches do not 
verify them. I believe they do, and 
that there is clear evidence of an 
unbroken occupation (except for the 
disasters of war) on the present site 
from pre-historic days down to Roman 
times. 

I am thus unfortunate enough to 
conflict with our Greek evidence as to 
the destruction both of Mycenae and 
of Troy. But as I have persuaded 
Dr. Schliemann and most other com- 
petent judges that the accounts of the 
destruction of Mycenae are false, I 
may perhaps be able to persuade them 
that the re-foundation of Ilium rests 
on no better basis. 


APPENDIX III. 


THE INSCRIPTIONS FOUND AT HISSARLIK. 


By Proressor A. H. Savor. 


Not the least interesting and im- 
portant of the results obtained from 
Dr. Schliemann’s excavations at His- 
sarlik is the discovery that writing 
was known in the _ north-western 
corner of Asia Minor long before 
the introduction of the Phoenician or 
Greek alphabet. Inscribed objects 
are not indeed plentiful, but sufficient 
exist to show that the ancient inha- 
bitants of the place were not wholly 
illiterate, but possessed a system of 
writing which they shared with the 
neighbouring nations of the mainland 
and the adjacent islands. Throughout 
Asia Minor a syllabary was once in 
use, which conservative Cyprus alone 
retained into historical times. 

Numerous inscriptions in this syl- 
labaiy have been found in the latter 
island. The characters, which amount 
to at least fifty-seven in number, long 
resisted all attempts at decipherment, 
but at last the problem was success- 
fully solved by the genius of the 
Assyrian scholar, the late Mr. George 
Smith, with the help of a mutilated 
bilingual inscription, written in Phoe- 
nician and Cypriote. The language 
concealed under so strange a garb 
turned out to be the Greek dialect 
spoken in Cyprus, a dialect full of in- 
teresting peculiarities, and especially 
noteworthy as preserving up to the 
fourth century B.c. the two sounds of 


vand y (or digamma and yod), which | 


had disappeared elsewhere. ΤῸ the 
student of Homer the dialect is of 
considerable importance, since several 
of the grammatical forms found in the 





Iliad and Odyssey can be shown to 
have had a Cyprian origin. 

When the key was once discovered 
to the Cypriote syllabary—a syllabary 
being a collection of characters, each 
of which denotes not a mere letter 
but a syllable—the task cf decipher- 
ing it advanced rapidly. Dr. Birch, 
Dr. Brandis, Dr. Siegismund, Dr. 
Deecke, M. Pierides, and Prof. Bréal, 
took it up successfully; General di 
Cesnola’s excavations in Cyprus added 
a great abundance of new material; 
and two or three bilingual inscrip- 
tions, in Greek and Cypriote, were 
brought to light. At present, it may 
be said that two characters only of the 
syllabary still remain undetermined. 

But the origin of the syllabary was 
an unexplained mystery. Dr. Deecke, 
indeed, following up a suggestion of 
Dr. Brandis, made a bold attempt to 
derive it from the cuneiform charac- 
ters introduced by the Assyrians 
during their occupation of Cyprus in 
the time of Sargon (circa B.c. 710). 
Subsequent investigation, however, 
has not confirmed the attempt, plau- 
sible as it appeared at first, and the 
evidence we now possess all points 
to the conclusion, that the syllabary 
was imported into Cyprus from the 
mainland of Asia Minor, where it had 
been previously in use. This con- 
clusion is rendered almost a certainty 
by Dr. Schlhemann’s discoveries. 

It was the keen insight of the 
lamented Professor Haug that first de- 
tected Cypriote characters on certain 
objects disinterred by Dr. Schliemann 





692 


at Hissarlik. Among these a terra- 
cotta whorl' was found at the depth of 
241 ft. (see No. 1524) and inscribed 
with symbols, which Dr. Schliemann 
had pronounced to be written cha- 
racters immediately after their dis- 
covery. On this Prof. Haug believed 
he was able to read the words ta.7.0. 
si.i.go, that is, θείῳ Xuye, “to the 
divine Sigo,” a deity whose name he 
thought he saw in Sigeum, Scamander, 
and Sicyon, as well as upon two terra- 
cotta funnels dug up by Dr. Schlie- 
mann from a depth of 3 métres, and 
of which more will be said presently. 
Dr. Haug published his researches in 
1874, in the <Augsburger allgemeine 
Zeitung, p. 32. 

The enquiry was now taken up by 
Professor Gomperz of Vienna,who gave 
an account of his results in the Wiener 
Abendpost of May 6th and June 26th, 
1874. He accepted the values as- 
signed by Haug to the characters 
on the whorl, but, by reading them 
from right to left instead of from left 
to right, he obtained the good Greek 
words ta.go.i.di.o.% (ταγῷ δίῳ), “to 
the divine general.” This striking re- 
sult was communicated to the Academy 
shortly afterwards by Professor Max 
Miller, and seemed to be “almost 
beyond reasonable doubt.” 

At the same time Professor Gom- 
perz proposed tentative explanations 
of four other inscriptions: one on a 
terra-cotta seal found at a depth of 
7 métres; another on a whetstone of 
red slate, also from a depth of 7 mé- 
tres; a third round the neck of a vase 
from a depth of 8 métres; and a 
fourth on a whorl from a depth of 
10 métres. The depth at which the 
latter object was found gives some 
idea of the antiquity to which a 
knowledge of writing in the Troad 
must reach back.? 


1 This word is used merely for the sake of 
uniformity, not because I believe the objects in 
question to have been really employed as whorls. 

* See Zroy and its Remains, pp. 367-371. 


THE INSCRIPTIONS FOUND AT HISSARLIK. 





[App. III. 


Satisfactory as the readings of Pro- 
fessor Gomperz appeared at first to 
be, it was not long before it was 
perceived that they must be aban- 
doned, and their author himself was 
the first to recognize this necessity. 
It was, indeed, startling to find good 
Greek on objects of Trojan manufac- 
ture; Greek, too, which was of a 
later age than that to which the 
objects themselves probably belonged. 
But Professor Gomperz had taken 
his values for the characters from 
the identifications of George Smith 
and Brandis, and subsequent inves- ᾿ 
tigation showed that many of these 
were erroneous. Thus, one of two 
characters read ὁ by Smith and 
Brandis, and consequently by Gom- 
perz after them, is really ta, while 
the other ought to be vo, It was 
clear that no progress had yet been 
made beyond Haug’s discovery that 
the Trojan inscriptions were written 
in the characters of the Cypriote 
syllabary. 

Discouraged by this abortive en- 
deavour to decipher them, Professor 
Gomperz has dropped the whole sub- 
ject, and it still remains as it was left 
by him at the end of 1874. The last 
six years, however, have brought 
with them important additions to 
our knowledge both of the Cypriote 
syllabary and of the modes of writing 
employed by the populations of Asia 
Minor ; and I hope to show, therefore, 
that it is not only possible to read 
many of the characters in the Trojan 
inscriptions, but also to draw certain 
inferences from them of considerable 
historical and palaeographical import- 
ance. I have carefully examined all 
the objects in Dr. Schliemann’s collec- 
tion which bear marks in any way 
resembling written characters, and 
have thus been enabled to correct 
the published copies upon which Pro- 
fessor Gomperz worked, as well as to 
ascertain that some of the so-called 
inscriptions are really mere decora- 
tive scratchings. 


App. III] 


The first inscription to which I 
shall draw attention is one on a terra- 
cotta seal, which was disinterred at a 
depth of nearly 23 feet (No. 1519: 
No. 499, p. 415). Two-thirds of 
the handle of this are ornamented 
with the tree-pattern not uncommon 
on pre-historic Greek pottery, but 


NEA 
a ia 
AY 


“TN 


>>> 





No. 1519. Seal with 
inscription. 


No. 1520. The inscription 
and accompanying 
tree-pattern. 


the rest of the handle, as well as 
the die, is occupied by an inscription 
in Cypriote letters, a revised copy 
of which is here engraved. The die 
is occupied with a single letter, and 
three more are incised on the handle. 
Each is perfectly clear, and corre- 
sponds with well-known characters in 
the Cypriote texts. Reading them 
in the direction in which they look, 
that is, from the handle towards the 
die, we have the name or word re. ne. 
ta.e or rentae.* The first character 
has the value of le in the inscriptions 
of Paphos and Kurium, and I fancy 
that was also its value in Trojan, 
though elsewhere it stood for re; 
the third character indifferently ex- 
pressed the sounds of ta, da, and tha. 
What the word may mean I have no 
idea, but an interesting conclusion 
can be drawn from the form of the 
character e on the die. When com- 
pared with the corresponding Cypriote 
forms, it is clearly seen to be more 





5. It is just possible, however, that the second 
and third characters are really intended for one 
only. In this case they would represent an 
archaic form of si, and the word would read 
resie or lesie, or conversely esire or esile. If ‘= 
is the single character ta, the word could not 
be read conversely, the rule being that the in- 
scriptions are read in the direction in which the 
characters look. 


BY PROFESSOR A. H. SAYCE. 





693 


primitive, the earliest of the forms 
met with in the Cypriote inscriptions 
having a lesser number of lines and 
being plainly derived from it. It is 
only necessary to set the two side by 
side to show that this is the case: 


SIZ >| ζ΄ 
IN Γ- 
Earliest Cypriote Trojan form, 
form. 
No. 1521. Forms of the character for EI. 


This prepares us to expect to find 
older forms among the ‘Trojan charac- 
ters than among those found on the 
monuments of Cyprus. 

The seal seems to be a modified 
imitation of a Babylonian signet- 
cylinder. That exact imitations of 
Babylonian cylinders were actually 
made and used at Hissarlik we know 
from the results of Dr. Schliemann’s 
diggings. Besides an unadorned cy- 
linder of stone, Dr. Schlemann dis- 
covered, at a depth of 293 ft, a 
cylinder of blue felspar, on which 
a native artist has cut rude represen- 
tations of a flower and a cartouche 
(No. 1522, No. 503, p. 416). The 
flower is of the old Babylonian type, 
but the cartouche reminds us of 
Egypt, and may possibly contain the 
name of the owner, symbolized by 
what looks like a flower tied by a 
string. The tied string, it may be 


added, has the shape of the Cypriote 
However 


character which denotes ro. 
this may be, 
in these two 
cylinders we | 
have mani- 
fest indica- 
tions of Ba- 
bylonian in- 
fluence. This 
influence de- 
clined after 
therise of As- 


























No, 1522. Cylinder of Felspar. 


a) ὃ 


syria in the 
No. 1523. Design upon the 


century B.c., and was succeeded by the 
influence of Assyrian art, as modified 
and propagated by the Phoenicians. 
We may, therefore, perhaps assign 


694 


these cylinders to the period between 
the fourteenth century B.c. and about 
B.c. 1800, when Sargon I., the king of 
Northern Babylonia, carried his arms 
as far as Cyprus. I must add, how- 
ever, that the Phoenicians were not 
the only medium through whom the 
art and civilization of the Assyrians 
were brought to the West; the Hittites 
were also potent instruments in carry- 
ing out the same work, and there is a 
good deal in the style of the orna- 
mentation of the cylinder which re- 
minds us of Hittite sculpture. But 
even if we suppose that the Trojan 
cylinders are not imitated directly 
from Babylonian originals, but indi- 
rectly through Hittite influence, the 
fact remains that they are Babylonian 
rather than Assyrian in style, while I 
hope hereafter to show that the art 
which was appropriated by the Hit- 
tites, and carried by them through 
Asia Minor, was the art of Babylonia 
rather than of Assyria. The leaden 
figure of the goddess found by 
Dr. Schliemann during his recent 
excavations (No. 226) is the Artemis 
Nana of Chaldea, who became the chief 
deity of Carchemish, the Hittite capi- 
tal, and passed through Asia Minor to 
the shores and islands of the Aegean. 
Characteristic figures of the goddess 
have been discovered at Mycenae as 
well a: in Cyprus, and I am strongly 
of opinion that the rude Trojan figures, 
which Dr. Schliemann believes to re- 
present the owl-headed Athena, are 
really barbarous attempts to imitate 
the images of the goddess who went 
under the various names-of Atargatis, 
Até, Kybelé, Ma, and Omphalé. 

The next inscription I shall take 
is one which Professor Gomperz 
vainly tried to decipher (No. 1524). It 


is plain that the sign VD is not a 


double character, as Haug and Gom- 
perz imagined, but a single one. Now 
Perrot and Guillaume, in their great 
work, Kaxploration de la Bithynie et 
Galatie (plate 6), give a drawing of an 


THE INSCRIPTIONS FOUND AT HISSARLIK 


[App. III. 


inscription on the jamb of a rock-cut 
tomb at Delikli-tash, between Yeni- 





An inscribed whorl. 
23 ft.) Also engraved, with its section, under No. 1996. 


No. 1524. (Actual size. Depth, 
keui and Mohimul, and near the river 


Rhyndacus, in Mysia, which is as 


Ypy. 

AM 

WN 

Here we have a character which is 
evidently identical with the prob- 
lematical one on the Trojan whorl, 
allowance being made for the fact 
that the stonecutter has changed 
curves into angles, and that a fan- 
cied similarity of the character to 
the Latin uncials A Μ may have 
caused a slight modification of it on 
the part of the copyist. We have 
only to turn it round and extend one 
line a little in order to bring it into 
exact harmony with the form of the 


character on the whorl ‘Gv, ) 
The only Cypriote character which 


follows: 


it in any way resembles is + or ye, 
which when laid upon its side bears 
some likeness to it (AN). though a 
resemblance may also possibly be 
detected between it and the Cypriote — 
CZ, la. But for many reasons it is 
pretty certain that the characters of 
the Cypriote syllabary are but selected 
specimens of a syllabary that origin- 
ally contained many more, and we 
may accordingly expect to find charac- 
ters in the syllabaries in use on the 
mainiand which do nct appear in that 
employed by the Cyprians. For the 
present, however, we may provision- 


App. III.] 


ally give this Trojan character the 
value of ye, in default of anything 
better. 

The character which follows is also 
found in the inscription of Delikli- 
tash, but there is no difficulty about 
identifying it. It is the Cypriote 


ΛΔ ‘ae or J: which has the va- 


riant values of ko, go, and kho. There 


is more difficulty about the next, Cs ‘ 


This may be the Cypriote (\ or 0; 
ya, but it may also be a character not 
used in Cyprus. I do not think there 
is much doubt about the next letter, 
YW or (2, Which is also found on 
the whorl No. 3563,* under the forms 
{τ| and 77), as well as on No, 2224. It 
is the Cypriote ἢ" or 4, ti, rather 
than ok or yt , vo” The last cha- 
racier in the inscription is an interest- 
ing one. It occurs in the inscription 
of Delikli-tash under the form of ΚΝ, 
in which form it is also found in the 
Cypriote inscriptions of Golgoi, where 
it has the value of re. The furm met 


with on the whorl ( [5 ) is similar 
to that borne by it in the inscriptions 
of Paphos (fe ), where it has the 
value of le. On the whorl No. 3563 
it is written [,) and [ol, on No. 


B48 as (ν on No. 2224 as (A\ 


(a form frequently presented by the 
character on the Cyprian monuments), 
and on the whorl No. 3551 δ5 3). The 
terra-cotta seal given above makes 
cafes 

Where the inscription on the whorl 
No. 1524 commences it is impossible 
to say. If we start with the first 





4 All the Numbers above 2000, cited in this 
Appendix, are the numbers affixed to the objects 
referred to in Dr. Schliemann’s Trojan collection, 
at present in the South Kensington Museum. 


δ Compare, however, the Lykian ΛΝ én 


may é. 


BY PROFESSOR A. H. SAYCE. 





695 


character discussed and read the char- 
acter next but one as vo, we shall 
have Ye-le-vo. ye-go, which looks curi- 
ously like ’IX/ov for YuduFou, but un- 
fortunately both conditions are more 
than doubtful: 

Our next inscription is one on a 
whorl numbered 3559, and found at 
the remarkable depth of 33 ft. Here 
the break in the continuity of’ the 
letters seems to indicate that the in- 
scription should begin or end with 
the character [-\. This may be the 
Cyprivte G>, ka (ga or kha), or even 
Q, si, but it is more probably the 
Paphian (5, Je, mentioned above. 


The character 2 is plainly the 
Cypriote ve, which appears at Paphos 
as :: the next character is ko (go 
or kho), and the next the Cypriote u, 
written A\ and 
of Ktima and Paphos, as well as on 
the monuments of Karia. But again 
we find ourselves in the presence of 
an unknown word or name. 

The following inscriptions equally 
indicate the place where the name or 
word contained in themends. First of 
all, one on a whorl numbered 3558, 


which reads |, (+ ς "7. All 


these characters except the last, which 


in the inscriptions 


is manifestly the Cypriote AP ti, are 
new. ‘The one next to it has no ana- 
logue in the Cypriote inscriptions, 
though a similar letter occurs in the 
Lykian alphabet with the value of b. 
A similar letter is also found in the 
alphabet of Karia. ‘The character that 
follows has likewise no analogue in 
the syllabary of Cyprus, though it is 
met with in the Lykian alphabet with 
the value of g (or perhaps s), as well 
as in the Karian and Pamphyhan 
alphabets, and in a curious inscrip- 
tion copied by Hamilton (Travels, 1. 
p. 388). at. Hyuk, near the Halys. 
The next character may possibly: be 


the Cypriote a or Ἔνι me, while the 


696 


last is perhaps the indication of a full 
stop. 
On the whorl No. 2461 we have 


‘ 
the first character of which I should 
read ye, and the second possibly sa, 


while the third is a common form of 
the Cypriote go or ko. On the whorl No. 


2236 is tv ) OD 0: where the 


last character may be the Cypriote 
Q, vo, turned upside down, and the 


middle one is tne same as that which 
I have hesitatingly identified with the 
Cypriote ye, when dealing with the 
inscription on No. 1524. The first 
character may be the Cypriote mo, 
which sometimes appears under the 
form of Q) , but it is more probably 
a character of undetermined value 
which is plentiful in the Karian 
inscriptions. 

On whorl No. 3551 we seem to have 


two words: IO \) [] >): 


These we may perhaps read sa-ye vo(?)- 
go-re or le. 
The inscription on whorl No. 2224, 


(No fr° le MW, go-qo-ti-re 
or le, may be merely intended for 
ornament, but it may also contain a 
proper name. ‘The same may be 
said of the inscription on No. 3563. 


°° KN (ΩΡ fo) [0]; 
ti-u-ti-re-re. 

It is otherwise with a whorl bearing 
the inscription given below, and found 
at a depth of 20 ft. (No. 1525; 
No. 1222, p. 563). Here the straight 
line clearly denotes the end οὔ the 
word, words being similarly divided 
from one another in the Karian in- 
scriptions, as well as in the inscription 
copied by Hamilton at Eyuk. I can 
suggest no explanation of the first 
character on the left; the next is the 
Cypriote mo, the next ye; then comes 
a letter the phonetic power of which 


THE INSCRIPTIONS FOUND AT HISSARLIK. 


[ App. IIT. 


in Cypriote has not yet been asce - 


tained ; then another unknown charac- 





No. 1525. An inscribed whorl. 
Depth, 20 ft.) 


(Natural size. 


ter which may be compared with the 
first on No. 2236, and lastly go or 
ko. It is possible, however, that the 
straight line which I have supposed 
to be a mark of division may really be- 
Jong to the lines adjoining it; in this 
case we should have the Cypriote cha- 
racter vo. This possibility is suggested 
by a whorl, found at a depth of 13 ft., 
which contains the following inscrip- 


tim: © SON M- 


No. 1526. Inscription on whorl, No. 1860. 


Here the second character is the Cy- 
priote si (ἋῸ the third is mo, the 
fourth uw, and the last vo. Itis a pity 
that the value of the first remains un- 
known, since we seem to have in st- 
mo-u-vo the same root as in Simoeis 
(= Xipo-Fevt-s). 

There are four other whorls about 
which I am in doubt. They bear 
marks which may be intended for cha- 
racters, but if so they are not recog- 
nizable, and I am disposed to think 
that they are mere ornaments. Of 
course it is always possible that the 
aitist was unskilfully endeavouring 
to reproduce real characters which he 
did not understand. Here are the in- 
scriptions :— 


(ann © 4F 


No. 1527. Inscription on whorl, No. 1994 (No, 3544). 


No. 1523, Inscription on whorl No, 1962 (No. 2640). 


App, III.] 


OCRAGT τὰ 


No, 1529. Inscription on whorl, No. 4148, 


Bree AIR 


No. 1530. Inscription on whorl, No. 1972. 


























No. 1531. An inscribed fragment of pottery. 
(2:3 actual size. Depth 33 ft.) Already 
represented on p. 298, No. 173, 


BY PROFESSOR A, H. 


SAYCE. 697 


The same uncertainty hangs over a 
fragment of pottery of which a copy 
is here given (No, 1531; No. 173, 
p- 298). The last character on the 
left looks like one of those in the 
inscription of Eyuk, and the next 
two characters may be intended for ye 
and go. 

I feel no uncertainty, however, about 
the marks which run round two 
vases and which have been taken 
for inscriptions. They are mani- 
festly mere decorations, the first con- 
sisting of a series of rudely-formed 
taus, the second of crosses. Here are 
exact copies of them :— 


γι ech 
NTA TILES DD ™ 


No. 1532 Marks round the neck of the vase, No. 305 (p. 369). 


0,,92 


ἜΣ FP Pe a at eee 


olga 


[J 


No. 1533. Marks round the neck of the vase, Nos. 1010, 1011, 1012 (p. 527). 


1 am inclined to think that the 
signs incised on a whetstone in which 
Professor Gomperz saw an inscription, 
as he did also in the first of the vase- 
markings just given, have likewise 
nothing to do with written characters. 
Let the reader, however, judge for 
himself (No. 1534) :— 

Here, it is true, we have 
the Cypriote Χ'; ro, as 
upon the terra-cotta seal 
already discussed, but 





ΠΟ ΘΒ. ΠΟΙ ΠΥ ΘΗ 
signs on which can be compared 
the whetstone, c 
No. 1265. with any of the cha- 


racters of the Cypriote 
syllabary, while on the side of the 
stone there is plainly the representa- 


tion of a man with his arm out- 
stretched. It is difficult to attach 
any signification to the other 


marks. 
It is different with the design upon 
a seal now in the Museum of the Chinili 


Kiosk at Constantinople. This is as 


follows : . The picture of the 


bull is in the same childish style of 
art as that with which the terra-cotta 
whorls discovered by Dr. Schhemann 
have made us familiar. Butit bears in 
its mouth what may indeed be intended 
to represent fodder, but is more pro- 
bably the character ko or go. If so, we 
have evidence that the Trojan lan- 
guage denoted the bull by a word of 
the same origin as the Sanskrit gaus, 
the Greek βοῦς (for yFoF-s), the Latin 
bos, and the Old High German chuo 
(cow). The language of the Lydians, 
from whom according to Herodotus 
(vil, 74) the Mysians were descended, 
represented a guttural followed by a 
labial by a simple guttural, as may be 
seen from the word xavdavdys, trans- 
lated σκυλλοπνίκτης by Hipponax 
(Fr. 1, Bergk), where καν answers to 
the Sanskrit swan, the Greek κύων, the 
Latin canis, and the English hound. 


698 


I believe that significant characters 


may be read on a small 
button of the annexed 
pattern :— aS 


Here we have A , 


or perhaps the Cy cae No. 1535. A 
1 d button 

ΞΖ ™~ 1 é. an Ί with inscribed 
RD Oe ΛΠ. Yes characters. 


of doubtful value. 

Still more striking is the legend, 
consisting of a single character, 
scratched upon two funnel-shaped 
cones of yellow clay, found at a depth 
of 10 ft. (Nos. 1338, 1339, p. 582). 
The character in question is [[}, mo, 
the name probably of some weight or 
measure. We are irresistibly re- 
minded of the Aryan root md, “ to 
measure,’ with its derivatives, the 
Sanskrit mdtram, “a measure,” the 
Zend md, “‘a measure,” the Greek 
μέτρον, and the Latin metare and me- 
tirt. But these cones lead us to con- 
clusions even more interesting. A 
cone of almost exactly the same shape 
and material was discovered by the 
late Mr. George Smith under the 
pavement of the palace of the As- 
syrian king Assur-bani-pal or Sarda- 
napalus at Kouyunjik. On this is 
scratched in the same place and in a 
similar manner as on the cones from 
Hissarlik the following inscription : 


Saget 


No. 1536. Inscription on an Assyrian cone 
from Kouyunjik. 
These are unmistakably Trojan 
letters, the first on the left being the 
familiar re or le. The second character 


is either ς or A , more probably 
the latter, its lower line coinciding 
with the line along which the engra- 
ver drew the characters. If the cha- 


racter is A ,it may bean abbreviated 


form of the Cypriote to, which occurs 

6. Dr. Schliemann tells me that he has found 
the same character on a round object of terra- 
cotta, as well as on the back of the polishing 
stone, No. 651, p. 444. 


THE INSCRIPTIONS FOUND AT HISSARLIK. 


[App. III. 


in some late inscriptions; if it is A 


᾽ 
it is the ordinary ve. The third cha- 
racter is unfortunately one which is 
not met with in the Cypriote sylla- 
bary, though it occurs in an inscrip- 
tion on a Pamphylian coin. The cone 
from Kouyunjik cannot be later than 
B.c, 650, and this gives us an approxi- 
mate date not only for the period down 
to which the Cypriote syllabary was 
in use in the Troad, but also for the 
relative antiquity of the sey eral strata 
of remains at Hissarlik. 

I do not, of course, mean to say 
positively that the cone discovered by 
Mr. George Smith actually came from 
the Troad, though its remarkable 
similarity to the Trojan cones in shape, 
material, and the form of its charac- 
ters strongly points to such a conclu- 
sion; but it must have come from a 
people who used the same system of 
writing as the inhabitants of the 
Troad and were in close contact with 
them. Early in his reign, which com- 
menced B.c. 668, Assur-bani-palreceived 
tribute from Gugu or Gyges, king of 
Lydia, a country the very name of 
which, he says, his fathers had never 
heard, and it is probable that the 
cone reached Nineveh through the 
Lydians. For the present, therefore, 
we must leave it undecided whether 
it was of Trojan or of Lydian manu- 
facture. This is a point that can only 
be settled by excavations on the site 
of the Lydian capital. But it is at 
least highly probable that the same 
system of-writing was in use in Lydia 
as in the Troad, and that the discovery 
of Lydian inscriptions would pour a 
flood of light on the enigmatical le- 
gends from Hissarlik which I have 
been discussing.’ 





7 Jt is probable, however, that a fragment of 
a Lydian inscription exists on a broken marble 
base found by Mr. Wood in the temple of Artemis 
at Ephesus, and published by Mr. Newton in the 
Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 
iv. 2 (1876). The. base seems to have belonged 
to an archaic statue, or more probably to one of 
the caelatae columnae presented by Kroesus. At 


App. III.) 


One thing at any rate is clear. The 
use of the so-called Cypriote syllabary 
was not confined to the island of Cy- 
prus, though it continued to be em- 
ployed there down to a later period 
than elsewhere. But there was a time 
when it was known all over the con- 
tinent of Asia Minor, and it is to that 
time that the inscribed monuments of 
Hissarlik take us back. No inscrip- 
tions have hitherto been discovered in 
other parts of the Peninsula which 
are older than the period when the 
Phoenico-Greek alphabet had been in- 
troduced and adapted to express the 
sounds of the various languages spoken 
there. They are all composed in either 
the Lykian, the Karian, the Pamphy- 
han, the Kilikian, the Kappadokian, 
or the Phrygian alphabets. But apart 
from the Phrygian alphabet, which is 
purely Greek and must have been bor- 
rowed from the Ionic before the latter 
had lost the digamma in the seventh 
century B.c., each of these alphabets 
contains convincing evidence that it 
had been preceded by a syllabary iden- 
tical in the main with that of Cyprus. 
Sounds which were not expressed at 
all in the Greek alphabet, or only in- 
adequately expressed in it, are repre- 
sented by characters which have the 
same forms and the same phonetic 
values as those of the Cypriote sylla- 
bary. Thus in Lykian we have the 


Cypriote % (khu), kh, Y,; 0, Ψ. 6, 
and Ἰ( (va), υ; in Karian, AA, mi, 
Da, re (or Te) J, ko (go), MY, τα, 


Χ; le, GQ), mo, Wile ve, and tft ne; in 
Pamphylian,  , το, Κ᾽, ὦ, J\, ko, VA, 
ou or v, and \’, ss (se); and in Kili- 
kian, 4, ta, and HY se. Our only 


any rate it formed part of the older temple whose 
foundations and materials were used for the 
temple built in the time of Alexander the Great. 
One of the characters contained in the inscrip- 
tion is the Trojan ve, spoken of above. Another 





has the form Λ, which is also found in ἃ slightly 
different form at Eyuk, and a third has the same 
form as the n at Eyuk. 


BY PROFESSOR A. H. SAYCE. 





699 


knowledge of the Kappadokian alpha- 
bet is derived from the inscription 
copied by Hamilton at Eyuk, which 
lay within the frontiers of Kappadokia 
before the settlement of the Gauls in 
Galatia, and which is as follows: 


“ab ones). (ol heal And 


No. 1537. Inscription found at Eyuk in Kappadokia, 
This I would read from right to left: 
Ri(?)-si-p(?)-w [or sa] S (or G)-ma-o-v- 
0 m-a-n, “ Rispu (son) of Smaovos (am) 
I.” Here at least four letters are Cy- 


priote, and one other (Ἵ) also proba- 


bly belongs to the old syllabary. 

As I have already remarked, the 
characters found on the monuments of 
Cyprus are a selected residuum of 
those once contained in the syllabary 
which has left scattered memorials of 
itself in the later alphabets of Asia 
Minor. I strongly suspect that the 
Kappadokian ne which is similar in 
form to the Trojan character found on 
the whorl, No. 3558, as well as toa cha- 
ractcr (J) met with on Pamphylian 
coins and Karian monuments, is one 
of the characters not represented in 
Cyprus. The same is certainly the 
case with the Lykian 40° ΔΝ, ὁ (also 
found in Karian, and possibly in Tro- 
jan), +, h, .),s (also found in Kappa- 
dokian), YC, th (also found in Karian) 
X (which resembles one form of the 
Cypriote %, me) and ¥, th (unless 
this is the Cypriote δ΄, 6), as well as 
with the Pamphylian &, [, and pos- 
sibly 48. So, too, in Karian we have 
Β or B, 6, Υ; 88, ῷ, and @. The 
original syllabary of Asia Minor pro- 
bably possessed about a hundred cha- 
racters. It seems to be meant by the 
famous σήματα λυγρά of Homer (II. vi. 
169); though, if so, folded tablets 
covered with wax were already in use 
for the purposes of correspondence. 
These σήματα or ‘ characters” were 
carried by Bellerophon to Lykia, 
where, as we have seen, the syllabary 
of Asia Minor had been long in use. 


700 


The origin of this syllabary is still 
enveloped in obscurity. Five years 
ago, in the Transactions of the Society of 
Biblical Archaeology (v. 1. 1876), I en- 
deavoured to trace it to the still unde- 
ciphered Hittite hieroglyphics which 
have been found at Aleppo and on the 
sites of Hamath and Carchemish, the 
Hittite capital, now represented by 
the mounds of Jerablis (the Greek 
Hierapolis) on the Euphrates, 16 
miles to the south of Birejik, as 
well as in Asia Minor. But at that 
time the only legible Hittite inscrip- 
tions known were a few short ones 
from Hamah (or Hamath), which turn 
out to be engraved in a later, hieratic 
form of Hittite writing; while the 
earliest accessible forms of the Cyp- 
riote characters were those found in 
comparatively late inscriptions from 
the island of Cyprus. My compari- 
sons, therefore, had to be made be- 
tween the selected characters of the 
Cypriote syllabary, with late and 
special forms, and an equally re- 
stricted number of Hittite hierogly- 
phics, similarly late and_ special. 
Moreover, I had not then made the 
important discovery of the Hittite 
origin of the sculptures and inscrip- 
tions photographed or copied by Perrot 
and others at Eyuk and Boghaz Kioi 
(the ancient Pteria) on the Halys, at 
Ghiaur-Kalessi near the villages of 
Hoiadja and Kara-omerlu, 9 hours to 
the south-west of Angora (Ancyra), 
at a spot which commands the old 
road by Gordium from Ancyra to 
Pessinus, and above all at Kara-bel in 
Lydia, at the junction of the two roads 
from Ephesus to Phokaea and from 
Smyrna to Sardes, where in 1879 I 


had the satisfaction of finding a Hit- | 


tite inscription accompanying one of 
the two figures supposed by Herodo- 
tus (ii. 106) to have been portraits of 
the Egyptian Sesostris. In Lykaonia, 
near the silver-mines of the Bulgar 
Dagh, Mr. Davis has discovered Hittite 
sculptures and inscriptions at Ibreez 
(or Ivris) a little to the south of Hregle, 


THE INSCRIPTIONS FOUND AT HISSARLIK. 














[Ape. IIT. 


the ancient Kybistra, and at Bulgar 
Maden (near Chifteh Khan); while 
Mr. Edmund Calvert has informed me 
of another Hittite sculpture, consisting 
of three figures and accompanied by 
Hittite characters, near Frehtin in the 
neighbourhood of Ibreez. In fact, it is 
plain that Hittite power and influence 
once made itself felt as far as the 
Aegean along the two high roads of 
Asia Minor, one of which ran north- 
wards through Kappadokia, Galatia, 
and Mysia—being in fact the road tra- 
versed by Kroesus when he marched 
against Cyrus—and the other south- 
wards through Lykaonia to Sardes. 
This latter road was the one followed 
by Xenophon and the Ten Thousand 
on their outward march. 

Now Hittite art, which is charac- 
terized by thick limbs, a fondness for 
round ornaments and convolutions, 
winged solar discs, and figures with 
tiaraed heads and shoes with turned- 
up ends, is an art which is Assyro- 
Babylonian in its origin, but which 
has been modified in a very special 
way by the artists of Carchemish. It 
was carried by the Hittites to the na- 
tions of the West, where it became the 
peculiar art of Asia Minor, and passed 
over, probably through Lydian hands, 
to Greece. The hitherto unexplained 
element in early Greek art, which 
cannot be traced to Phoenician in- 
fluence, has really come from this 
source. Thus the tombstones found 
by Dr. Schliemann at Mykenae are 
Hittite in general character; so also 
are the lions over the principal gate 
of the Acropolis, which find their ana- 
logue in a rock-tomb at Kumbet in 
Phrygia ;® while the head-dress of an 
ivory figure discovered in the pre-his- 
toric tombs of Spata in Attica is dis- 
tinctively Hittite. 

The age when the authority and 
culture of the Hittites extended itself 
to the far West was probably about 





8. Compare especially the forms of the bull 
and lion copied by Perrot at Eyuk (plate 57) with 
those found on objects from Mykenae and Spata. 


App, III.] 


p.c. 1800-1200. Herodotus makes Ni- 
nus the son of Belus the ancestor of 
the dynasty of the Heraklids in Lydia 
which ended with Kandaules. ‘This 
was formerly supposed to refer to an 
Assyrian occupation of Lydia, but the 
supposition is rendered untenable by 
the fact that, according to the cunei- 
form inscriptions, the country west- 
ward of the Halys was unknown to the 
Assyrians before the reign of Assur- 
bani-pal. The legend however may be 
sufficiently explained by the arrival of 
a culture which had come to the Hit- 
tites from Assyria and Babylonia, and 
was transmitted by them to Asia Mi- 
nor. Ammianus Marcellinus (xiv. 8) 
calls Hierapolis on the Euphrates, that 
is, as we now know, Carchemish, the 
“ancient Ninus” or Nineveh (see, too, 
Philostratus, Vita Apoll. Tyan. 1. 19; 
and Diodorus, 11. 3, 7). If we may 
trust the chronology of Herodotus, 
the beginning of the Heraklid dynasty 
must be placed about 500 years before 
the accession of Gyges, or about B.c. 
1200. The date is confirmed by the 
fact that the Assyrian monarch, Tig- 
lath Pileser I. (8.6. 1130), states that 
the Moschi had been sufficiently strong 
fifty years previously to wrest the 
countries of Alzu and Purukhumzu on 
the Upper Euphrates from the Assy- 
rians, the Hittites at the same time 
overrunning Subarti or Syria; while 
Egyptian annals show that in the time 
of Ramses II. (8.c. 1320) Dardanians 
and Mysians came to the assistance of 
the Hittites, and that under Ramses 
III. (sc. 1200) they were ranged 
among the Hittite allies. 

We can hardly suppose that, when 
the natives of Asia Minor adopted the 
art of the Hittites, they did not at the 
same time adopt either wholly or in 
part the system of writing which ac- 
companied it. When, therefore, the 
earliest mode of writing that apvears 
among them is the peculiar syllabary 
generally known as Cypriote, the pre- 
sumption arises that this syllabary was 
derived from the Hittite hieroglyphics. 


BY PROFESSOR A. H. SAYCE. 








701 


And the presumption is confirmed by 
several facts. First of all the sylla- 
bary is distinguished by the remark- 
able peculiarity of representing the 
sounds of b, p, and ph, g, k, and kh, 
and d, t, and th, respectively, by the 
same characters. ‘That is to say, the 
original employers of the syllabary 
made no distinction in pronunciation 
between the sounds of b, p, and ph, of 
g, k, and kh, and of d, ¢, and th. So far 
as I know, there is only one race in 
Western Asia to which such a curious 
indistinctness of pronunciation can be 
referred. The name of the Hittite 
capital is written Gar-gamis by the As- 
syrians, Car-chemish by the Hebrews, 
and Karu-kamaisha by the Egyptians ; 
in other words, the name was so pro- 
nounced that the guttural contained in 
it seemed to be g to Assyrian ears, 
hard k to Egyptian ears, and soft ἢ (6) 
to Jewish ears. Secondly, the Hittite 
inscriptions are all written in boustro- 
phedon fashion: this, it would seem, 
must have once been the case also 
in Karian, since some of the Karian 
inscriptions are written from right to 
left, while others are written from left 
to right. Moreover, while most of the 
Cypriote legends run from right to 
left, those of Paphos run from left to 
right, although Paphos was the centre 
of the Semites, whose writing runs 
from right to left, while the Assyrian 
cuneiform is always written from left 
to right. An explanation would thus 
be afforded of the otherwise puzzling 
fact that, whereas some of the oldest 
Greek inscriptions are 10 boustro- 
phedon, all Phoenician or Aramean 
inscriptions written in the alphabet 
afterwards handed on to the Greeks 
run from right to left. And thirdly, 
we have the two positive facts 
that the inscription discovered by 
Hamilton at Eyuk was found at a 
spot in which Hittite sculpture and 
writing have left prominent memorials 
of themselves, while a coloured figure 
of a warrior copied by Texier (vol. 11. 
plate 103) at Konieh or Ikonium is a 


702 


specimen of Hellenized Hittite art, 
accompanied by characters which, if 
Texier’s copy can be trusted, belong 
to a form of the Cypriote sylabary. 

I am strongly inclined to think that 
the engraving on the whetstone found 
at Hissarlik is a rude attempt at imi- 
tating a Hittite inscription. 

So far, therefore, as the evidence 
ooes at present, we are justified in be- 
lieving that Hittite influence extended 
throughout Asia Minor in the four- 
teenth or thirteenth century B.c., and 
brought with it the art of Assyria 
and Babylonia as modified at Car- 
chemish, along with the knowledge of 
writing. It is, of course, impossible 
to determine whether the artists whose 
remains have been found in Kappa- 
dokia, Lykaonia, and Lydia were ac- 
tually Hittites proper or the inhabi- 
tants of the district which extended 
from the Black Sea to Syria, on the one 
hand, and from Armenia to the Halys 
on the other, all of whom, if we may 
trust the testimony of proper names, 
together with the Hittites, belonged to 
the same race, spoke allied languages, 
and shared in a common civilization. 
Two or three considerations, indeed, 
make it more probable that they were 
the Hittites themselves. The sculp- 
tured rocks at Karabel bear witness to 
a military invasion and conquest, such 
as only a powerful people like the Hit- 
tites are likely to have made; the con- 
nection shown by the Egyptian monu- 
ments to have existed between the 
Hittites and the inhabitants of Mysia 
points in the same direction; while 
Mr. Giadstone’s identification of the 


Κήτειοι of Homer (Od. xi. 521) with | 


the Hittites has much in its favour.? 
However this may be, a syllabary was 
derived from the hieroglyphics used 
and probably invented by the Hittites, 
which came to be employed through- 
out Asia Minor. After passing through 
various changes and undergoing par- 
ticular modifications in the different 





9. Homeric Synchronism (London, 1876), pp. 
171 sq. 


THE INSCRIPTIONS FOUND AT HISSARLIK. 








[App. III, 


districts into which it had been intro- 
duced, this sylabary was carried from 
Kilikia into Cyprus in a reduced form, 
and remained in use there down to a 
comparatively late period. 

Its disappearance from Mysia and 
the Troad belongs to an earlier date. 
The cone discovered by Mr. George 
Smith at Kouyunjik shows that it was 
still employed there about B.c. 650. 
But it must have been displaced 
shortly afterwards by the Ionic Greek 
alphabet, if we may argue from the 
fact that the Ionic Greek alphabets of 
Phrygia, Karia, and Lykia, all con- 
tained the digamma, which had been 
lost at the time when the Ionian mer- 
cenaries of Psammitichus carved their 
names on the colossi of Abu-Simbel, 
B.c. 640 (less probably 8.6. 595). A re- 
markable relic of the period of transi- 
tion has been discovered by Mr. Frank 
Calvert in one of the tombs in the ne- 
cropolis of Thymbra. This 15 ἃ patera 
of a shape peculiar to the locality, made 
of the same drab clay as the funnel- 
shaped cones above mentioned, and be- 
longing to the early Phoeniko-Hellenic 
period of Greek art. Four Cypriote 
characters occur on it, two of which 
are written in combination on opposite 
sides of the patera, and seem to con- 
tain the name of the maker or owner. 


These are ZA §§ (the second charac- 
ter taking also the form $]), the first 
of which is re or le. The other is appa- 
rently the Cypriote Le the phonetic 


value of which is unknown, though I 
am inclined to believe it was von, in 
which case the name would read Le- 
von or Λέων. The other two characters 
are written separately and are evi- 
dently used as mere ornaments, one of 


them, indeed, SK: being a symme- 
trical modification of * , 6, for de- 
corative purposes, though the second, 
The 


Ε1}, ne, is unchanged in form. 


patera proves that, in the middle of 


App. III.] 


the seventh century B.c., the period to 
which it belongs, the old syllabary 
was fast passing out of use and coming 
to be employed for decorative purposes 
only. 

A good many of the terra-cotta whorls 
discovered by Dr. Schliemann are simi- 
larly inscribed with single characters, 
whose meaning: is merely decorative. 


Thus we find ie Cy, aN OE” Ns 


and other characters, employed along 
with rude drawings of animals for this 
‘purpose. In some cases it is difficult 
not to fancy that the designs are in- 
tended to be barbarous imitations of 
the more striking objects represented 


by the Hittite hieroglyphics. Thus 
NG 
: n G ; 
the tree-pattern < 72 is very common, 


SA 
and this pattern is not only found 
among the hieroglyphics of the Hit- 
tites, but also forms the ornamentation 
of the robe worn by a figure on asculp- 
tured monument from Carchemish,now 
in the British Museum, while the same 
ornament occurs frequently upon Baby- 
lonian seals and other antiquities. <A 
curious phallus of black basalt, for ex- 
ample, lately brought to England from 
the Island of Bahrein in the Persian 
Gulf (which was called “the island 
of the gods” by the early Chaldeans) 
has the same pattern engraved by the 
side of a short inscription. In Baby- 
lonian art it represents the sacred tree 
of life.}° 

Among the Hissarlik whorls there 
are twoor three whichseem tome to bear 
marks intended to reproduce cunei- 
form characters, or rather the wedges 
of which the characters were com- 
posed, and which were wholly unin- 
telligible to the Trojan artists. The 
Phoenician artists similarly often re- 
produced the hieroglyphics of the 








10 In Phoenician art it seems to denote a palm- 
branch. On a silver bowl found at Palestrina 
and bearing a Phoenician inscription, the tails of 
the horses are artistically represented under the 
form of these trees or palm-branches. 


BY PROFESSOR A. H. SAYCE. 





708 


Egyptians, which they did not under- 
stand and accordingly miscopied and 
miscombined. We learn from the Tro- 
jan cylinders already discussed, that 
objects of early Babylonian origin 
were known to the primitive inhabi- 
tants of Hissarlik, and several of the 
designs on the whorls are obviously 
imitations of designs on Babylonian 
cylinders, among which small round 
holes denoting the stars and planets 
are especially plentiful. A fragment of 
pottery excavated by Dr. Schliemann 
in the Besika Tepeh has markings 
upon it which also seem somewhat 
unsuccessful attempts to imitate cunel- 
form characters (No. 1517, p. 666). 
Two more points remain to be no- 
ticed before I conclude. One of these 
is the ingenious endeavour made by 
Dr. Deecke to derive the Cypriote 
syllabary from the Assyrian sy llabary 
as it was at the close of the eighth 
century BC., when Sargon overran the 
island of Cyprus. But the fatal objec- 
tion to this endeavour is the fact that 
the same syllabary already existed, as 
we have seen, in an older and fuller 
form on the mainland, and that conse- 
quently it conld not have been the 
invention of a Cyprian of Paphos about 
710 Bc. The inscriptions found at 
Hissarlik show that its characters al- 
ready existed in an older form far away 
in the north-west of Asia Minor. Con- 
sequently it must have been an im- 
portation into Cyprus from the main- 
land, not a possession peculiar to the 
island. But there are other objections 
to Dr. Deecke’s theory. Thus the forms 
of the cuneiform characters that he 
compares belong to more than one age 
and district, and were not all in use at 
one and the same time or in one and 
the same country, while in several in- 
stances he has to imagine non-existent 
forms intermediate between the sup- 
posed cuneiform prototype and its 
Cypriote equivalent. The phonology 
of the Assyrian and Cypriote sylla- 
baries, again, does not agree. “The As- 
syrian language has distinct signs for 


704 


tand d (also for th); for g, k, and kh, and 
for b and p; and it is inconceivable that 
these should have been coufounded to- 
gether in a syllabary meant to express 
the sounds of two languages, the Phoe- 
nician and the Greek, both of which 
possessed these very sounds. On the 
other hand, the Assyrians made no dis- 
tinction between m and »v, as the Cy- 
priote syllabary does, and had no ye, yi 
or ὁ, which have special characters to 
denote them in Cypriote. It may fur- 
ther be added that the only two cha- 


racters, 6, χε, and pa, +: which 


display a marked resemblance to cu- 
neiform characters with corresponding 
phonetic values, lose this resemblance 
when traced back to the older forms 


Se and =r, 

The other point to be noticed is un- 
fortunately one upon which very little 
can be said. Of the language of the 
Trojans and Mysians we know next to 
nothing, and it is therefore impossible 
to explain the words written in Trojan 
characters, even when they have been 
deciphered, or to know whether we are 
dealing with significant words or pro- 
per names. All we can say positively 
is. that the Mysian language was allied 
to those of the neighbouring popula- 
tions of Asia Minor. Xanthus, the 
Lykian historian (Fv. 8), makes it half 
Lydian, half Phrygian, and the words 
of Herodotus (i. 171) imply the same. 
Indeed, Herodotus goes so far as to 
state (vii. 74) that the Mysians were 
Lydian colonists, though Strabo (xi. 
pp. 542, 566) calls them Thrakian colo- 
nists. But the dialects of Thrace and 
Western Asia Minor belonged to the 
same stock, while extant Phrygian in- 
scriptions and glosses show that Phry- 
gian was a sister-tongue of classical 
Greek. Slight differences, of course, 
must have existed between Mysian 
and Phrygian, as indeed is asserted 
by a passage in the Homeric Hymn to 
Aphrodité (111-116), quoted by Dr. 
Schliemann in an earlier part of this 
volume (p. 120). The differences, how- 


THE INSCRIPTIONS ‘FOUND AT HISSARLIK. 


[App. III. 


ever, could not have been great, and it 
is therefore possible that the meaning 
of the Trojan inscriptions may yet be 
cleared up by the discovery of Phry- 
gian and Lydian inscriptions. Hektor 
was called Dareios ‘“‘by the Phry- 
gians,” which seems to imply that da- 
reios was the equivalent of the Greek 
extwp, “a stay,” in both Phrygian and 
Trojan. Paris seems to have been the 
native name which corresponded to the 
Greek ᾿Αλέξανδρος, “defender of men,” 
and it is difficult to separate Paris 
from Priamos. The Aecolic form of 
Priamos, Πέῤῥαμος, shows that the ori- 
ginal form of the word was Peryamos, 
which has clearly nothing to do with 
pergamos (2 “ἃ. citadel”), but seems to 
be connected with the Lydian πάλμυς, 
“ king.” 

The four curious passages in which 
Homer contrasts the language of the 
gods with the language of men, pro- 
bably also contain some specimens of 
the Mysian dialect. The single ana- 
logy that can be found for these pas- 
sages 1s a very close one from the Old 
Edda of Iceland. In this we have a 
poem called the Alvissmal, or the 
“Speech of the Allwise,” in which 
the names of various objects are given 
in the language of men, of the Aesir 
or gods, and of the Vanir or demigods. 
It appears that the language of men 
was the language of ordinary life, 
while that of the gods was the lan- 
guage of the poets. In the latter lan- 
guage were included many foreign 
words ; thus we are told that what is 
called ale by men is called beer by the 
gods, ale being Scandinavian and beer 
the borrowed Anglo-Saxon. The four 
passages of Homer are explained and 
cleared up by the Icelandic poem. In 
Homer, too, the language of men 
means that spoken by the natives of 
Asia Minor; the language of the gods 
that used by the poets of Ionia. 
Briareus, as he is called by the gods, 
is called Aegaeon by men (JI. i. 403-4), 
Briareus meaning “the mighty,” and 
Aegaeon being probably connected with 


App. III.] 


the Greek aiyis, “ tempest ” (the Dorian 
αἶγες, “ waves”). In Il. ii. 813-4, men 
are said to term Batieia what the gods 
call the tomb of the Amazon Myriné, 
whose name reappears in those of 
Smyrna and the Lemnian and Aeolic 
towns of Myrina. Batieia may be 
Bari.Feoya, “the brambly,” a good de- 
signation for a tumulus which is still 
covered with bushes. According to 
we xiv. 291 and xx. 74, men called 
κύμινδις and Σκάμανδρος what the gods 
called χαλκίς and Ξανθός. Κύμινδις is 
said to have been the Ionic name of 
the night-jar; but since it has no kin- 
dred in Greek, it would seem that it 
was one of the native words borrowed 
by the Ionic settlers in Asia Minor. 
If we can suppose that χαλκίς, “ the 
bronze-coloured,” and ἔανθός, “ yel- 
low,” 
and Σκάμανδρος, we may infer that a 
root oxapavd or κυμινδ existed in My- | 


BY PROFESSOR A. H. SAYCE. 








705 


“yellow.” It must not be forgotten, 
however, that several of the river- 
names of Asia Minor, such as Alander 
and Maeander, the latter of which 
claims relationship with Maeonia, the 
Lydian pwis, “earth,’ end with the 
syllables -avdpos; while, on the other 
hand, we have various names like 
Kadyanda, Labranda (from the Lydian 
λάβρυς, “ hatchet”), Piginda, Alinda 
(from the Karian dda, “ horse”) which 
have the same termination as κύμινδις. 
The name of Mysia itself was derived 
from the Lydian μυσός, which is ex- 
plained by the Greek ὀξύη, “the beech ” 
(or Fagus silvaticus).' 


1 The following inscription, found by Mr. 
Frank Calvert in the necropolis of Thymbra, 


| probably contains a specimen of the Mysian 


| It is given in Le Bas: 
sian which had the signification of | 


are real equivalents of κύμινδις ‘alect spoken in the Troad :—. 


. AISOENEIAIEMM(?)ITONIKIAIOI- 
TOFAVKIO. 

Voyage archéologique en 

Gréce et en Asie Mineure, v. 1743 m. 


APPENDIX IV. 


THYMBRA, HANAI TEPEH. 
By Mr. Consut Frank CALVERT. 


Tue first mention of Thymbra is | rians, Paeonians, Leleges, Caucones, 
by Homer. Dolon, when he details | and Pelasgi, towards the sea; the 
to Ulysses the position of the Trojan | Lycians, Mysians, Phrygians, and 
army outside of Troy, places the Ca- | Maeonians, towards Thymbra.! This 





FPLA/IN OF THE 


SCAMANDER 






PLAIN OF THE 


THYMBRIUS 


3 Mile 


No, 1538. Map indicating the Sites of Thymbra and Hanai Tepeh, and the junction of the Rivers Thymbrius 
and Scamander. 





1 7]. x. 428, 


Arp. IV.] THYMBRA, HANAI TEPEH. 


allocation, though it does not establish 
the geographical position of Thym- 
bra, yet, taken with the more precise 
information given by Demetrius of 
Scepsis, 1s of value ; it evidences that 
a direction opposite to the sea, that 
is, inland, was intended by the poet. 
The more modern author places the 
temple of Apollo Thymbraeus at fifty 
stadia from Ilium (Novum), at thejunc- 


19 20 30 40 
Scale. English Feet 








BY MR. FRANK CALVERT. 1707 


tion of the river Thymbrius with the 
Scamander.? Thymbra was identified 
by Hobhouse with Akshi Kioi? (the 
present '’hymbra Farm), and Barker 
Webb recognized the Thymbrius in 
the Kemar Su. My researches have 
led to the discovery of another ancient 
site at Hanai Tepeh, separated from 
that of Akshi Kioi by an interval of 
about five hundred yards (see Map, 


No. 1529. General Plan of Excavation made at Hanai Tepeh. 





2 Strabo, xiii. p. 598. 


3 Journey through Albania; London, 1813, p. 753. 


4 De Agro Trojano ; Milan, 1821, p. 49. 


[App. IV. 


ancient authors appear to have trans- 
Tepeh. Pre-historic Thymbra covered 
a considerable surface of land, on 


Apoilo of Demetrius ; and subsequent 
The Homeric site of Thymbra would | ferred it to Akshi Kioi from Hanai 





THYMBRA, HANAI TEPEH. 


are of later date than at Hanai Tepeh. 
appear not to be identical with the later 
town and temple of the Thymbrean 


No. 1538). At Akshi Kioi the remains | 


708 


ῬΟΟΔΑ padivgo Jo Ja£v] WLAN ‘Av]O Yoo Jo 1ooy |vaouay 
*AINSOTIUY JO ΠῸ ΔΑ. 
ΘΠ ΘΟ 
*SIvITV 1OOp-yolig 
"S14, V 100]-2003¢ 
Ὧμοφθιη-9.1.4) τ Π78.115 B]PpI—*o 


“ABI pr “LT 

"HoOY [RANILN 91 
"SyPLIG JUING-uNY ‘SL 
"SIIB AA JO SUOT}VpuNoT “FT 
‘queyuy JO QUOT, ἜΤ 


πῇ ἰῷ ὦ τ οὐ 


*SU0JIONS “GL 


TIEAA (11BUIs) 1910 0 ΤΙ ‘polied 9201] Jo Βπο0γ9 19) “δ 
ἼΤΌ ΛΑ 9ΔΙΘΙΙ9794 “OT ΒΑΌΙΟ, ULULOY puL oulUEZAg “5 
“ACO WIA paul] SoLivuvly “6 _SqUlOy, 9910 “T 
"(Ομο)ετη-91.1) aojeq winqwyg—"a “(OMOYST FY) oAoqe wunzwAIG—"V 


‘ponuyjuoo ‘uoTyoag owes 901, ὉΠΈΠ) 0191 “ON 


SBS 





























Ἢ ΟἽ “AX Wooly yadoy, ΤΌΘΗ Jo uotjoag (708) OFST “ON ἘΠ στο 









































Arr. IV.] 


BY MR. FRANK CALVERT 


109 





10 feet. 





No. 1541, Enlarged portion of Section of Hanai Tepeh from W. to Εἰ. 


1. Granaries lined with Clay. 

2. Foundations built on with No. 3. 
3. Sun-dried Bricks. 

4, Tomb of Infant, 


which are found hand-mill stones, 
stone axes, fragments of pottery, 
whorls, silex flakes, and other relics. 
The artificial mound of Hanai Te- 
peh, which gives its name to the site, 
is of remarkable interest. It forms, 
as it were, the nucleus of the old 
settlement, and stands out promi- 
nently in the plain at the end of 
a long spur of land which reaches 
back to Akshi Kioi. My first excava- 
tion in this tepeh was made in 1857, 
and the results and hypothesis founded 
thereon were published in the Jour- 
nal of the Archaeological Institute. 
Further researches were made sub- 
sequently ; latterly with the powerful 
assistance of Dr. Schliemann. The 
later and more extensive investiga- 
tions, as shown in the accompany- 
ing General Plan, No. 1539, have led 
me to relinquish the conviction of the 
identity of Hanai Tepeh with the 
common tomb of the Trojans, pub- 
lished in the above-mentioned journal. 
A trench, 12 ft. wide, which I made 
through the mound from west to east, 
gives a complete section of this arti- 
ficial hillock (No. 1540). The natural 
rock rises from the plain to a flat 
shelly limestone stratum (No. 1540, 
16), which forms a plateau on the spur. 
On this surface are the remains of the 
original settlers, extending beyond 


the mound itself (No. 1540, 8). The 


ΕΟ: συν 1858: 


5. Skeleton. 
6. Stone Axes, Weights, &c. 
7. Vases, 


débris are composed in great part of 
sun-dried bricks derived from fallen 
habitations, wood-ashes, and charcoal 
(No. 1540, 8 15; No. 1541, 3). Marks 
of fire on many of these bricks and the 
foundations of houses superposed seve- 
rally one on the other (No. 1540, Β 14), 
indicate the repeated destruction and 
reconstruction of the buildings : these 
dwellings are unfortunately in too 
great a state of dilapidation to allow 
their form or size to be traced. The 
three or four lower courses of bricks 
were protected by an outer facing of 
stone (No. 1541, 2), a method of pre- 
serving the walls from damp and 
rain-drip still adopted in the country. 
These sun-dried bricks are of various 
dimensions: the largest and best pre- 
served, from the tombs of two infants 
No. 1540, 813), measure— 











Length, Breadth, Depth, 

inches. inches. inches. 
16 8 4 
193 91 93 
194 133 31 


In the manufacture of the bricks, 
the yellow loam of the plain was 
mixed with chopped straw or hay, 
impressions of which binding-material 
are quite distinct. Many of these 
bricks have been burnt red or black 
by the accidental conflagration of the 
dwellings. Slime or mortar made of 
the same materials as the bricks was 


710 


used as cement; it served also as 
plaster for the surface of the inside 
walls, portions of which have been 
preserved. 

In remarkable agreement with the 
pre-historic cities at Hissarlik is the 
absence of doors and windows in the 
habitations. From the numerous 
indications of fires in both these 
ancient sites, 1ὖ would appear that 
timber was used largely as a building 
material. ‘his circumstance suggests 
the hypothesis of an upper story of 
wood, to which access was gained by 
means of steps or ladders: for security 
the ground-floor had no exterior com- 
munication, but was entered from 
above from the wooden story. The 
unhewn pine-log huts, now in use 
among the Yourouk tribes in this 
country, may afford a clue to the 
kind of superstructure adopted by 
the pre-historic inhabitants of His- 
sarlik and Hanai Tepeh. This kind 
of hut has a roof made of salt clay 
laid on branches of trees covered 
with reeds or seaweed. Masses of 
clay with impressions of long reeds 
are found at Hanai Tepeh, a coin- 
cidence which is worthy of remark. 
No walls of a defensive nature have 
been discovered in the lowest stratum 
(No. 1540, B). 

Fragments of pottery are very nu- 
merous, but entire vessels are rare. 
These are both hand-made (No, 1541, 





No. 1512. Massive hand-made Vase. 
(About 1 : 3 actual size.) 


7; No. 1542) and turned on the 
wheel. Most of the specimens are 
hand-polished, an effect produced by 
rubbing the vase with a hard sub- 
stance previous to its being baked. 
The luléhs or pipe bowls now made 
at Constantinople are polished in this 
manner, and at the same time a deeper 
shade is given to the clay by this 


THYMBRA, HANAI TEPEH. 








ΓΑΡΡ, IV, 


rubbing. The prevailing colour of 
the pottery is black or dark brown, 
due to the presence of carbonaceous 
matter; red is comparatively rare. A 
few fragments show a dark-coloured 
core with a bright red surface. Many 
of the vases have horizontal perfora- 
tions for the purpose of suspension 
(Nos. 1548, 1544, 1545), a peculiarity 











No. 1543. Bowl with horizontal perforations 
for suspension, (Abvut 1:3 actual size.) 
































No. 1544. Fragments of Bowl, with horizontal hole for 
suspension, dark-brown, hand-polisued, 
(About 1:3 actual size.) 





No. 1545. Fragment of a lustrous black Bowl, with 
large horizontal tubular hole for suspension. 
(About 1: 3 actual size.) 


limited to the original settlement, as 
these have not been discovered above 
a foot or two from the rock, nor in 
the upper part of the stratum ΒΕ. 
Some of these perforated handles are 
of a bright lustrous red, striking in 
appearance, with some similitude to 
the claw of a lobster (Nos. 1546, 1547). 
Ribbed ware is common in the upper 


App. IV.] 


part of the stratum B, but does not 
appear to have been manufactured in 
the earlier settlements. The most 
prevalent form is a large, but shallow, 





No. 1546. Handle of Vase, hori- Νο. 1547, Horizontally 
zontally perforated, lustrous- perforated lustrous- 
red, hand-polished. red Vase-handle., 
(1 : 2 actual size.) (1: 2 actual size.) 


circular bowl. Vessels on tripods 
were not rare; for many fragmentary 





No. 1548, Handle or foot of a Tripod Vase, 
black, hand-polished. (1:2 actual size.) 


feet (No. 1548) of different shapes 
have been found close above the rock. 
Fragments of vases with soot on their 
exterior show that the use of boiling 
or stewing in earthenware vessels 
was not unknown to the inhabitants. 
Bones of the fallow deer, the roebuck, 
and the wild boar, which furnished 
this people with food, are abundant. 
Besides the produce of the chase, grain 
of some kind must have been plentiful, 
jndging by the number of hand-mill 
stones in basalt and syenite. 
Beginning with the lowest stratum 


(Β in plan No. 1540), we find at or 


near the top small granaries, some- 
times of a circular, sometimes of a 
Square shape, which have been ex- 


BY MR. FRANK CALVERT. 











111 


cavated in the soil and coated with 
clay plaster (No. 1541, 1). In one 
of these a stone axe has been dis- 
covered. 

Since no species of grain is indige- 
nous in the country, it is clear that 
the original settlers must have brought 
the cereals they cultivated along with 
them. The plain of Troy, with its 
rich and fertile soil, would naturally 
have attracted them to an agricultural 
life, and from the first we may assume 


| that agriculture was an important 


occupation in the Troad. The near 
neighbourhood of the sea furnished 
the inhabitants of the district with 
other articles of food: fish, oysters, 
mussels, and cockles, entered largely 
into their diet, but varied at different 
epochs and in different localities. 
Thus Professor Virchow has observed 
that the Ostrea lamellosa alone is found 
at Hanai Tepeh, whilst Ostrea cristata 
is confined to Hissarlik. The bones 
that have been discovered and ex- 
amined, in the lowest stratum at Hanai 
Tepeh, prove that the goat was the 
commonest of the domestic animals, 
the ox the most rare; while the horse, 
as Professor Virchow has noticed, is 
conspicuous by its absence. From this 
negative evidence we may infer that 
the latter animal was unknown in the 
Troad in the pre-historic age, in 
striking contrast to the age of Homer, 
who mentions it so frequently. The 
dog, on the other hand, that faithful 
friend of man, has left memorials of its. 
presence in its footprints on several 
sun-dried bricks, made upon them 
while the clay was still plastic. Bronze 
is the only metal met with, and that 
sparingly. In fact, the only speci- 
mens of it found in stratum B consist 
of a hairpin with a.double spiral head 
and two corroded and shapeless. frag- 
ments. 

On the other hand, implements of 
bone and stone are not uncommon. 
Thus we have bone awls; a few 
polished axes made of diorite, serpen- 
tine, talc, and other stones (No. 1541, 


112 


6); as well as flakes, scrapers, knives, 
and saws (No. 1549) of obsidian, 





No. 1549. Silex Saws. 


quartz, jasper, and other hard stone. 
One or two specimens of crystal have 
also been found. The stones of which 
the implements are made have all 
come from the neighbourhood : diorite 
from the valley of the Rhodius; ser- 
pentine and tale from the Foulah 
Dagh, the Kara Dagh, and the Dum- 
brek; obsidian from the vicinity of 
Saragik, in the valley of the Rhodius, 
and of Aivajik; while flint nodules 
are plentiful in the chalk of the 
White Cliffs on the Hellespont, and 
jasper is abundant in many localities, 
more especially in the Foulah Dagh 
and between Lampsacus and the town 
of Dardanelles. Quartz, too, ap- 
proaching to chalcedony, occurs in 
nodules in a bed of conglomerate 
metamorphosed by superposed basalt, 
at the foot of the Foulah Dagh. 

Besides these implements, two ob- 
jects of mother-of-pearl have been 
found,—one a small button with a 
hole in the centre, the other an orna- 
ment 2 inches long in the shape of 
a pedr. Spindle whorls of dark- 
coloured clay which has been baked at 
a fire are common; but no ornamentation 
occurs on any discovered in stratum B. 
Whorls of marble and hard stone are 
rare, whereas circular potsherds with 
perforated centres used as substitutes 
fcr whorls are plentiful. A couple of 
reels for winding thread, made of 
dark-coloured baked clay, and similar 
to those still employed for the same 
purpose, also turned up during the 
excavations, as well as numerous 
four-sided pyramids of sun-dried clay, 
which must have served as weavers’ 
weights. These objects indicate a 
knowledge of textile manufactures on 
the part of those who used them. 

The early people of Hanai Tepeh 
were also musicians, since the upper 


THYMBRA, HANAI TEPEHL. - 





at every variety of depth. 


[Arp. IV. 


fragment of a bone flute (No. 1550) 
has been discovered. 





No. 1550. 


Their religion may be represented 
by a small marble foot, with a minute 
perforation at the knee for suspension, ἡ 
which seems to have been a votive 
offering. This is not the only object 
of marble which bears witness to the 
artistic capacities of the people; 
another which is probably intended 
to represent a flower (No. 1551) has 


Ss 





No. 1551. Flower (?) in Marble. 
been found, besides flattened spheres 
of marble, which may have been 
weights. 

A remarkable feature in this stra- 
tum, B (No. 1540, 12; No. 1541, 5) is 
the number of skeletons found in it 
Some 
were on the rock itself, others under 
the foundations of later houses, and 
in what seem to have been the floors 
of inhabited dwellings. These inter- 
ments are peculiar to the stratum we 
are now considering, since as will be 
shown further on, none were. made 
during the subsequent period repre- 
sented by the superposed débris. ‘The 
interments on the east side of the 
mound (No. 1541, 12) were discovered 
during the excavations of 1857; the 
rest were found last winter (1879). 
‘The bodies were buried with the faces 
downwards, the heads towards the 


App, IV.] 


west, and the knees doubled up. The 
head of one was found resting on a 
hand-mill stone (No. 1552). Gene- 





No. 1552. Skeleton, with Skull resting on hand-mill 
stone. 
rally speaking, they seem to have 
been interred in the loose earth; at 
all events, no special graves or tombs 


Νο. 1553. 





Nos. 1553, 1501. 
of asbestos was found mixed with 
them. This was unfortunately too 
fragile to be removed, but its appear- 
ance when first discovered plainly 
showed that it must have consisted 
of some woven texture. The interior 
of the tomb was 18 inches long by 
9 broad and 8 high. The body of the 
other infant was that of a young child 
(No. 1555), which was laid on the 






—_= 










QGQ|GqG AA ga 





SY prem Ears SS 
RSE I) 


No. 1555. Tomb of Child, made of sun-burnt bricks, 


light side, with the knees bent up, 
the right arm extended, the left 
crossed over the body, and the head 
resting upon the breast. It had 
apparently sunk down from 105 
original position. The right side of 
the tomb in which it was placed was 
made of stone instead of brick, and its 
head was turned towards the east. 
The interior of the grave measured 
16 inches in length, 9 in breadth, and 


BY MR. FRANK CALVERT. 

















713 


were prepared to receive them. An 
exception, however, must be made in 
the case of two infants, whose bones 
were found in small tombs made of 
sun-dried bricks. The skeleton of one 
of these was that of a newly-born 
babe ; it was extended on the back, 
and the tomb in which it was laid 
was free from earth (No. 1541, 4, 
Nos. 1553, 1554). Curiously enough, 
though the bones show no signs 
of having been burnt, a quantity 






No. 1554. 
72::: yw ΕΣ 
— ΣΝ “ΞΕ 
Ζκ AM ZZ 
“LUE 


Tomb of Infant, made of sun-burnt bricks. 


9in height. No asbestos was found 
with this skeleton, nor indeed with 
any of the others, the body of the 
newly-born babe alone excepted. As 
may be seen from the plan, the inter- 
ments are on the west, rather than on 
the east, side of the tumulus. 

According to Professor Virchow, the 
race ὁ) whom the skeletons belonged 
was brachycephalic; and the shin- 
bones have the remarkable peculiarity 
of being angular,—-a peculiarity now 
confined to the Malay race. He 15 at 
present engaged in writing a descrip- 
tion of them. 

No defensive walls were brought to 
light in the lower part of stratum B 
(No. 1540). 

On the other hand, the surface of 
the stratum had been levelled on the 
western side to a depth of about 3 ft., 
for the sake of a massive wall of de- 
fence, which must have been erected 
after the accumulation of the soil, and 
the eastern foundations of which were 
laid on the rock i‘self. The wall was 
supported by a number of buttresses. 
Its average breadth is from 8 to 10 feet 
(6, No. 1540, 10), and its greatest pre- 
sent height is 5 feet. Its southern side 
has disappeared. The largest stone 


714 


found in the wall is 7 feet long by 2 
in breadth, and 24 in height. All the 
stones composing it are rough and un- 
hewn, and are bound together with 
clay cement. They consist partly of 
miocene shelly limestone found on the 
spot, partly of crystalline limestone 
and basalt from the bed of the Thym- 
brius. 

Besides this inner defensive wall 
(No. 1540, 10), there was also an outer 
wall (No. 1540, 11), which sometimes 
stands detached, with a breadth of two 
and a half feet, while at other times it 
is a mere external facing to a rude 
heap of loose stones. On the east side 
this wall is of bricks made from the sur- 
face soil, and the part laid bare by the 
excavations was well preserved, so far 
asits form was concerned, though the 
bricks composing it were disintegrated. 
Outside the wall, as well as between 
it and the inner wall, was a quantity 
of marly red clay (No. 1540, 17); no 
trace of which, it must be observed, 
was found on the inner side of the 
inner wall. The origin of this red 
miocene clay was at first proble- 
matical; but a clue was eventually 
given by the discovery of a brick 
made of it, built into one of the walls 
of the habitation near the gateway. 
The furm of this brick was very dis- 
tinct, though, owing to the absence 
of straw or any similar binding mate- 
rial, the clay was disintegrated. It 
showed clearly that the marly clay, 
of which such quantities were found, 
had come from decomposed bricks. 
These must once have formed the 
upper part of the massive wall of 
defence, the stones which now alone 
mark its course having served as 
a foundation. As the brickwork 
crumbled away it fell to the foot of 
the wall, and there formed the accu- 
mulation seen in No. 1540,17. Wood- 
ashes were occasionally found inter- 
mixed with it, but otherwise there 
were no marks whatsoever of fire. 

The entrance to the fortress to 
which these walls belonged lay on the 


THYMBRA, HANAI TEPEH. 


ΓΔΡ». IV, 


eastern side, and was formed by a 
narrow passage, 3 feet wide, between 
two long projecting buttresses. It 
must have been built upon the tumulus 
after the accumulation of soil repre- 
sented by the stratums. Little addi- 
tional soil was accumulated within the 
fortress itself, and the unbroken line 
of the latter proves incontestably 
that the interments previously men- 
tioned must have been made before 
its construction. One skeleton, in- 
deed (No. 1540, 12), was actually 
found under the massive inner wall 
itself (No. 1540,10). The inner wall, 
it may be added, shows in some parts 
a facing of yellow loam brick on 
the inside, from 2 to 3 fect in height, 
and the remains of these bricks con- 
stitute in great measure the débris 
within the fortress, which form what 
we will call stratum c. 

The fragments of pottery discovered 
in stratum B are but few. In the 
lower part the handle of a vase, made 
in the shape of a cow or ox (Nos. 
1556-1559), was found, while a small 
hand-made vase with horizontally per- 
forated excrescences (No. 1560) was 
met with close to the wall, and frag- 
ments of lustrous-black ribbed vases 
were turned up, similar to those found 
in the stratum c (Nos. 1561, 1562). 

10 is to this stratum that we must 
now turn. Here we find ourselves 
in presence of a sacred enclosure, 
within which altars once stood, dedi- 
cated in all probability to that Thym- 
brean Apollo, whose temple, according 
to the indications of Strabo, must have 
stood upon this very spot. On the west 
side are the remains of a wall two and 
a half feet in diameter, built on the 
débris of the old fortress, and probably 
once faced with brick (No. 1540, 7). 
On the east side, the massive inner wall 
of the old fortress was converted to the 
use of the new edifice. On the south- 
east was a long piece of building, and 
here too was the entrance, consisting of 
a narrow passage. ‘The massive wall 
on the east side shows traces of having 


Arp, IV.] 


i. 1556, 





BY MR. FRANK CALVERT. 





715 


4 No. 1557. 


Nos. 1556-1558. Vase-handle in dark-coloured Clay. (About 1: 2 actual size.) 


been burnt, from which we may infer 
that the fortress had been successfully 
stormed and taken by an attacking 






No. 1560. Small hand-made 
Vase with perforated excrescences. 
(About 1: 2 actual size.) 








No. 1559. Vase- 
handle of lustrous 
black Terra-cotta. 
(About 1:3 actual size.) 


No. 1562. Fragment of a 


lustrous-black ribbed Vase. 
(About 1: 3 actual size.) 


No. 1561. Handle of a 
ribbed Vase. 
(About 1:3 actual size ) 





force. The ground within what we 
may term the sacred enclosure has all 
been artificially levelled, and a floor 
formed by a coating of yellow loam 
plaster from half an inch to one inch 
thick (No. 1540, 8). Above this floor 
lies a thin unbroken line of charcoal, 
testifying to the sacrificial fires that 





once burnt within the enclosure, the 
whole of which would thus have been 
consecrated to religious uses. Nu- 
merous altar-floors of brick occur at 
various levels (No. 1540, 5), stone 
taking the place of brick at the northern 
angle (No. 1540, 4). Their succession 
is indicated in the section No. 1563, 


20 Feet 





No. 1563. Section of brick-floor Altars. 


where a line drawn from B to A 
shows the limits within which they 
were found. The fact that they 
were thus superposed one upon the 
other points pretty plainly to the long 
period of time during which the en- 
closure was employed for sacrificial 
purposes and the floor gradually 
covered by successive deposits of 
ashes. The brick altar-floors are cir- 
cular in form, from 15 to 20 feet in 
diameter, each being composed of a 
single course of sun-dried brick, im- 
bedded in clay cement (No. 1564). 





IDI LLLLIDILL EH bi 
eo (ee CD ΠΕ τ ὙΠ τ ἢ (1 ΠῚ; 


ΟΣ ΖΦ. Σσς, 


No. 1564. Enlarged portion of Sect:on of brick-fluor 


Altar. 
Cement and brick have alike been re- 


716 


duced by the action of fire to one homo- 
geneous consistency and colour. The 
altar-floors of stone are made of 
pebbles of basalt from the river-bed, 
which have been burnt red. Besides 
these altar-floors, two altars of stone 
have been discovered (No. 1540, 6), the 
stones of which they are built being 
crystalline limestone, calcined by the 
great and long-continued heat to 
which they have been exposed. The 
altars and altar-floors alike stand in a 
thick bed of wood-ashes, derived from 
the sacrificial fires which formerly 
burnt upon them. This bed forms 
the accumulation marked in the plan 
(No. 1540) as stratum c, which has a 
depth of from 5 to 8 feet. The ashes 
are partially vitrified, and there is no 
trace of charcoal among them. The 
moisture from the surface has been 
unable to penetrate through them, so 
that the whole mass was light, and 
caused much annoyance in working 
in consequence of the dust. 

A few calcined fragments of bone 
and shell have been found in this bed, 
the forms of which are preserved, 
though the bones have been converted 
into vivianite. But these fragments are 
few and scattered. As shown by mein 
the Journal of the Archaeological Institute 
for 1858, the opinion that the accumu- 
_ lation is of an ossiferous character is 
entirely contrary to the fact. A close 
examination proves that its origin was 


THYMBRA, HANAI TEPEH. 


[App. IV. 


a vegetable one, and that the bones 
and shells found their way into it 
only, as it were, accidentally. Conse- 
quently, the hypothesis that we have 
here the common tomb of the Trojans 
must be rejected. 

Fragments of ribbed pottery were 
found in the stratum, similar, as has 
already been stated, to those found 
in the upper part of stratum B, but 
all burnt red or yellow, and vitrified. 

At certain points on the north-east 
side, stratum c covers and extends be- 
yond the massive wall (No. 1540, 10), 
from which we may conclude that the 
enclosure continued to be used for 
sacrificial purposes after the soil 
within it had grown to such an ex- 
tent as to cover the upper surface of 
the old fortress wall. In the trench 
driven along the eastern wall, as given 
in section No. 1565, is a remarkable 
diagonal fissuring of the wood-ashes 
under the basement of one of the 
altars, which may possibly be due to 
lateral pressure. 

A fragment of sun-dried brick from 
one of the altar-floors has four curious 
marks upon it, evidently imprinted 
by the hoofs of some animal, probably 
a kid, while the white clay was still 
plastic (No. 1566). 

Near the gateway the old massive 
wall has been partly destroyed, and a 
low wall has been built upon it, in the 
form of a curve, and crossing both the 








Ul νη 


No. 1565. Section showing Diagonal Fissuring of Wood-ashes under brick-floor Altar. 


App. IV.] 


buttresses which flanked the entrance 
as well as the entrance itself. At the 
same time, a second inner wall, built 
partly on the foundations of the 
massive wall, curves inward, enclosing 









i 
ὉΠ 


Footprints of a Kid on ἃ fragment of 
sun-dried brick, 


a space in the shape of a tongue about 
15 feet in diameter. The entrance to 
the sacred enclosure was formed by a 
narrow passage between the extremity 
of this tongue and the massive wall. A 
quantity of burnt bricks was found 









oa 






No. 1566. 


BY MR. FRANK CALVERT. 








ΤΙΝ 


here, as well as outside the low curved 
wall and also within it. 

A section of a portion of the mound 
from south to north, given in the cut 
No. 1567, will illustrate the statements 
just made, and render them easier to 
understand. We have first of all the 
natural rock (No. 1567, 1); then comes 
a stratum of sundried bricks (No. 1567, 
2), 1 foot inthickness. The uniformly 
bright red colour of these shows that 
they have been subjected to a strong 
heat. Next (No. 1567, 3) follows a 
stratum of clay, representing the de- 
composed sun-dried bricks which have 
fallen from the walls, of which only 
the lower part has been preserved. 
The thickness of the portion of the 




































































Scale of Fect 


No. 1567. 

1, Natural Rock. 

2. Stratum of Bricks burnt bright red. 

3. Stratum of sun-dried Bricks. 

4. Stratum of Wood-ashes and Charcoal, 
stratum on the left of the section is 
from one and a half to two feet. 
Some of the bricks whose forms may 
be traced in it rested on low foun- 
dations of stone. The inner side of 
the walls, as well as the floors, were 
covered with a plaster of clay and 
chopped straw, the surface of which 
has been burnt red. Some of the 
fallen bricks likewise show the marks 
of fire. In fact, it is plain’ that 
the building to which they belong 
must have perished in the flames. On 
the floor was a layer of wood-ashes, in 
which a number of pyramidal weavers’ 
weights of different sizes were found, 
as well as some whorls without orna- 
mentation and a minute hand-made 
vessel with horizontally perforated ex- 
crescences, similar to No. 1560. Among 








5 10 
Bee eee) 
Section of Portion of Hanai Tepeh from 8. to N. 


5. Layer of Wood-ashes. 

6. Sun-dried Bricks and Stones. 

7. General Layer of Wood-ashes in connection with C. 
8. Surface stratum A.on Plan No. 1540. 


the potsherds were some ribbed frag- 
ments similar to Nos. 1561, 1562. 

No. 1567, 4, represents a layer of 
wood-ashes and charcoal, in which 
we may see evidence of a third con- 
flagration. A building composed of 
bricks similar to those found below 
must once have existed here. Resting 
on the ashes were large jars or pithoi, 
which had the appearance of having 
been placed in a row along the walls, 
together with smaller vessels. The 
majority of the vessels are ribbed, some 
are dark, while others are of a bril- 
liant red colour. ‘They have all been 
turned on the wheel. The peculiarity 
of the pithoi is that they have no 
handles properly so called, a triangular 
hole below the lip having served as a 
substitute. Other large jars with 


718 


ordinary handles and fragments of 
ribbed cups were also found. This 
stratum is from one and a half to two 
feet thick. 

We now come to a layer of wood- 
ashes (No. 1567, 5), which are tho- 
roughly burnt, the layer being 1 foot 
in thickness. After this is a stratum 
of sun-dried bricks and stones (No. 
1567, 6), 9 inches thick, which con- 
tained a few fragments of dark ribbed 
pottery. Then follows (No. 1567, 7) 
what we have marked as stratum ὁ 
in the general plan No. 1540, consist- 
ing of wood-ashes, which rises above 
and beyond the sacred enclosure. The 
position of this stratum, together with 
the black line of charred wood (No. 
1540, 8), proves that the enclosure was 
originally built before the huge accu- 
mulation of ashes which forms the 
stratum. Above it is the surface 
stratum (No. 1567, 8), marked a in 
the general plan No. 1540. 

This stratum carries us into the 
historic period. We first find sun- 
dried bricks scattered over the sur- 
face of the layer of wood-ashes (c), 
in No. 1540, proving that a time came 
when the altar-fires were discon- 
tinued, the temple in which they 
had burned being desecrated, and 
dwelling-houses erected upen its 
site. ‘These houses seem to have had 
neither doors nor windows, or rather 
these necessary openings were at 
such a height from the ground that 
all trace of them has disappeared. 
A brick wall on the western side, be- 
tween the massive wall of the old 
fortress and the inner wall (No. 1540, 
7), shows that they were constructed in 
the same fashion as the earlier brick 
buildings beneath. The bricks, as 
will be seen from the following table, 
were of various sizes :— 

10 inchesx 833. 


111... SOR 
107°: 1° Pk Bi 5 
TP SO 4. 
TOE OKT Re 
1811: sac 28: 


THYMBRA, HANAT ΤΕΡΕΉΗ. 


[App. IV. 


It may be noted that one of the 
bricks has upon it the print of the 
toes of a child’s foot. 

Among the pottery found in this 
upper stratum may be mentioned the 
fragment of a specimen of the old 
dark-coloured ribbed pottery, in the 
shape of the handle, neck, and broken 
spout of a vase, the spout being 
adorned with two eyes, in order to 
avert the evil eye (No. 1568). Frag- 





No. 1608, ᾿ Upper portion of ribbed Vase, with eyes on 
Spout. 

ments were also found both of archaic 
and of later Greek painted pottery, as 
well as sepulchral pithoi and cists of the 
Hellenic period. In fact, a time came 
when the ancient tumulus of Hanai 
Tepeh formed a portion of the necro- 
polis of the historical town of Thym- 
bra, now represented by Akshi Kioi, 
and groups of tombs are met with all 
the way to it from the latter spot. 
Byzantine tombs, too, occur near the 
surface of the tumulus, some of which 
contain several bodies, along with 
vases, beads, and bronze ornaments. 
These tombs are built of stones, with 
stone covers, and are ornamented with 
engraved crosses. ‘Turkish and other 
undetermined interments have also 
been found. 

A large number of Greek amphorae 
have been dug up in the surface soil. 
It is possible that they may have 
been used for the libations, and they 
may indicate that traditions of sanctity 
still lingered around the spot. Indeed 
it was still known in the days of 
Strabo that the place had been the site 


App. IV.] 


of the legendary temple of the Thym- 
brean Apollo. A considerable number 
of circular terra-cotta discs with raised 
centre and two perforations, which may 
have been employed as seals, were 
discovered together with the amphorae 


(No. 1569). Several of these discs 
\ 
No. 1569. Object of Terra-cotta with two perforations. 


(1:10 actual size.) 


have impressed stamps upon them ; 
one represents the double-headed axe 
and bunch of grapes which was the 
emblem of Tenedos. Many, no doubt, 
served as seals to the amphorae to 
which they were attached; and seals 
of exactly the same form, though 
without perforations, are still used to 
the present day in Lemnos. Here 
they are employed for medicinal pur- 
poses, and are polished by rubbing 
after being impressed with the seal of 
the governor of Lemnos. 

The skulls found in the Greek and 
Byzantine tombs are dolichocephalic, 
like those found in stratum B (No. 
1540, 12,). Wemay shortly expect a 
published account of Professor Vir- 
chow’s examination of them. 

As has been already stated, the 
historical Thymbra stood at some little 
distance from Hanai Tepeh, and occu- 
pied the site of the present Thymbra 
farm, the predecessor of which was 
the Turkish village of Akshi ΚΊΟΙ, 
depopulated by plague several years 
ago. Thymbra was a walled town, 
and the rock on which it was built 
shows traces of having been cut into in 
various places in order to receive hewn 
stones. No pre-historic remains have 
been found on itssite. Its necropolis, 
however, which extended as far as 
Hanai Tepeh, has yielded archaic as 
well as later Greek pottery. Among 


BY MR. FRANK CALVERT. 





719 


the subjects painted upon it may be 
mentioned the Return of Ulysses, 
Briseis in the tent of Achilles,Clytaem- 
nestra, the Adventures of Dionysus, 
and the like. Besides the pottery, 
glass vases with bands and waves of 
different colours have been exhumed, 
as well as sepulchral inscriptions, 
pithoit, and cists. Certain marble 
blocks on the highest portion of the 
site of Thymbra probably mark the 
position of the historical temple of 
Apollo Thymbraeus, as opposed to that 
famous one of legend and myth which 
stood on Hanai Tepeh, and was be- 
lieved to have been the scene of the 
death of Achilles. A mutilated in- 
scription discovered there, and pub- 
lished in Le Bas ( Voyage archéologique, 
v. No. 1743 d), contains an inventory 
of the temple treasur 


SECTION OF THE TROJAN PLAIN IN THE 
VALLEY OF THE THYMBRIUS. 


The accompanying sketch No. 1570 
shows a natural section of the left bank 
of the river Thymbrius (4) (Kemar 
Su), about 250 feet from the base of 
Hanai Tepeh. Fragments of pottery 
(2), similar to those to be seen on the 
site of pre-historic Thymbra (Hanai 
Tepeh), are found on the miocene rock 
(3), upon which there are from 4 to 
6 feet of alluvial soil (1). The depth 
of this 501] is relative to the irregular 
configuration of the rock which formed 
the actual surface in those pre-historie 
times. Some other fragments of pot- 
tery were discovered in sinking a 
well in the alluvium, some 600 
yards to the east of this locality, 
and about 20 from the bed of the 
river, at a depth, from the surface, 
of 6 to 7 feet. If the arbitrary 
age of 3000 years be given to this 
pottery, the rate of increase of allu- 





No. 1570, Section of the Trojan Plain, Valley of the Thymbrius. 


720 THYMBRA, HANAI TEPEH. BY MR. FRANK CALVERT. [Apr. IV. 


vium on the plain would average a 
foot in 500 years. Too much stress, 
however, cannot be laid on a 
uniform rate of deposit as proved by 
ocular evidence. For instance, a flood 
covers a large tract on the plain with 
sand and gravel a foot deep, destroying 
the land for cultivation; some suc- 
ceeding flood removes the whole of 
the detritus, lays bare the former sur- 
face, and perhaps adds a thin stratum 
of fertile sediment, re-adapting the 
land to agricultural purposes. The 
general effect of the floods in the 
plain of Troy is to elevate the beds 
and banks of the rivers: the coarser 
the matter held in mechanical suspen- 
sion, the nearer it is deposited to the 
river; thus the Scamander, in the 
upper part of the plain, has formed 
two sloping levels from its banks to 
the hills on either side. The clear 
streams from the Bounarbashi and 
Duden springs, with their uniform 
flow and no tributary torrent to swell 
their volume or to bring down detritus, 
have thus had their courses directed 
along the base of the hills on either 
lower level of the plain. 


Nore. 

From the above description given 
by my friend Mr. Frank Calvert 
of his exploration of Hanai Tepeh, in 
which I assisted him in 1878 and 
1879, it will be seen that all the 
peoples which succeeded each other 
on that hill interred their dead, and 
did not use cremation, which was in 
general use in all the five pre-historic 
cities of Hissarlik. The pottery, too, 
is widely different, for at Hanai Tepeh 
all the vases (see the engravings 
No. 1546, 1547, 1560) have horizontal 
perforations for suspension with a 
string, while at Hissarlik all the per- 
forations for suspension are vertical. 
There is certainly some analogy be- 
tween the bowls found in the lowest 
stratum at Hanai Tepeh and the 


bowls found in the first and lowest 
city at Hissarlik, because they have 
in common long horizontal tubes for 
suspension. But again, as will be seen 
by comparing the Hanai fragments re- 
presented in the engravings No. 1543, 
1544, and 1545, with similar ones from 
Hissarlik represented on p. 218, Nos. 
39-42, the tubular holes are altogether 
different in shape and position. Be- 
sides, although tripods occur at Hanai 
Tepeh, as at Hissarlik, the vase-feet 
are altogether different in form, and 
among the thousands of vase-feet at 
Hissarlik there is not one which resem- 
bles the vase-foot from Hanai Tepeh re- 
presented under No. 1548. The same 
may be said of the vase-handles, which 
never occur at Hissarlik of the shape 
of those found at Hanai Tepeh and 
represented under Nos. 1546, 1547, 
1556 to 1559, and 1561. Conspicuous 
among the terra-cottas in the second 
stratum at Hanai Tepeh is a dull 
blackish or grey hand-made pottery, 
which—as, for instance, the vase- 
fragment 1568—has in colour and 
fabric a great resemblance to the 
ancient Lydian pottery found at His- 
sarlik, immediately below the stratum 
of débris of the Ilium of the Aeolic 
colony. I may also lay stress on the 
fact that, among this pottery from the 
second Hanai Tepeh stratum vase- 
handles occur with a cow or ox head, 
which likewise occurs on vase-handles 
in the Lydian city at Hissarlik, but 
never in any one of the five pre-his- 
toric cities of Hissarlik. 

From all this we may conclude with 
the greatest certainty, that, although 
Hanai Tepeh is only an hour’s walk 
distant from” Hissarlik, yet all the 
peoples which succeeded each other 
on that peculiar spot were altogether 
different from the pre-historic inhabit- 
ants on Hissarlik, except a Lydian 
colony, whose existence we infer from 
the pottery. 

Henry ScHLIEMANN. 


mel PBN DT xv 


MEDICAL PRACTICE IN THE TROAD IN 1879. 


By Proressor RubpoLtr Vircsow. 


Wen last spring I accepted Dr. 
Schliemann’s invitation to assist him 
in his excavations in the Troad, I 
was prompted to do so in no small 
degree by the hope that, in turning 
my back on the soil of Europe, I 
should also for some time turn it upon 
the whole mass of occupations which 
threatened to crush me. I did not 
suspect that the very occupation 
from which I had gradually with- 
drawn at home, the practice of medi- 
cine, would fall to my lot there in 
burdensome abundance. But scarcely 
had I been one day at Ilium, or, to 
speak less dogmatically, at Hissarlik, 
when some sick labourers were brought 
to me from among the large numbers 
employed by Dr. Schliemann, and this 
sufficed to spread over the whole of 
the Northern Troad the report that a 
newly-arrived Effendi was a great 
physician. The labourers, numbering 
from 120 to 150, who came every morn- 
ing to the excavations from all parts 
of the neighbourhood, as well as the 
numerous persons who brought victuals 
and other necessaries, took care, in a 
country where foreigners are in them- 
selves a very unusual sight, to excite 
a general curiosity. 

1 am at a loss to say whether there 
is a real physician in the Troad. 
Though I travelled through the coun- 
try from the Hellespont to the Gulf 
of Adramyttium, yet I nowhere met 
with such a man. Even professional 
quacks did not come across me. Only 
the Greek priests practise a little 
medical manipulation here and there ; 











especially are they highly dangerous 
phlebotomists. Dr. Schliemann! has 
rightly denounced this practice, and 
has mentioned the terrific example of 
such a priest, who had bled a girl, 
seventeen years old, seven times in 
one month. 

An apothecary’s shop is as unknown 
in the Trojan land as a physician. We 
were obliged to send for our medicines 
to the Dardanelles, a distance of six 
or eight hours, when we needed to 
renew our stock; and when, on my 
journey to the west coast, I came to 
the village of Ghiekh, and for want 
of appropriate medicines wrote a pre- 
scription for a sick woman, her hus- 
band told me, in answer to my ques- 
tion whether he could get it made 
up, that he would go on purpose 
for it to the island of Tenedos. But 
that was a real voyage. Strange 
to say, the people appeared not even 
to know domestic. remedies. Camo- 
mile grows in many places in such 
great abundance, that the whole air 
smells of it, like the kitchen of a 
Western hospital, but nevertheless I 
had some trouble to make the plant 
known to the people and to introduce 
its use. Juniper grows on all the 
mountain slopes, but nobody had ever 
made use of its berries. Happily we 
had an abundance of medicines. Dr. 
Schliemann had in former years been 
obliged to treat diseases in the road, 
and his medicine box was abundantly 


supplied. My friend Liebreich had 


1 Troy and its Remains ; London, 1875, p, 141. 
3A 


722 


provided for me a complete travel- 
ling apothecary’s store; and though 
I had taken it with me somewhat 
reluctantly, it rendered good service. 
Happily I had little need to make 
use of it for myself. Of the vase- 
line I must make a particular ac- 
knowledgment. Not only against the 
effects of sun-burning on the skin, 
but also in various other excoriations, 
especially from riding, it proved to be 
highly beneficial. 

My practice consisted at first solely 
in receiving out-door patients. Besides 
our labourers and the other persons 
engaged on the excavations, people 
came seeking help from all the neigh- 
bourhood for a distance of from two 
to three hours. They came some on 
foot, some on horseback, others on 
donkeys. With the exception of small 
carts, which have wooden discs in- 
stead of wheels, there are still to the 
present day in the Troad neither 
vehicles nor real practicable roads. 
Even the women, therefore, ride when 
they have to go any long distance. 
Once only a sick person, a poor con- 
sumptive girl, in the last stage of 
exhaustion, was brought to me in a 
large basket hung on a horse, and, as 
usual, balanced by a second basket on 
the other side of the animal. 

In the early morning a whole troop 
of persons seeking help, men, women, 
and children, gathered before our 
wooden barracks. They squatted in 
a long row in the shade of the 
kitchen building which was opposite 
to our barracks, and waited patiently 
till their turn came. Towards the 
end of my stay, when my reputation 
had extended, a second troop came 
about noon, for the most part from 
more distant localities. 

But to this was gradually added 
a practice in the patients’ houses, 
This was particularly the case in the 
nearest Greek village, Kalifatli, situ- 
ated in the plain, which we had to 
pass in most of our excursions, espe- 
cially in our rides to the Heroic tombs 


MEDICAL PRACTICE IN THE TROAD IN 1879. 











[App. Υ. 


on the west coast. Sometimes on our 
return late in the evening, people 
waited for us, and I cannot sufficiently 
praise the kind patience of my friend 
Schliemann, who, in spite of the press- 
ing urgency of his affairs, and often 
in spite of his extreme fatigue, never 
for a moment grew impatient of 
acting the onerous part of inter- 
preter, and explaining my prescrip- 
tions in a circumstantial and popular 
way with the greatest care and atten- 
tion. Wherever we came, sick people 
gathered around us, their attention 
having probably been aroused by the 
comnunications of our workmen; 
and even on our journey through the 
mountains of Ida, the first act in the 
morning was usually to inspect those 
who sought help in the open mar- 
ket. Then followed, not seldom, the 
request to visit more serious cases at 
home. 

For the most part my patients were 
Greeks, and their homes were princi- 
pally in the Greek towns and villages ; 
especially (besides Kalifatli) Ren Kioi 
on the Hellespont, Yeni Kioi and Yeni 
Shehr on the Aegean Sea. Turks, 
however, were not wanting. The 
Turkish official who had been sent by 
the Ministry to Hissarlik to watch 
the works, as well as the ten zaptiehs 
(gensdarmes) whom. Dr. Schliemann 
always kept as an escort and safeguard, 
furnished from the first a certain 
contingent. The Turkish villages, 
especially Chiblak and Koum Kaleh, 
contributed their patients, and even 
Turkish women were brought to me. 
Besides these came Gipsies (ΓΤ ύφτοι), 
who live in the country in large 
numbers, partly as nomads, partly as 
resident craftsmen, especially smiths. 
Our labourers were also composed of 
many nations; among them were 
Bulgarians, Armenians, and even 
Persians. It is easy to conceive 
what a trouble and what a loss of 
time it was, in this mixture of 
nationalities and languages, to carry 
on the examination of the sick and 


Arp. V.] 


BY PROFESSOR RUDOLF VIRCHOW. 


123 


the éxplanation of the prescriptions, | influence of the priests, who are neither 


which had often to be done by two 
or more interpreters. Sometimes we 
almost despaired of making ourselves 
understood, for even the modern Greek 
patois of the men does not know many 
expressions which are current in the 
more civilized language of Athens. 
Thus, for instance, we did not suc- 
ceed in ascertaining whether in this 
provincial dialect there exists a pre- 
cise expression for diarrhoea. 

On the whole, I was surprised to 
find a strong and _ healthy-looking 
population. Even the appearance of 
the women exhibited a favourable con- 
trast with what I had seen, though 
only in the streets, at Constantinople 
and Scutari. Whilst in these large 
cities the faces of the women, so far 
as they were at all visible, exhibited 
a fearful paleness, nay a very strik- 
ingly bloated and anaemic appearance, 
I found the women of the Troad, 
even those from the very regions of 
fever, if not fresh-looking, at least 
less pale and of a purer complexion 
than the greater part of the female 
population of our large cities. Among 
the men there are a great number of 
very strong and well-built forms, and 
in their bronzed faces rosy cheeks are 
not wanting. 

And yet it was a particularly criti- 
cal time. The forty days’ fast of Lent 
was approaching its end, and the 
whole Greek population was in a 
state of exhaustion, which could be 
very precisely measured by the daily 
decrease of the work done. When 
the first sick woman I spoke to, a 
person worn out by long fever, asked 
me what she should eat, and I pre- 
scribed to her a generous diet, I was 
not a little astonished to hear that 
Lent excludes altogether not only the 
eating of meat but even of eggs and 
fish, and that there is no dispensa- 
tion for the sick or even for children. 
For forty consecutive days Lent is 
observed with the greatest austerity 
by the entire population! Such is the 








educated nor removed from the com- 
mon pursuits of the people. Nay, I 
saw one of these gentlemen who kept 
a frequented inn, and who on Sunday 
was to be seen sitting in the middle of 
the bar-room smoking his nargileh. 

In addition to Lent, with the atro- 
phy it produces, comes a second mis- 
chievous influence, the malaria. The 
Trojan Plain is a notorious region of 
fever, nor can any one be astonished at 
this. Large swamps and marshes ex- 
tend in all directions. Several rivers 
and rivulets disappear in them and 
fill the subsoil with their water. 
Shortly before my arrival, the Sca- 
mander had overflowed its banks and 
had inundated the plain far and wide. 
In the first week of April the whole 
land on its west side was still coated 
with thick silt and mud; all the 
roads were covered up, and stagnant 
water still ‘stood in many places. 
Then the evaporation commenced, and 
in the evening a stinking fog lay over 
the plain. The various arms of the 
Kalifatli Asmak began soon afterwards 
to change from flowing watercourses 
into chains of stagnant pools and 
tanks. In short, all the conditions 
were supplied for the formation of 
malaria, for at the same time the tem- 
perature of the air increased rapidly, 
and at noon we had not seldom in 
the shade 20°, 22°, and even higher 
degrees centigrade (68°, 71°6° F., and 
upwards). 

Nevertheless I did not see a single 
case of malignant fever proper. Ac- 
cording to what the people say, it is 
only June and July that bring this 
increase of the malarious action. We 
remained exempt, though we did not 
follow for a single day the well- 
known rule, not to stay in the open 
air after sunset. How often did 
we ride by starlight or moonlight 
over the stinking plain! Sometimes 
after such rides, which were usually. 
very long and fatiguing, I felt on the 
following morning a slight fulness in 


124 


the head, so that for precaution’s sake 
I took some quinine, but no trace of 
fever was observable. Among the 
population, intermittent fever, for the 
most part tertian, was the prevail- 
ing disease, but generally in lighter 
forms, though frequently the new 
attacks were developed on the basis 
of an old malarious condition, or as 
gradations of a chronic state of fever 
which had existed for five, six, or 
nine months. Tumours of the spleen 
are common among the people, and 
the term “spleen” (σπλήν) is gene- 
rally employed to express the disease. 
Many apparently similar diseases of 
course fall under the same term. Thus, 
fur instance, one day a little boy was 
brought to me with a large echino- 
coccus, and my assurances that it was 
no “spleen” were hardly believed. 
A man whom I consoled with the assu- 
rance that his wife had no ‘ spleen,” 
but that she would present him with 
a child in a few months, was quite 
panic-stricken, for they had been 
married for seven years. without 
having any chiidren. I had to refer 
him to the example of the old patri- 
arch Jacob. Another, who believed 
himself to be sick of the spleen, had 
a most developed purpura ( morbus 
maculosus Werlhofii); his disease was 
promptly cured by the administra- 
tion of sulphuric acid, though at first 
he was very reluctant to take it. 
In other cases extraordinarily large 
spleens occurred. What was most 
striking, nay, really new to me, were 
the splenic tumours of the young 
children. In Kalifatli, which of all 
the Trojan localities has the most 
unfavourable situation in the midst 
of a swampy region, I saw a child of 
two years, and another of ten months, 
who had very large and hard splenic 
tumours; in the case of the latter 
child, the spleen filled almost the 
whole anterior part of the abdomen. 
This was the more remarkable, as 
with adults large splenic tumours 
were rare; and in the lighter and 


MEDICAL PRACTICE IN THE TROAD IN 1879. 





[App. V, 


more recent cases they were generally 
hardly perceptible. 

Another circumstance also struck 
me. Shortly before, I had visited 
the hospitals in Bucharest, and had 
seen there a larger number of fever- 
stricken patients. Dr. Gliick had 
pointed out to me several cases in 
which ascites with chronic hepatitis 
(cirrhosis) had been engendered as 
a consequent disease, and he assured 
me that this is a frequent occurrence 
in the fever districts of Roumania. 
In the Troad I did not see a single 
case of the kind. Nor did even 
anasarca frequently occur. 

At all events, we should have ex- 
pected that malaria must exercise a 
great influence on the aspect of the 
people. If this is by no means gene- 
rally the case, the reason is not that 
the number of fever districts is small. 
It is true that almost all the villages 
are built on heights, on purpose to 
avoid the fever. In the plain proper 
there are in all only three small 
settlements : the small town of Koum 
Kaleh at the mouth of the Scamander, 
and the two villages of Koum Kioi 
and Kalifatli. But even the villages 
situated on heights, and in fact al- 
ways on heights of tertiary or vol- 
canic rock, are not free from fever. 
Manifestly the malaria is brought to 
them by the winds. The fact that 
the inhabitants have nevertheless a 
decidedly healthy look, I am inclined 
to ascribe to their passing the greater 
part of their life in the open air. 
Many of them wander about with 
their herds and seldom come home. 
Almost all carry on agriculture over 
large tracts, and the women also take 
part in the work in the open field. 

This manner of living of course 
exposes them to other diseases, espe- 
cially to colds, and these were the 
order of the day just at the time when 
I was in the Troad,—during the 
whole month of April. Though the 
days were for the most part warm, 
and sometimes even hot, yet the 


App. V.] 


temperature frequently fell in the 
night to 10° C., and lower; a quick 
change taking place at sunset. At 
the same time a strong wind gene- 
rally prevailed, and in particular a 
cool sea-breeze. Under such circum- 
stances, catarrhs and pneumonia were 
not to be wondered at. The severest 
pneumonia I saw was in the case of a 
man who had passed the nights with- 
out shelter in the field. None of these 
cases, however, terminated fatally. 
Nevertheless it is not improbable that 
at least some of the cases of con- 
sumption, of which very severe ex- 
amples were brought to me, are to 
be attributed to the same cause. I 
have not been able to authenticate 
an immunity from consumption. 

It deserves particular mention that 
I met with no trace of acute exan- 
themata, unless erysipelas should be 
counted amongst them. I saw neither 
small-pox, nor scarlet fever, nor 
measles. It may be that the slight 
intercourse with the outer world con- 
tributes to prevent these contagions. 
It is still, however, remarkable that 
such free spots are found on a conti- 
nent. Of erysipelas I saw some very 
severe cases, the most severe being 
that of an elderly man, who had at 
the same time erysipelas of the face 
and a large roseolar swelling of both 
hands and fore-arms, with high fever. 
He also recovered. 

Other contagious diseases, apart 
from skin affections, were also rare. 
Of lues I met with a single case (ter- 
tiary) in a foreign labourer. Scabies 
I saw sometimes ; tinea (porrigo) also 
among children, but in slight forms. 

A very large number of sick per- 
sons sought relhef from chronic dis- 
eases, which had already subsided, 
but had been cured imperfectly, es- 
pecially chronic diseases of the eye 
and ear. I extirpated an aural poly- 
pus; but for the rest I could do 
but little except that, particularly 
for the eye-diseases, I put myself in 


communication with Dr. Miihlig, the 


BY PROFESSOR RUDOLF 








VIRCHOW 720 


physician of the excellent German 
hospital in Constantinople, asking 
him to admit them. Of surgical cases 
but few occurred; but on the other 
hand a comparatively large number 
of chronic nervous diseases, particu- 
larly spasms and paralysis. Among 
the more frequent skin diseases, I 
may mention a remarkable case of 
ichthyosis cornea palmaris. 

Finally, a case of particular interest 
to me was that of a little boy with 
geophagia. He was a child seven 
years old, with a somewhat bloated 
thick face. The abdomen was rather 
protuberant, though I could not 
feel any tumour in it, and the 
mucous membrane of the mouth was 
entirely anaemic. In the vessels of 
the neck there was a remarkably 
loud anaemic murmur. Though he 
was the son of the shepherd who 
brought us every morning excellent 
fresh sheep’s milk, and though the 
opportunity for a similar indulgence 
was ceitainly not wanting to him, 
he nevertheless, “from the time he 
walked,” had preferred to eat earth, 
that is to say the common earth, con- 
sisting of calcareous clay, which forms 
the soil of the pasture. Formerly he 
is said to have had a healthy appear- 
ance, but now he is small and weak 
for his age. His parents declared 
that they had tried in vain to break 
him of his propensity. Whether the 
iron powder which I gave him has 
cured him, I do not know. 

On the whole I cannot complain of 
the results of my medical campaign. 
The sick were obedient; and, even 
when I went altogether in oppositior. 
to their habits, they were compliant. 
Schliemann writes to me, in his en- 
thusiastic way, from Ilium (May 10): 
“All your sick in Kalifath are per- 
fectly cured, and, blessing yon, they 
exclaim : 


= A “ / 
ᾧ Τρῶες κατὰ ἄστυ θεῷ ws evXETOWYTO.” 


At the same time he relates the fol- 
lowing story, which is characteristic 


726 


of the East and its formation of 
myths. For the purpose of a geolo- 
gical investigation of the soil of the 
Trojan Plain, 1 had ordered a hole to be 
dug in the neighbourhood of Kalifatli, 
in an ancient river-course. Having 
little time, I set two labourers to work 
there, and instructed them to dig on 
until they reached water. In the 
meantime I rode with my zaptieh 
(gendarme) to the Ujek and Besika 
Tepehs, but was so much hindered that 
it was after nightfall when I returned 
to the place. As the matter was 
important to me, I ordered the ser- 
vants to light matches, examined the 
hole attentively, and took away some 
of the excavated earth. On the follow- 
ing days I again returned to the spot 
several times, and investigated the 
condition of the soil. This had evi- 
dently excited the curiosity of the 
people, who did not understand the 
purpose of the work. Under the date 
of June 4, Schliemann wrote to me 
from Troy: “ Your excavation in the 
bed of the Kalifatli has been reve- 
rently enclosed by the villagers with 
a wall of stones; a great magical 
virtue is attributed to the spring you 
brought to light in it, which is called 
τὸ πηγάδι τοῦ ἰατροῦ (the Doctor's 
spring); all the villagers fetch their 
water from it.” 


MEDICAL PRACTICE IN THE TROAD IN 1879. 


[Arp. V, 


In this way local legends still origi- 
nate in the East at the present day. 
Though it was not possible for me on 
the island of Kos to seek out the old 
plane-tree under which the father of 
medicine, Hippocrates, is said to have 
received his patients, yet a vivid pic- 
ture of the old state of things has been 
disclosed tome. ‘This people is still. 
in many respects just what it was 
thousands of years ago; especially in 
point of personal gratitude. Schlie- 
mann, who had formerly practised 
medicine with much success in the 
Troad, and to whom I had therefore 
given the name of Machaon, has for 
a long time been in doubt whether 
the people were thankful.2 I myself 
had the same doubts; but when the 
people learnt that I gathered flowers 
daily, no morning passed without our 
table being covered with fragrant 
bouquets; and when on my return 
journey to the Dardanelles I rode 
through Ren Kioi, so many bouquets 
of stock gilly-flowers (levkoies) and 
basilicum (which are grown in flower- 
pots on the balconies and on the 
terraces of the houses) were presented 
to me, that I had great trouble to 
find a place about me in which to 
put them. 


2 Troy and its Remains, pp. 89, 142. 


APPENDIX VI. 


(CATALOGUE OF THE PLANTS HITHERTO KNOWN OF THE TROAD, COMPILED ACCORDING 
TO THE COLLECTIONS oF Proresson RUDOLF VIRCHOW anv Dr. JULIUS 
SCHMIDT, AnD FROM THE LITERARY souRCES BY Proressor PAUL 
ASCHERSON or Beruin, Prorrsson THEODOR VON HELDREICH 
ΟΕ ATHENS, AND Doctor F. KURTZ or ΒΈΒΙΙΝ. 


THE Troad! belongs in a botanical 
point of view to the least known 
countries of Asia Minor. Though this 
country has been visited or wandered 
through by several of the most re- 
nowned botanical travellers, such as 
Forskal (1761) and Dumont d’Urville 
(1819), who merely visited the island 
of Tenedos, Olivier (1794 and 1798), 
Sibthorp (1794?), Barker Webb and 
Parolini (1819), Aucher-Eloy and 
Gust. Coquebert de Montbret (1833), 
who explored the Troad proper, yet 
these explorations did not lead to de- 
tailed communications on the plants 
of the regions visited, because some 
of the travellers named visited the 
Troad in an unfavourable season, 
midsummer or autumn, whilst others 
did not publish anything on their 
collections, of which only some species 
have here and there become known. 
At least as much, therefore, as_ to 
the botanists by profession, if indeed 
not more, are we indebted for our 
knowledge of the Trojan flora to tra- 
- vellers, who besides their principal 
archaeological, geological, or geogra- 
phical objects of study, paid also at- 
tention to the ever-attractive children 


1 The territory, from which botanical infor- 
mation has been collected in this catalogue, is 
far more restricted than the area of the Troas 
as understood at p. 67 of this work. It extends, 
on the shore, southward as far as Adramyttium 
(Edremit), northward to the Quarantine (between 
Rhoiterion and the Dardanelles), 








of Flora; such were Clarke (1801), 
Tchihatcheff (1849), Julius Schmidt 
(1864), and Rudolf Virchow (1879) ; 
supplementary information has also 
been received from Frank Calvert 
(1879 and 1880). The collections of 
the three last-named explorers are for 
the most part given here for the first 
time (that of J. Schmidt according 
to the communications of Th. von 
Heldreich). From them and from the 
sporadic notices contained in _ bota- 
nical literature on collections of former 
travellers we gather that (including 
cultivated plants) there are scarcely 
500 kinds of plants known to belong 
to the Troad, which number constitutes 
at most a quarter or one-third part of 
the plants existing there. But doubt- 
less in a country which offers such 
favourable conditions for the vegeta- 
tion, a country too which—from the 
sandy and rocky sea-coast and the 
swampy plain to the lofty summits of 
the mountains abounding in forests 
and springs, and only for some months 
free from snow—offers a manifold 
variety of situation and geological 
formation, there are still reserved 
for the future splendid botanical dis- 
coveries. 

Since many of the future travellers 
to the Troad will certainly be active 
in this direction, an enumeration of 
the plants hitherto known—however 
incomplete it must be—seems to be 
useful in this place. 


728 


To economize space the names of 
the more frequently occurring obser- 
vers are abbreviated, namely— 


C=Clarke T = Tchihatehcft 
F = Forskal V=Virchow 
S=Julius Schmidt W =Barker Webb. 


RANUNCULACEAE. 

Anemone coronaria, L. In the Troad widely 
spread, e.g. In Tepeh (C.), Novum Ilium 
(Y.), Bounarbashi (C.), Gargarus (C.). 

A. stellata, Lmk. Bali Dagh (C.). 

A. formosa, Clarke. Gargarus (C.). 

A. blanda, Schott and Kotschy. Bali Dagh 
(C.), Gargarus (C ). 

Adonis aestivalis, L. Tumulus of Achilles 
(V.), Plain of Troy (V.). 

Ranunculus aquatilis, L. In Tepeh Asmak 
(V.), Kalifutli Asmak (V.). 

R. ficariiformis, F. Schultz. Novum Ilium, 
grove of fig-trees above the springs (V.). 
? Tenedos (Virlet). 

R. orientalis, L. Ida region (V.). 

?R. Reuterianus, Boiss. Between Nurlii and 
Tchaukhlar (T.). 

R. velutinus, Ten. Plain of Troy (S.). 

Rh. sceleratus, L. Plain of Troy (S.). 

Ri. ophioglossifolius, Vill. Plain of Troy (S8.). 

fi. trachycar pus, Fisch. et Mey. Plain of Troy 
(ὃ... 

R. arvensis, L. Plain of Troy (S.). 

Ceratocephalus falcatus, Pers. Valley of the 
Kimar Su (Calvert). 

Nigella arvensis, L., var. involucrata, Boiss. 
Tenedos (D’ Urville). 

N. sativa, L. Troad, cult. (W.). 

Paeonia decora, Anders. Below the source 
of the Scamander (V.). 


BERBERIDACEAE. 


Leontice Leontopetalum, L. Plain of Troy 
(V.), e.g. near Bounarbashi (C.). 


PAPAVERACEAE. 
Papaver dubium, L. Troad (V.). 
P. Argemone, L., var. Valley of Aiwajik Su, 
near Esheklii (V ), Assos (V.). 


FUMARIACEAE. 


Hypecoum procumbens, L. 
(C. W.), Hissarlik (V.). 
Corydallis Marschalliana, Pers.? (Fumaria 
bulbosa, Clarke). Source of the Scamander 
(C.). 

Fumaria officinalis, L. Troad (C.). 

fF. Vaillantii, Loisel. On the Hellespont, near 
the Quarantine (V.). 

F. parviflora, Lmk. Troad (C.). 

F. anatolica, Boiss. Plain of Troy (S.). 

F. Gussonei, Boiss., var. wmbrosa, Hausskn. 
Plain of Troy (S.). 


Plaiu of Troy 


CATALOGUE OF PLANTS OF THE TROAD. 








[App. VI. 


CrvciFrERAr. 

Matthiola tricuspidata, R. Br. Sandy strand 
of 'Talian Kioi near Alexandria Troas (V.). 

Cardamine hirsuta, L.? (C. tenella, Clarke). 
Bounarbashi (C.). 

C. graeca, L. Troy (V.). Between Kelbi and 
Tchaukhlar (T.). 

Dentaria bulbifera, L. Mountain forests of 
the Troad (T.). 
Arabis verna, R. Br. 

(ν.. 
albida, Steven. 

Techaukhlar (T.). 

Nasturtium officinale, R. Br. 
near Novum Ilium (V.). 

Erysimum smyrnaeum, Boiss. Ida region (V.). 

Sisymbrium spolyceratium, L. 'Tenedos (F.). 
In Greek, ἀγριοτιάρα. 

Malcolmia flexuosa, Sm. Port of Atexandria 
Troas (V.). Tenedos (Olivier). 

Aubrietia deltoidea, DC. Rock above the 
Scamander source (C.), Alexandria Troas 
(.. 

Vesicaria graeca, Reut. 

Alyssum umbellatum, Desv. 

A. campestre, LL. ‘Troy (Y.). 

Koniga maritima, R. Br. Troad (W.). 

Draba muralis, L.  Kestambul (V.). 

Aethionema ovalifolium, Boiss. ὃ (Thlaspi saxa- 
tile, Clarke). Scamander source (C.). 

Cakile maritima, Scop. Sandy beach oppo- 
site Tenedos (F.). 


Upper Scamander valley 
a Between Nurlii and 


At the springs 


Troy Cv): 
Troy (V.). 


Sinapis arvensis, L. Among oats (Calvert). - 


CAPPARIDACEAE. 
Capparis spinosa, L. Troad (W.), Tenedos 
(F.). Greek, ῥιμονιαριά. 
RESEDACEAE. 
Reseda Phyteuma, L.? (R. alba trigyna un. 


data, Forsk.). ‘Tenedos(F.). Greek ἀγριο- 
χάρθαμο. 
R. lutea, L. Tumulus of Patroclus (V.). 


CISTACEAE. 

Cistus villosus, L. Mountains rear Ghiekli 
(V.)? Scamander source (C. crispus, Clarke) 
(C.). Var. ereticus, Boiss. Between Nurlit 
and Akhmetlii (T.). 

C. salviifolius, L. Ren Kioi (V.), Troy (YV.), 
Ida district (V.). vee 


Helianthemum guttatum, Mill. Troy (V.). 


VIOLACEAE. 

Viola silvatica, Fr. Chigri Dagh (V.), Be- 
tween Nurlii and Tchaukhlar (T.). 

Viola olympica, Boiss. Between Nurlii and 
Tehaukhlar ('T.). 

SILENACEAE. 

Dianthus erinaceus, Boiss., var. alpinus, Boiss. 
(D. juniperinus, Webb; D. Webbianus, 
Parol.). On the summit of the Gargarus 
ΟὟ. Parolini). 


App. VI.] 


D. glutinosus, Boiss. et Heldr. (D. pubescens, 
D’Urv.). Tenedos, on sunny hills, not rare 
(D’ Urville). 

Tunica velutina, Fisch. et Mey. 
Troy (8.). 

T. Sibthorpii, Boiss. Troad (Olivier). 

Saponaria Vaccaria, L., var. grandiflora, 
Boiss. Plain of Troy (S.) 

Silene conica, L. Plain of Troy (S.). 

S. Behen, L. Plain of Troy (8.). 

S. colorata, Pvir. Stomalimne (V.)., Troy 
(V.). Tenedos (Virlet). Var. canescens, Heldr. 
Plain of Troy (S.). 

5. fabaria, Sm.? (Cucubalus foliis crassis, 
Forsk.). Tenedos, rock (F.). 

5. inflata, Sm. Troad (8.). Var. rubriflora, 
Boiss. Troad (8.). 


Plain of 


ALSINACEAE. 
Alsine setacea, Mert. et Koch. Var. anatolica, 
Boiss. Gargarus (Aucher). 
A. tenuifolia, Wahlenb. Troad (S.). 
Arenaria leptoclados, Rchb. Troad (S.). 
Stellularia media, Cir. Plain of Troy (S.). 
Moenchia mautica, Bartl. Troy (S., V.). Hill 
at Sigeum (V.). 
Cerastium brachypetalum, Desp. Var. luridum, 
Boiss. Troad (S.). 


PARONYCHIACEAE. 


Herniaria incana, Lmk. ‘Troad (S.). 
Paronychia argentea, Lmk. 'Troad (W.). 


MOLLUGINACEARE., 


Mollugo Cerviana, Ser. Troad (W.). 


TAMARISCACEAE. 


Tamarix parviflora, DC. At the Scamander 
and Simois in the Plain (V.). 
mentioned by Homer. 


The μυρίκη 


HYPERICACEAE. 

Triadenia Russeggeri, Fenzl. 
(Montbret). 

Hypericum rhodopeum, Friv. (H. recognitum 
Fischer et Meyer). Between Nurlii and 
Tchaukhlar, in a low stony situation (T.). 

? H. olympicum, Forsk., hardly L. Tenedos 
(F.). Greek γουδοῦρα, ayovdotpa or ἀγαθου- 
δέρα. 

H, <Aucheri, Jaub. et Spach. Gargarus 
(Aucher), Adramyttion (Montbret)? Be- 
tween Nurlii and Akhmetlii (Hl. procum- 
bens, T., hardly Michx.). 

H. supinum, Vis. On the gulf of Adramyt- 
tion, near the ancient Antandros (Parolini). 

H. Montbretii, Jaub. et Spach. Alexandria 
Troas (V.), Kestambul (V.). 


Adramyttion 


MALVACEAE. 
Malope malacoides, L. Alexandria Troas 
(V.). 
? Malva Tournefortiana, Forsk., hardly L. 


BY PROFESSOR PAUL ASCHERSON, ETC. 





129 


Tenedos (F.). Greek, μολλοχά; Turkish, 
achedjumez. 
Abelmoschus esculentus, Mnch. ‘'Troad, cult. 
(W.). Greek, βαμιά ; Turkish, bamia. 
Gossypium herbaceum, L. Is extensively cul- 
tivated in the Plain of Troy (Olivier, W. V.). 
In Tenedos, scantily cultivated (I. Olivier). 


TILIACEAE. 


Tilia intermedia, DC. Below the Scamander 
source, very sparingly (V.). 


LINACEAE, 
Linum alpinum, Jacq. Besika Tepeh (V.), 
Chigri Dagh (V.). 
GERANIACEAE. 
Geranium asphodeloides, Willd. Valley of the 
Aiwajik Su near Esheklii (V.). 
G. dissectum, L. Plain of Troy (Calvert). 


ZYGOPHYLLACEAE. 
Tribulus terrester, L. Troad (W.). 
Peganum Harmala, L. 'Troad (W.), Tenedos, 
on the beach (F.). Greek, Bpowoxdprapo ; 
Turkish, yserlik, 


RUTACEAE, 
Ruta chalepensis, L. 'Troad (W.). 


SAPINDACEAE. 

Acer creticum, L., var. obtusifolium, Boiss. 
Troad (T.). 

AMPELIDACEAE. 

Vitis vinifera, L. In the Plain of Troy, very 
often wild (W.), e.g. at the In Tepeh As- 
mak, Simois, Thymbrius, Kimar Su (V.); 
but sparingly cultivated, by the Mahomedans 
only for the grapes; for the making of wine, 
only at Yeni Shehr, Yeni Kioi (W.), Ren 
Kioi (V.). Chiefly on Tenedos, the wine of 
which is celebrated. In this island, viti- 
culture was flourishing already in ancient 
times, the arms of ancient Tenedcs showing 
a grape. 

TEREBINTHACEAE. 

Rhus Coriaria, L. Sumach. 
neur the sea (W.). 

Pistacia Terebinthus, L, In the Plain of 
Troy, not rare (W. V.); also near Ren Kioi, 
and on the Oulou Dagh (V.). 

P. Lentiscus, L. Trvad (W.). 


Wild on hills 


PAPILIONACEAE. 

Anagyris foetida, LL. Found all over the 
Troad (C. W. §.), e.g. on the banks of the 
In Tepeh Asmak, and near Novum Ilium 
(V.). 15 not eaten by the cattle. 

Adenocarpus divaricatus, DC. Middle region 
of the Ida above Evyjilar (W.). 

Calycotome villosa, Lk. (Spartium spinosum, 
Webb). ‘Troad (W.), e.g. Oulou Dagh (V.). 

Ὁ Spartium Scorpius, Webb. Troas (W.). 


730 CATALOGUE OF PLANTS OF THE TROAD. [App. VI, 


S. junceum, L. Troad (W.). Between Nuwilii | A. trojanus, Stev. (A. Tragacantha, Webb), 


and Akhmetlii (T.). Troad (Olivier, Aucher). 
Genista lydia, Boiss. Gargarus (Aucher). Onobrychis aequidentata, D’Urv. Troad (8.), 
Cytisus smyrnaeus, Boiss. Between Nurlii ; e.g. Sigeum (V.), Bali Dagh (V.). 

‘and Tchaukhlar (T.). Cicer arietinum, L. Troad, cultivated (CW. 
Tiigonella spicata, Sm. Between Nurlii and Calvert). 

Akhmetlii (Τὺ. | C. Montbretéi, Jaub. et Spach. Ida district 
T. cretica, Boiss. Between Nurlii and Akh- (V.), Gargarus (Aucher, Montbret). 

metlii (T.). Vicia hybrida, L. 'Troad (8.), e.g. Hissarlik 


Medicago marina, L. Troad (S.). On the shore (V.). Tenedos (Virlet). 
of the Hellespont, near Koum Kaleh (V.). V. melanops, Sibth. et Sm. Troad (V.). 
M. orbicularis, AJl., var. marginata, Benth. | V. grandiflora, Scop. Between Nurlii and 


Plain of Troy (Calvert). Tchaukhlar (T.) Var. Biebersteiniana, Koch. 

M. coronata, Desv. Troad (S.). Troad (V.). 

M. hispida, Urb., var. denticulata, Urb. Plain | V. sativa, L., var. macrocarpa, Boiss. Troad 
of ‘Troy (Calvert). (S.). 

M..arabica, All. Plain of Troy (Calvert), V. Cosentinii, Guss., var. amphicarpa, Heldr, 

M. minima, Bartal. Troad (S.). Troad (8.). 

Melilotus suleatus, Desf. Plain of Troy (Cal- | V. lathyroides, L. Between Nurlii and 
vert). Tchaukhlar (T.). 

M. neapolitanus, Ten. 'Troad (8.). V. cuspidata, Boiss. Troad (V.). 

Trifolium Cherleri, L. 'Troad (S.). V. peregrina, L. Troad (V.). 


T. stellatum, L. Troad (S.), e.g. on the Kali- | V. Faba, L. Troad, cultivated (V.). 
fatli Asmak, not far from the mouth of the | V.Cracca, L. Troad (V.). 


Simois (V.). ; V. villosa, Rth. 'Troad (V.). 
T. scabrum, L. Plain of Troy (Calvert). | V. laxiflora, Boiss. Kotch Ali Ovassi (V.). 
Between Nurlii and Tchaukhlar (T.). V. smyrnaea, Boiss. Besika Tepeh (Y.). 


T. Bocconet, Savi. Plain of Troy (Calvert). V. hirsuta, Koch. 'Troad (S.). 
T. spumosum, L. Plain of Troy (Calvert), Ida | V. Ervilia, Willd. Troad, cultivated (Calvert). 


district (V.). Lens esculenta, Mnch. Troad, cultivated (W.) 
T. repens, L. ‘'Troad (S.). Lathyrus Aphaca, L. 'Troad (S8.). 
T. uniflorum, L. Bounarbashi (C.), between | LZ. sativus, L. Troad, cultivated (Calvert). 
Nurlii and Tchaukhlar (T.). L. Cicera, L., var. pilosus, Alef. Troad (S. V.). 


. procumbens, Li. (T. agrarium, Poll.). Plain | JL. setéfolius, L. Troad (8.). 
of Troy (S. Calvert), Alexandria Troas (V.), | L. saxatilis, Vis. 'Troad (8). 


between Tuzla and Hasii (T.). Orobus sessilifolius, Sibth. et Sm. Troad 
Physanthyllis tetraphylla, Boiss. Troad (W.), (S. V.). Between Nurlii and Tchaukhlar. 
between Nurlii and Akhmetlii (T.). (T.) 
Hymenocarpus circinatus, Savi. Plain of | O. hirsutus, L. Troad (V.). Between Nurlii 
Troy (S:.¥.). and Tchaukhlar (T.) Var. glabratus, Gris. 
Lotus creticus, L., var. cytisoides, Boiss. Troad Troad (S. V.). 
(8.). Pisum elatius, M. B. 'Troad (S.). 
L. belgradica, Forsk. Tenedos (F.) ? Phaseolus vulgaris, L. Troad, cult. (W. Cal- 
Bonaveria Securidaca, Scop. Between Nurlii vert). 
and Akhmetlii (T.). Dolichos Lubia, Forsk. Troad, cult. (Calvert). 


Coronilla emeroides, Boiss. et Spr. (C. Emerus, 
Webb), Troad (W.). 

C. glauca, L. Troad (W.). Cercis Siliquastrum, L. Alexandria Troas 

C. parviflora, Willd. Frequently in the Plain (Y.). ¥ On the Iné Tchai (V.). Between 
of Troy (S. V.), e.g..on the Kalifatli Asmak Nurlii and Akhmetlii (T.). 


(CAESALPINIACEAE. 


(V.). It has yellow and pink, seldom white AMYGDALACEAE. 
flowers. τν ; 
bbit, Spach. Bali Dagh (W. 
Psoralea bituminosa, L. Troad (S.). Var. Tae ee weit 
major; Heldr. .Troad (8.). A. communis, L. Cultivated in 46 vicinity 
Glycyrrhiza glabra, L., var. glandulifera, Regel of the villages (V.) ee. in the Simois 
et Herd. (G. hirsuta, Pall.). road (W.). valley 0. f 


Astragalus Haarbachii, Sprun. Troad (S.). iis L. Like the eset 
A. Virchowii, Aschs. et Kurtz (A. christianus, oy ra (V.). 


Webb). Yeni Shehr, not far from the tu- POMACEAE. , 
mulus of Achilles (V.). Pirus communis, L. Forms frequently bushes 
A. anatolicus, Boiss.? (A. longiflorus, Clarke in the Plain of Troy, more seldom trees, €.g. 


hardly Pallas). Troad (C.). Koumi Koi (V.). On the In Tepeh Asmak 


App. VI.] 


(V.) Tenedos (Prunus oxyacantha, Forsk.). 
Greek, axAdda; also cultivated. 

P. Malus, L. Aggdagh (T.). Cultivated in 
the neighbourhood of the villages (V.). 

Crataegus monogyna, Jacq. Often in the under- 
wood, of the plain and the mountains (V.), 
e. g. Novum Ilium (V.), upper Scamander 
valley (V.). 

ROSACEAE. 

fiosa canina, L.? In bushes, particularly on 
the river-banks, frequent (V. ). 

Rubus sanctus, Schrb.? In bushes, particu- 
larly on river-banks, frequent (V.). 

Rt. tomentosus, Borkh. Gargarus (W.). 


Potentilla micrantha, Ramond? (Fragaria 
sterilis, Clarke, whether L.?) Gargarus 
(6. 


Aremonia agrimonioides, Neck. Alexandria 
Troas (V.). 

Sanguisorba spinosa, Bertol. In the bushes 
of the Plain of Troy and the hills, so fre- 
quent that it is used for fuel, e.g. near 
the In Tepeh, Novum Ilium, Besika Tepeh 


CV): 
MYRTACEAE. 
Myrtus communis, L. Troad (W. V.). 
GRANATACEAE. 


Punica Granatum, L. Troad, wild and culti- 
vated (W.). 
CUCURBITACEAE. 
Citrullus vulgaris, Schrad. Troad, cult. (W.). 
_Eebalium Elaterium, Rich. Hissarlik (V.). 
The seed of this plant was found in ex- 
cavating. 
Bryonia dioeca, Jacq.? Troad (V.). 


CRASSULACEAE. 
Umbilicus pendulinus, DC. Kotch Ali Ovassi 
(V.). 
Sedum Cepaea, L. Bali Dagh, “tumulus of 
-- Hector” (C.). 


UMBELLIFERAE. 

Eryngium campestre, L. Tenedos (F.). Greek, 
ἀγγαθία. 

E. bithynicum, Boiss.? (E. tricuspidatum, Sibth. 
et Sm., hardly L.). Plain of Troy (Sib- 
thorp). 

LE. foetidum, Forsk., not L. Tenedos (F.). 

Lagoecia cuminoides, L. Troad (V.). 

Bupleurum trichopodum, Boiss. et Sprun. 
Troad (8... 

Apium graveolens, L. Assos (V.). 

Ammi majus, L. 'Tenedos (F.). Greek, ἀσ- 
προκέφαλος. 

Physocaulus nodosus, Tausch. Troad (S8.). 

Anthriscus nemorosa, M. B., var. anatolica, 
Boiss. Gargarus (Aucher). 

A. vulgaris, Pers., var. pubescens, Heldr. 
Troad (S8.). 

Scandix grandiflora, L. Troad (S.), e. g. His- 
sarlik (V.). 


BY PROFESSOR PAUL ASCHERSON, ETC. 


731 


Bifora testiculata, DC. Troad (V.). 
Smyrnium Orphanidis, Boiss.? Ruins of Assos 
CV 


Hippomarathrum cristatum, Boiss.? Troad 
(Bi) 
LEchinophora Sibthorpiana, Guss. Troad (8.), 


vineyards on Tenedos frequent (D’ Urville). 

Oenanthe silaifolia, M. B. On the Bounar- 
bashi Su, near the bridge (V.). 

Foeniculum officinale, All. On the Kimar Su 
Cv: 

Crithnum maritimum, L. Rocky coast of the 
Troad (W.). 

Ferula communis, L. Troad (8.), e.g. on the 
In Tepeh Asmak, above the bridge (V.). 

Tordylium officinale, L. Troad (8.). 

T. apulum, L. 'Troad (S.), Alexandria Troas 
CW: 

Opopanax orientale, Boiss. 'Troad (S.). 
Daucus Broterii, Ten.? (Artedia muricata, 
Forsk.). Tenedos (F.). Greek, ἀξιγγάνο. 

Caucalis leptophylla, L. Troad (S.). 


ARALIACEAE. 
Hedera Hetix, L. Ida district (Y.). 


CORNACEAE. 
Cornus mas, L. Troad (T., V.). 


CAPRIFOLIACEAE, 

Lonicera Caprifolium, L.? Troad (Y.). 

L. orientalis, Lmk. Between Karajilar and 
Divanjik (T.). 

RUBIACEAE. 

Rubia peregrina, L. 'Troad (8.). 

R. Olivieri, A. Rich. Hedges near Beira- 
mitch (V.). 

Sherardia arvensis, L. Plain of Troy (S., Cal- 
vert). 

Galium Aparine, L. Troad (8.). 

Vaillantia muralis, L., var. hirsuta, Guss. 
Troad (8.). 

V. hispida, L. Troad (S8.). 


VALERIANACEAE. 

Valeriana Dioscoridis, Sm. Troad (C.). Upper 
Scamander valley (V.). 

Centranthus ruber, DC. Troad (W.). 

Valerianella coronata, DC. Hissarlik (V.), 
Tumulus of Batieia (V.). 

DIpsaCACcEAE. 

Knautia hybrida, Coult. Valley of the Aiwa- 
jik Su near Esheklii (V.). 

Scabiosa ochroleuca, L., var. Webbiana, Boiss. 
(S. Webbiana, Don). Ida mouniains (W., 
Parolini). 

CoMPOSITAE. 

Bellis perennis, L. Near the Kalifatli Asmak 
(V.). 

Asteriscus aquaticus, Mnch.? (Buphthalmum 
maritimum, Forsk.). Tenedos (F.). Greek, 
χόρτο καδιφέ. 


132 


Tnula heterolepis, Boiss. (Conyza candida, 
Webb, not L.). Troad (W.). 

I. viscosa, Ait. Besika Tepeh (V.). 

Diotis maritima, Sm. Sea-shore of the Troad 
(W.). 

Anthemis altissima, L. Plain of Troy (Cul- 
vert). Tenedos (D’Urville). 

A. arvensis, L. Plain of Troy (V.). 

Matricaria Chamomilla, L. Plain of Troy 
(Calvert). 

Chamaemelum trojanum, Bory et Chaub. Tene- 
dos (Virlet). 

ἢ C. caucasicum, Boiss. 
Tchaukhlar (T.). 

Artemisia maritima, L. Strand near Koum 
Kaleh (V.). 

Doronicum caucasicum, M.B. Between Nurli 
and Tchaukhlar (‘T.). 

Senecio vernalis, W. K. Between Nuila and 
Tchaukhlar (T.). 

Calendula arvensis, L. Hissarlik (V.). 

Echinops viscosus, DC. (EH. sphaerocephalus, 
Forsk. not L.). Tenedos (D'Urville). Greek, 
κάθαρ ἄγγαθο. 

ΕἸ. microcephalus, Sibth. et Sm.? (EH. strigo- 
sus, Forsk., not L.). 'Tenedos (F.). 

Cardopatium corymbosum, Pers. Troad, Te- 
nedos (Olivier). 

Carlina lanata, L.? (C. rubra, Forsk.). Tene- 
dos (F.). Greek, κοκινάγγαθο (that is, red 
Thistle). 

Cynara Seolymus, L. 'Troad (W.). 

Jurinea mollis, Rehb.? (Serratula centauroides, 
Forsk.). Coast of the Troad, opposite 'Tene- 
dos (F.). 

Centaurea Cyanus, L. Chigri Dagh (V.). 

C. lanigera, DC. Between Akhmetlii and 
Nurlii (T.). 

C. polyclada, DC. (C. arenaria, D'Urv., not 
M.B.). Troad? (Aucher). «Dry hills on 
Tenedos, frequent (D’Urville). 

C. spinosa, L. (Serratula spinosa, Forsk. ?). 
Troad (Olivier), Tenedos, on dry uncultivated 
hills very frequent (D’Urv.). Greek, Ἰαλασ- 
τυβιά, Turk. djevvan. Is fastened on the 
hedges (F.). 

C. solstitialis, L. Troad (W.),? Tenedos (Ὁ. 
tomentosa, Forsk. Greek, arpdyipa). 

C. Parolinii, DC. (C. aurea, Webb). Summit 
of Gargarus (W., Parolini). 

Carthamus dentatus, Vahl. Troal (Parolini). 

Scolymus hispanicus, L. (Catananche lutea, ἘΝ. 
not L.). Troad (W.), Tenedos (F.). Greek, 
σαρδάλρια Or κετρινάγγαθο. 

Cichorium Intubus,L. Tene'os ‘F.). Greek, 
κόρλα. 

CO. Endivia, L. Tenedos (probably cult.) (1... 
Greck ῥαδίκη ; Turk. hiddiba. 

Hedypnois ecretica, Willd. Plain of Troy 
(Calvert), Tenedos (F.). Greek, roar (ida. 

Tragopogon orrifolius, L.?  Koteh Ali 
Ovassi (V.), Assos (V.). 


Between Nurlii and 


CATALOGUE OF PLANTS OF THE TROAD. 











[App, VI. 


Taraxacum officinale, Web. Meadows along 
the Kalifatli Asmak (V.). 

Picridium vulgare, Desf. Tenedos (F.). 

Crepis rubra, L. Valley of the Aiwajik Su, 
near Esheklii (V.). 

Rodigia commutata, Spr. 

Lagoseris bifida, Boiss. 


Troy (V... 
Tenedos (Virlet). 


CAMPANULACEAE. 


Campanula lyrata, Lmk. 'Troad (V.), 

C. Erinus, L. Troad (8.). 

Podanthum cichoriiforme, Boiss. Troad (S.). 

Specularia Speculum - Veneris, Alph. DC. 
Fulah Dagh near the Thymbrius (Kimar 
Su), white and blue flower (V.). 

Sp. pentagonia, Alph. DC. Troad (V.). 


TRICACEAE. 


Arbutus Unedo, L. Upper Scamander valley 
CVs: 

A, Andrachne, L. Oulou Dagh (V.), on the 
Scamander, between Karajilar and Di- 
vanjik (T.), upper Scamander valley (C., 
WV): 

Erica arborea, L. Troad (W.), e.g. 
Dagh (V.). 

Rhododendron flavum Don (Azalea pontica, 
L.). Between Karajilar and Divanjik (T.). 


Oulou 


PRIMULACEAE. 

Cyclamen europaeum, Webb, hardly L. Troad 
CW). 

STYRACACEAE. 

Styrax officinalis, L. Troad (W., S.), eg. 
slopes of Hissarlik towards the Simois 
valley (V.). 

OLEACEAE. 

Olea europaea, L. Cultivated in the neigh- 
bourhood of the villages (V.). 

Phillyrea media, 1.. -Troad (W.). 

Fontanesia phillyreoides, Labill. Betweer 
Bairamkioi (Assos) and Shubrak (‘T.). 


J ASMINACEAE. 
Jasminum fruticans, L. Troad (W.), e. g. His- 
sarlik (V.). 
APOCYNACEAE. 
Nerium Oleander, 1. Troad (W.). Greek, 
ῥοδοδάφνη or πικροδάφνη. 


ASCLEPIADACEAE. 
Periploca graeca, L. Plain of Troy (W.). 


SESAMACEAE. . 

Sesamum indicum, L. Troad, cult. (Olivier, 
W., Calvert, Tenedos, rarely cultivated and 
growing wild (F., Olivier, D’Urville). Greek, 
σισάμι. 

CONVOLVULACEAE. 

Convolvulus tenuissimus, Sibth. et Sm. Troad 
ry) 

C. arvensis, L. Plain of Troy (Calvert). 


App. VI.] 


BoRAGINACEAE, 


Heliotropium europueum, L. 'Troad (W.). 

H.sp. Evjilar (W.). 

Cerinthe major, L. Troad (W.). 

Anchusa officinalis, L. Plain of Troy (V.), 
between Nurlii and Akhmetlii (T.). 
Onosma stellulata, W. K., var. pallida, Boiss. 
Alexandria Troas (V.), Kestambul (V.). 
Echium plantagineum, L. Valley of the Thym- 
brius (Kimar Su) (V.)? 'Tenedos (E. creti- 
cum, Forsk.). 

Lithospermum apulum, L. On the Hellespont, 
near the Quarantine (V.). 

I. purpureo-caeruleum, L. Upper Scamander 
valley (V.). 

Alkanna tinctoria, Tausch. Troad (C., V.). ° 

Myosotis hispida, Schlechtd. Kalifatli (V.). 

Cynoglossum pictum, Ait. Valley of the 
Thymbrius (Kimar Su) (V.), between Nurlii 
and Akhmetli (T.). 

Asperugo procumbens, L. Valley of the 
Thymbrius (Kimar Su) (V.). 


SoLANACEAR. 


Solanum sodomaeum, li. Troad (W.). 
S. Melongena, L. Troad, cult. (W.). 
Hyoscyamus albus, L. Tenedos (F.). 
H. aureus, L. TYenedos (F.). Greek, μελο- 
χόρταρο. 
ΞΟΣΟΡΗ ΠΑΒΙΛΟΒΑΕ. 
Verbascum phlomoides, L. Tioad (W.), Tene- 
dos (F.). Greek, φλόμο. 
V. sinuatum, L. Troad (W.). 
Linaria Pelicieriana, DC. Novum Ilium (V.), 
Besika Tepeh (V.), valley near Tuzla (T.). 
L. arvensis, Desf. 'Troad (C.). 
Scrophularia canina, L. Assos (V.). 
Veronica multifida, L. Troad (V.). 
Eufragia latifolia, Gris. Plain of Troy (Oli- 
vier, Calvert), e. g. Hissarlik (V.). 
E. viscosa, Benth. Plain of Troy (Olivier). 
Trixago apula, Stev. Plain of Troy (Calvert), 
between Nurlii and Akhmetli (T.). 


OnroBANCHACEAE, 
Phelipaea ramosa, C. A. Mey. Fulah Dagh 
(V.), Alexandria Troas (V.). Var. Muteli, 
Boiss. Assos (V.). 


Orobanche pubescens, D’Ury. Troad (Y.». 


ACANTHACEAE. 
? Acanthus mollis, L. Troad (W.). 


VERBENACEAE. 

Vitex Agnus-castus, L. Troad (W.) e. g. 
Valley of the Simois (V.). Also between 
Chigri Dagh and Iné (Sayce). Greek, 
λιγαριά. 

LABIATAE, 

Lavandula Stoechas, L. Troad (W.). 

Mentha, sp. On the Kalifatli Asmak (V.). 

Origanum vulgare, L., var. viride, Boiss,? 


BY PROFESSOR PAUL ASCHERSON, ETC. 





733 


Tenedos (F.). The ὀρίγανον of Tenedcs is 
praised by anvient classics. 

O. Onites, L. Troad (W.) e.g. at the Scaman- 
der source. (C.) 

Thymus striatus, Vahl? (T. Zygis, Forsk ) 
Tenedos (F.). Greek, θυμάρι. 

Th. hirsutus, M. B. (T. vulgaris, Webb, not 
L., Th. cherlerioides, Vis.). Ida mountains 
(Parolini). 

T. capitatus, Lk. et Hfmg. Troad (W.) 

Satureja Thymbra, L. 'Troad (Olivier, W.), 
Olivier derives the name of the city Thym- 
bra and the river Thymbrius from that of 
the plant, which he found abundantly in 
the valley of the Simois (Doumbrek Tchai) 
which used to be identified with the Thym- 
brius. 

Salvia grandiflora, Ettl., var. rotundifolia, 
Boiss. (S. rotundifolia, Vis). Ida moun- 
tains (Parolini). 

S. argentea, L. Troad (S.). 

S. verbenaca, L., var. vernalis, Boiss. 
sarlik (V.). 

S. viridis, L. Hissarlik (V.), between Nurlii 
and Akhmetli (T.). 
Stachys orientalis, Vahl. 
Akhmetlii (T.). Var. pauciflora, Boiss. ; S 

paurifiora, Vis. 'Troad (Parolini), 

S. cretica, L.? (S. tomentosa, Forsk.). Tene- 
dos (F.). Greek, μόσχο βόλο χόρταρο. 

? Lamium album, 1. Between Akhmetlii and 
Nurlii (T.). 

L. moschatum, Mill. Troad (8.), e.g. valley of 
the Thymbrius (Kimar Su), (V.). 

Ballota acetabulosa, Benth. Troad (V.). 
Does Moluccella fruticosa, Forsk., Tenedos 
(Greck, χαραβό), belong here ὃ 

Phlomis fruticosa, L. 'Troad (W.). 

Prasium majus, L. Troad (W.). 

Aiuga chia, Schreb. Troad (V.). 

Teucrium Polium, L. Bali Dagh (C.). 


His- 


Between Nuriii and 


PLUMBAGINACEAE, 


Statice sinuata, L. Shore of the Troad (W.). 
Plumbago europaea, L. Troad (W.). 


SALSOLACEAE. 
Ὁ Chenopodium album, L. Tenedos(F.). Turk. 
siritjam. 
C. Botrys, L. Troad (W.). 
? Atriplex Halimus, L. Troad (W.). 
Salsola Soda, L. Coast of the Troad (W.). 
S. Kali, L. Sandy strand opposite Tenedos (F.) 


POLYGON ACEAE. 
Emex spinosa, Campd. 
Chigri Dagh (V.). 
Rumex pulcher, L. Plain of Troy (Calvert), 
R. tuberosus, L. 'Tenedos (Virlet). 
fi. acetoselloides, Bal. Plain of Troy (V.). 
Polygonum aviculare, L. Plain of Troy (Cal- 
vert), Tenedos, frequent in dry places 
(D’Urville), 


Kestambul, on the 


194 


THYMELAEACEAE. 


Thymelaea Tartonraira, All. (T. argentea, 
Clarke). Very frequent near the villages, 
used as firewood; e.g. in the environs 
of the In Tepeh (C., V.), Hagios Demetrios 
Tepeh (V.). 

T. hirsuta, Endl. Troad (W.). 


ELAEAGNACEAE. 


Elaeagnus hortensis, M.-B. (EZ. angustifolia, 
Forsk.). Troad, cult. (W.), Tenedos, cult. 


(F.). Turk. idae. 
LAURACEAE. 
Laurus nobilis, L. Troad (W.). 
CYTINACEAE. 


Cytistis Hypocistis, L. Parasitic on the roots of 
Cistus salviifolius, L., near Ren Kioi (V.). 


ARISTOLOCHIACEAE, 


Aristolochia Tournefortii, Jaub. et Sp. Troad 
(Olivier). 
A. hirta, L. Ridge of Hissarlik (V.). 


EUPHORBIACEAE. 

Euphorbia Chamaesyce, L. (ΕἸ. polygonifolia, 
Forsk.). Coast opposite Tenedos (F.). 

E. amygdaloides, L. Between Nurlii and 
Tchaukhlar (T.) 

E. biglandulosa, Desf. Kalifatli (V.). 

Crozophara tinctoria, A. Juss. Troad (W.), 
Tenedos, on fallows (F.). Greek, σκλαρό- 
xopto: with the Greek of Natolia, ἄγριο 
φασουλιά,. 

URTICACEAE. 

Urtica pilulifera, L. Walley of the Thymbrius 
(Kimar Su) (V.), Tenedos (F.). Greek, 
ἀτζηκνίδα. 

Humulus Lupulus, L. In bushes on the 
river-banks of the Plain of Troy, frequent 
CV). 

Morus nigra, L. a near the villages 

M. alba, L. CVo); 

Ficus Carica, L. Wild in the Plain of Troy, 
e. g. in the grove above the springs at Novum 
Tlium (V.), Bounarbashi (Olivier). Cul- 
tivated near the villages. The practice of 
caprification occurs in this country (W.). 

Celtis Tournefortit, Lmk. In the ruins of the 
thermae ‘ of Alexandria Troas’ (W.). 

Ulmus campestris, L. Bushes on the river- 
banks of the Plain of Troy; e.g. on the 
Kalifatli Asmak, on the Scamander, Simois, 
Thymbrius (Kimar Su) (V.), near Bounar- 
bashi (Olivier). The πτελέα mentioned by 
Homer. 

J UGLANDACEAE. 

Juglans regia, L. Cultivated near the vil- 
lages (V.). 

PLATANACEAE. 

Platanus orientalis, L. Wild in the bushes 
on the river-banks of the Plain of Troy and 
in the mountains; e.g. in the lower Simois 


CATALOGUE OF PLANTS OF THE TROAD. 


[App. VI. 


valley (V.), at the Scamander source, there 
also often a tree (C., W., V.); planted in 
and near the villages. It is the most stately 
tree of the 'Troad, e.g. at Kalifatli, in Doum- 
brek Kioi (V.), Bounarbashi, near Beira- 
mitch (C. W.). 

CUPULIFERAE. 


Quercus pedunculata, Ehrh. lower 
region (W.). 

Q. sessiliflora, Sm. Like the former (W.). 

Q., var. pubescens, Boiss. Plain near Koum 
Kioi (V.). 

Q. lusitanica, Lmk., var. genuina, Boiss. (Q. 
infectoria, Oliv.). In the Troad, e.g. Iné 
(T.), only shrub-like; the gall-nuts are 
gathered (Olivier, V.), most appreciated 
are those which are not yet quite ripe, called 
“oreen” or ‘“black;” the ripe ‘‘ white” 
ones have far less value (Olivier). 

Q. Ilex, L. Troad, here and there ΟὟ. T.). 

Q. coccifera, L. Frequent in the anterior 
Troad, but only shrub-like (W., T.), e.g. 
Hissarlik, on the slopes above the springs 
(V.). 

Q. Cerris, L. In the lower range of the Ida, 
and on the Scamander near Kara Kioi (T.). 
in the upper Scamander valley from Kush- 
umlii upwards (W.) 

Q. Aegilops, L. In the Troad, widely spread ; 
it gives abundant Valonia (BeAavidia) (Oli- 
vier, D’Urville, W., S., V.); particularly 
remarkable trees near Ren Kioi, Koum Kioi, 
at the foot of the Fulah Dagh, on the Sud- 
luch Su between Ghiekli and Talian Kioi 
(V.), and particularly in the ruins of Alex- 
andria Troas (Olivier, W., V.), scantily on 
Tenedos (Olivier). Here also belong 
Q. trojana, Webb (Q. aegilopifolia, Webb) 
and Q. Libani, Tchh. (not Oliv.), the latter 
between Iné and Kestambul (T.). 

Castanea sativa, Mill. Ida district (V.). 


Ida, 


BETULACEAE. 

Corylus Avellana, L.? Upper Scamander 
valley (C., V.). 

Carpinus Betulus, L. Spread in the Plain and 
in the mountains (V.). 

C. duinensis, Scop. In the valley of the El- 
tehi Tchai (T.). 

SALICACEAE. 

Salix alba, L. Spread in the Plain of Troy 
as bushes on the river-banks, also a tree, 
e.g. on the Scamander, Bounarbashi Su, 
Thymbrius (Kimar Su) (V.), near Bounar- 
bashi (Olivier). The iréa mentioned by 
Homer. 

Populus italica, Mnch. At Ren Kioi and 
Doumbrek Kioi, planted; not in the Plain 
(Y.): 

TYPHACEAE. 

Typha, sp. On the In Tepeh Asmak, above 

the bridge (Y. v.). 


App, VI.] 


ARACEAE. 


Dracunculus vulgaris, Schott. On the Kalifatli 
Asmak, near the mouth of the Simois, in 
the underwood of Elms (V.). 


POTAMEAE. 
Zostera marina, L. Hellespont (Calvert). 


Posidonia oceanica, Del. Τὰ {πὸ Gulf of Adra- 
myttion, near Bairam Kivi (Assos) (V.). 


ORCHIDACEAE.? 

Aceras pyramidalis, Rehb. fil. 
Troas (V.). 

Orchis papilionacea, L.  Troad (Olivier), 
valley of Yerkassi Kioi (V.). 

20. longicornu, Poir. Between Nurlii and 
Tchaukhlar (T.). 

O. coriophorya, L., var. sancta, Rehb. fil. 
Troad (Olivier). 

O. tridentata, Scop. Yerkassi Kioi (V.). 

O. brevilubris, Fisch. et Mey. Between Kara- 
jilar and Divanjik on bushy hills (T.). 

O. punctulaia, δῖον. Alexandria Troas (V.). 

O. provincialis, Balb. Troy (V.), Alexandria 
Troas (V.). 

O. heroica, Clarke. 
Hector ” (C.). 

O. pseudosambucina, Ten. Oulou Dagh (V.), 
between Nurlii and Tchaukhlar (T.). 

Ophrys fuciflora, Rchb. Upper Scamander 
valley (V.). 

O. aranifera, Huds. 
mammosa, Rehb. fil. 
valley (V.). 

Cephalanthera Xiphophyllum, Rehb. fil. Yer- 
kassi Kioi (V.). 

C. cucullata, Boiss. et Heldr. Yerkassi Kioi 
(V.). Here may belong C. epipactoides, 
Fisch. et Mey. Between Kestambul and 
Tuzla (T.). 

Spiranthes auctumnalis, Rich. Gargarus, below 
the summit (W.). 


Alexandria 


Bali Dagh, “ tumulus of 


Yerkassi Kioi (V.), var. 
Upper Scamender 


AMARYLLIDACEAE. 


Galanthus nivalis, L. Scamander-source (C.). 

Sternbergia lutea, Ker. 'Troad (W.). 

St., sp.? Between Bounarbashi (near Bei- 
ramitch) and Aiwajik (W.). 

Pancratium maritimum, L. Sea-shore of the 


Troad (W.). 
TRIDACEAE. 
Crocus moesiacus, Ker, var. Landerianus, Herb. 


Kurshuklu Tepeh (Kushumlii?) (Herbert). 

C. gargaricus, Herb. (C. aureus, Clarke). 
Gargarus (C.). 

C. biflorus, Mill., var. nubigenus, Baker (C. 
vernus, Clarke? C. nubigenus, Herb.) 
Summit of the Gargarus (Herbert). 

C. Sieberi, Gay. Troad (Olivier). 

C. candidus, Clarke. Gargarus (C.). 


? Virchow’s collection has been determined by 
Mr. F. Kranzlin. 


BY PROFESSOR PAUL ASCHERSON, ETC. 





739 


C. autumnalis, Webb. Gargarus, below the 
summit (W.). 

Romulea Bulbocodium, Seb. et Maur. 
(.); 

Tris pumila, L. Novum Ilium (V.), Hagios 
Demetrios Tepeh (V.). 4 

I, Pseudacorus, L. On the Bounarbashi Su, 
not far from the bridge (V.). 

Gynandriris Sisyrinchium, Parl. Not rare in 
the meadows of the anterior Troad, e.g. in 
the bed of the In Tepeh Asmak, on the Kali- 
fatli Asmak (V.). 


DIOSCOREACEAE. 
Tamus communis, L. Ida district, at Erinlii 


EV): 
SMILACEAE. 
Smilax aspera, L. 'Troad (W.). 
Ruscus Hypophyllum, L. (R. troadensis, Clarke). 
Scamander-source (C., V.). 


Troad 


LILIACEAE. 

Tulipa montana, Lind. Upper Scamander 
valley, near Karakioi (T.). 

Gagea arvensis, Schult.? (Ornithogalum a., 
Clarke). In Tepeh (Ὁ... 

G. polymorpha, Boiss. Valley of the Thym- 
brius (Kimar Su) (Calvert). 

G. lutea, Schult.? (Ornithogalum 1., Clarke). 
Bali Dagh, on the “ tumulus of Hector’ (C.). 

Fritillaria Pinardi, Boiss. Between Nurlit 
and Techaukhlar (T.). 

F. Schliemanni, Aschs. et Boiss. 
mander valley (V.). 

Leopoldia trojana, Heldr. Troad (S.), Plain 
of Troy (V.), upper Scamander valley (V.), 
Alexandria Troas (V.). Here seems also 
to belong Bellevalia comosa, Tchih. Plain 
of Tuzla (T.). 

L. Pinardi, Heldr.. Troad (S.). 

Muscari racemosum, Mill. Plain of Troy (V.), 
Bali Dagh, “ tumulus of Hector” (C.), 

M. paradoxum, C. Koch. Between Nurlii and 
Tchaukhlar (T.). 

Ornithogalum prasandrum, Gris. 
(V.), Alexandria Troas (V.). 

O. sulphureum, R. et 5. 'Troad (S.). 

O. comosum, L. Troad (S.), 6. g. Hissarlik (V.). 

Allium nigrum, L. Troad (S.). 

A.,sp., purple flower. Summit of the Gar- 
garus (W.). 

Asphodelus microcarpus, Vis. Plain of Troy 
(W.), e.g. in the dry meadows on the In 
Tepeh Asmak and on the Simois (V.), 
Tenedos (F.). Greek, ἀσπουρδοῦλι. 

A. luteus, L. Alexandria Troas (V.). 


MELANTHIACEAE. 


Upper Sca- 


Kalifatli 


? Colchicum auctumnale, L., and 

C. variegatum, L. Gargarus, below the sum- 
mit (W.). 

Bulbocodium trigynum, Adam. 
Thymbrius (Calvert). 


Valley of the 


736 


JUNCACEAE. 
Juncus acutus, Lmk. In Tepeh Asmak, above 
the bridge (V.). 
BUTOMACEAE. 
Butomus umbellatus, L. Plain of Troy (8.) 
CYPERACEAE. 
Cyperus longus, L. Plain of Troy (W.). 
Galilaea mucronata, Parl. Sandy strand of 
the Troad (W.), 6. g. to the north of Talian 
Kioi (V.). 
Scirpus Holoschoenus, L. Plain of Troy, near 
Bounarbashi (C.). 
S. maritimus, L. Troad (S.). 
Carex divisa, Huds. Troad (S8.). 
C. divulsa, Good. Novum Ilium (V.). 
C. hispida, Willd. On the Bounarbashi Su, 
near the bridge (V.). 
C. distans, L. Plain of Troy (S.),e. g. on the 
In Tepeh Asmak (V.). 


GRAMINEAE. 

Phalaris minor, Retz. Plain of Troy (Cal- 
vert). 

Sorghum vulgare, Pers. Troad, cult. (Calvert). 

S. halepense, Pers. Tenedos (F.). Greek, 
καλαμάγρα. 

Zea Mays, L. Tread, cult. (Calvert). 

Cynodon Dactylon, Rich. Tenedos (F.). Greek, 
ἀγρία or ἀγριάδα. 

Phleum tenue, Schrad. 
Calvert). 

Ph. pratense, L. Plain of Troy (Calvert). 

Alopecurus utriculatus, Pers. Plain of Troy 
(s.). 

A. agrestis, L. Plain of Troy (Calvert). 

Avena orientalis, Schreb, Troad, cult. (Cal- 
vert). 

A. barbata, Brot. Troad (S.). 

Aera capillaris, Host, var. ambigua, Heldr. 
Troad (S.). 

Arundo Phragmites, L. Swamps of the Plain 
of Troy, everywhere (V.). 

A. Donaz, L. Plain of Troy, e.g. in the lower 
Simois valley (W.). 

Briza maxima, L. Troad (S8.), quarry at 
Kotch Ali Ovassi (V.). 

B. spicata, Sibth. et Sm. Troad (8.). 

Dactylis glomerata, L. 'Troad (8.). 

Catabrosa aquatica, P. B. Plain of Troy (8.) 

Festuca ciliata, Danth. Troad (S.). 

Biomus sterilis, L. 'Troad (8.). 

B. tectorum, L. Plain of Troy (8., Calvert), 
Chigri Dagh (V.). 

B. madritensis, L. Plain of Troy (S., Cal- 
vert). 

B. secalinus, L. Among oats (Calvert). 

B. scoparius, L. Plain of Troy (S., Calvert). 


Plain of Troy (S., 


CATALOGUE OF PLANTS OF THE TROAD. 





[App. VI. 


B. mollis, LL. Plain of Troy (Calvert). 

Brachypodium distachyum, P. B. Plain of 
Troy (Sibthorp, 8.). 

Triticum vulgare, Vill., and 

T. durum, Desf. 'Troad, cult. (V., Culvert). 

T. villosum, M. B. Troad (S.). 

Aegilops triaiistata, Willd. Plain of Troy 
(Calvert), - 

Secale cereale, L. Troad, cult. (V.). 

Hordeum vulgare, L. 'Troad, cult. (V., Cul- 
vert). 

HH. bulbosum, L. Troad (S.). 

H. murinum, L. Plain of Troy (S., Calvert). 

HA. maritimum, With. Plain of Troy (Calvert). 


_ Lolium temulentum, L. Among oats (Calvert). 


GNETACEAE. 


Ephedra procera, Fisch. et Mey. 
Ilium (W., V.). 


Novum 


CONIFERAE. 

Pinus Laricio, Poir. Mountains above Iné 
(T.), Ida Mountains (W.). 

P. halepensis, Mill.. Near the sea-coast (W.), 
Tenedos, scantily (Olivier). 

P. Parolinii, Vis. Ida Mountains, forming 
the main part (W., Parolini). 

P. Pinea, lL. Between Iné and Ovajik (T.). 

Picea orientalis, Carr. (Pinus Abies, Webb). 
Ida Mountains (W.), lower mountain range 
at Tchaukhlar (T.). 

Abies alba, Mill. Ida mountains (W.), Agg. 
Dagh (T.). 

Cupressus sempervirens, L. In the Middle 
Troad, on graveyards, not in the Plain (V.) 
e. g. Iné (C.). 

Juniperus Oxycedrus, L. 'Troad (W.), 6. g. His- 
sarlik, slopes above the spring (V.). 


FILtces. 

Polypodium vulgare, L. Upper Scamander 
valley (V.). 

Pteris aquilina, L. The same (V.). 

Asplenium Trichomanes, L. Scamander-source 
CV) 

A. Adiantum-nigrum, L. Upper Scamander 
valley (V.). 

Ceterach officinarum, Willd. Gargarus (C.). 

Cystopteris fragilis, Bernh. Scamander-source 
(V.). 

Mosct. 

Cinclidotus aquaticus, Bruch et Schimp. 
Overgrows the wet rocks at the Scamander- 
source (δ... The same species is also 
found at the source of Vaucluse (C. Miiller, 
ἨΔ]... 

LICHENES. 


Usnea articulata, Ach. Gargarus (C.). 


APPENDIX VIL. 


ON THE LOST ART OF HARDENING COPPER. 


By A. J. DUFFIELD. 


SoME years ago, while engaged in 
writing on the Incas of Peru, their 
eivilization and knowledge of the fine 
and the industrial arts, I came to 
doubt what has been so confidently 
set forth by some historians, that the 
Children of the Sun knew of a secret 
in metallurgy that baffles the scienti- 
fic knowledge of the nineteenth cen- 
tury to discover. It is true that the 
Incas had their mirrors of polished 
copper, which their women greatly 
prized; and did not Humboldt bring 
to Europe a copper chisel, that was 
found in a silver mine close to Cuzco? 
And is it not true that many of the 
vessels, weapons, tools, and ornaments, 
which belong to Incarial times and 
are now and again found in various 
parts of Peru, are of a brown com- 
plexion, and not blue or green with 
rust? And does not all this prove that 
the Incas possessed and practised the 
art of hardening copper ? 

The Incas were a wonderful people : 
their system of colonization and set- 
tlement is worthy the attention of 
modern statesmen. ‘Their way of life 
was admirable and enviable for many 
things: no one, for example, of their 
kingdom could die for lack of bread ; 
idleness was punished as a crime; no 
lawsuit could be postponed longer 
than five days. Everybody received 
an education peculiar to his state and 
condition. The compulsory education 
of children began at their birth; for 
no mother was allowed to take her 
babe in her arms to give it suck, but 
was to bend over it as it lay on its 








back, encouraging the infant to an 
effort which he should never be re- 
leased from making through the rest 
of his hfe—that, namely, of doing 
something by which to win his daily 
food. Thieving was punished with 
the loss of the eyes; the moving of 
a landmark with death. Water was 
made the universal servant and slave 
of man; the soil was divided equally 
every year between God, the king, 
and the people; the earth was culti- 
vated with joy and singing; the sun 
was the image of the Creator, the 
moon that of his spouse; the rainbow 
was his messenger, and the stars which 
hung in the sapphire night inspired 
a sense of beauty, that refined while 
it elevated the taste of all observers. 
But for all that, I do not believe that 
the Incas knew how, by artificial 
means, to give hardness to copper. 
They were a people gifted with a 
clear insight; they loved and wor- 
shipped Nature in her most excellent 
forms, and imitated her in all things; 
their kings’ gardens were beautiful, 
not only in exquisite flowers and 
birds and bright-coloured insects, but 
also in perfect imitations of these in 
silver and gold. 

Much meditation on the arts of 
this refined and deeply religious 
people made me frequently muse and 
think and mourn, as, wandering 
among the ruins they have left behind 
them, I came to indulge in a ‘‘ lodged 
hate and a certain loathing” for the 
immaculate Spanish Christian people 
who murdered those worshippers of 

3B 


Nature, trampled their kings’ gardens 
into mud, melted their silver Hlies 
into five-shilling pieces, and their 
gold primroses and butterflies into 
onzas, buttons for court monkeys, and 
buckles and bracelets for frivolous 
women. ‘These and like things being 
fastened in my revolving mind often 
shaped themselves as figures are 
shaped by the idle motion of the 
kaleidoscope; and some years after, 
while sojourning in Keewaiwona, 
once the territory of a race who de- 
lighted to make beautiful things out 
of a beauteous material,—the Huron 
Indians, who held the south shore of 
Lake Superior,—I one day caught 
sight of a large boulder of pecular 
shape and colour lying amongst other 
and different boulders on the lake- 
shore. It was slightly tinged with a 
blue-green mould, but its deeply cut 
crevices were as bright as red-hot 
wire. Afterwards I picked up some 
copper daggers of fine shape, and 
sharp in edge and point. I was also 
present at the finding, some thirty 
feet below the level of Lake Superior, 
of three swords, 20 in., 18 in., and 16 
in. long respectively, also complete 
in bevelled edge and shapeful point, 
handle and fluting of the sides finely 
wrought, untouched by the lapse of 
time, and but little sullied by the 
presence of an oxide. I subsequently 
visited the Ontonagon district, where 
for the first time in my life I saw 
native copper lying in its rocky 
womb, twin-born with silver, and 
shining with a lustre comparable only 
to that of the heavenly bodies. There 
is something in the sight and presence 
of a large massy body shining in the 
dark of the earth, and retaining its 
brightness for the eye to take in its 
fill of beauty, that may be compared 
to the charm of sustained music unex- 
pectedly heard for the first time; and, 
in the course of a year’s residence in 
that metallic region, I had abundant 
opportunities of returning to that 
comparison and testing its truth. 


ON THE LOST ART OF HARDENING COPPER. 














[Arp, VII. 


On my return to England I carried 
with me many samples of these metals, 
which were analysed in the usual 
way; but the gangue of the samples 
from Keewaiwona carried a number 
of bright specks visible to the naked 
eye, which I picked out with a pair 
of pincers. They were globules of 
a bright grey-white metal, which 
had resisted the-action alike of nitric 
acid and aqua regia. Assisted by my 
late friend Mr. W. Valentin, of the 
Royal College of Chemistry, 15 grains’ 
weight of these minute specks were 
treated with an infusion of potassic 
bisulphate, dissolved in water, preci- 
pitated on zine, and subsequently 


heated in hydrogen, giving us a dark- 


grey powdery substance that could 
be beaten into shape. Professor 
Frankland subjected a portion of this 
to spectrum analysis. The left hand 
of the ribbon was filled in with the 
bars characteristic of rhodium, and 
the charcoal finger crucibles carried 
minute particles of pure metallic 
rhodium, which I retain. Subse- 
quently to this I was requested by 
Mr. Valentin to analyse the “ impuri- 
ties” of certain coppers, which I did, 
not knowing whence the coppers came, 
or in what part of the world they 
were found; they yielded us, among 
other elements, ruthenium and 111- 
dium. When I came to learn that 
these coppers came from the great 
native copper deposit from which the 
Incas took their metal for making 
their edge-tools and weapons, their 
arrow-heads and vessels, their bright 
flat reflecting mirrors to give gladness 
to their women, their concave mirrors 
by which their priests ‘drew fire 
from the sun,’—the whole thing 
flashed across my mind, that it was 
to the presence of the metals of the 
platinum group that the hardness of 
the copper was due, and not to any 
art of hardening copper, which was 
known to the Incas, but is now lost. 
Then I returned to Lake Superior to 
hunt for the home of rhodium, sending 


Apr. VIL] 


from time to time to Mr. Valentin for 
analysis examples of a certain lustrous 
deeply-dyed native copper, and he 
always found traces of rhodium. 

I come therefore to the conclusion, 
that all the knowledge which the 
Incas and the Hurons had on the 
hardening of copper was due to their 
love of beautiful things: they came to 
know by experience that the deep- 
coloured copper from a certain locality 
was not only fine of complexion, but 
very hard: of this, therefore, they 
made their excellent vessels and their 
keen-cutting blades. 

Professor Roberts, of the Royal 
Mint, who has taken a deep interest in 
this matter, has made an experiment 
with 90 per cent. of copper and 10 per 
cent. of rhodium, which has yielded 
an alloy very similar in colour to the 
native copper of Keewaiwona: the 
fracture is exactly the same in shade, 
but of its hardness it is difficult to 
tell: a portion of the alloy left in the 
bottom of the crucible was found to 
be very hard. It is to be hoped that 
Professor Roberts may yet find time 
to conduct other experiments which 
shall throw some light on the amount 
of rhodium with which Nature used to 


DY ee co DUPFIELD: 





739 


form that alloy of her own, and from 
which we may assume that some of 
her Gevout children made their most 
perfect things. 





In printing the foregoing commu- 
nication, I offer my very sincere 
thanks to Mr. Duffield for his interest- 
ing account of a discovery so important 
in its bearing on the general question 
of pre-historic metallurgy. The dis- 
covery presents an obvious analogy to 
the implements of copper, harder than 
ordinary commercial copper, which I 
found in the stratum of the first city 
at Hissarlik (see p. 251); but there 
has not been time, since my attention 
was called to it, to decide the question 
whether the copper found by me is, in 
fact, a natural alloy similar to that 
which Mr. Duffield discovered in Ame- 
rica. The necessary experiments have 
still to be conducted ; but meanwhile I 
feel it an honour and pleasure that 
the present work should be enriched 
with a discovery that promises to be 
fruitful in results to our knowledge of 
the early Copper Age, which we now 
know certainly to have preceded that 
of Bronze (see pp. 257, 258).—H. 8. 


APPENDIX VIII. 


ON HERA BOOPIS. 


By Proressor Henry Bruescu-Bey. 


ΙΝ no other land of the ancient world 
does the worship of the Cow play so 
important a part as in Egypt. The 
representations and inscriptions on 
the oldest monuments already contain 
copious references to the sacred Cow ; 
but it is only from the monuments of 
later periods that scientific enquiry is 
first supplied with clearer information 
as to the origin of this worship and 
its connection with a goddess of the 
Egyptian Olympus of learned inves- 
tigation. The following account, 
founded on monumental records, com- 
prises in one view everything that 
relates to the origin of this worship, 
and that is calculated to throw light 
on the nature of this peculiar venera- 
tion for the cow. 

In the oldest representations, re- 
lating to the creation of the world, 
the cow, coming forth out of the 
primeval waters, appears on the terri- 
tory of the Hermopolite nome in 
Upper Egypt as the mother of the 
young Sun-god. Clinging to the 
horns of his parent, the young god 
kindles the light of day, and the life 
of all creatures begins with him. To 
speak in the language of the monu- 
ments, Isis (that is, the cow) causes 
her son Horus (more exactly Harpo- 
crates, that is, ‘ Horus the child’) to 
come into existence first of all, and 
the visible forms of the world com- 
mence the cycle of their earthly course 
from life to death: Horus becomes 
Osiris, and, in the eternal revolution 
of things, from the dead Osiris a new 
rejuvenated Horus is developed. In 








this myth Osiris symbolizes the prim- 
eval water, the fertilizing moisture; 
Isis, under the image of the cow, the 
receptive and productive power of 
nature; Horus, the light which is 
kindled from the moisture, just as in 
the teaching of Heraclitus, surnamed 
“the obscure” (ὃ σκοτεινός). This is the 
esoteric part of the ancient Egyptian 
doctrines of hoary wisdom, to which a 
later cycle of myths sought to give an 
historic foundation. 

The more ancient conception, which 
goes back to the times of the thirteenth 
century, gives the following solution 
of the enigmatical representation of 
the goddess Isis with the head ofa cow. 
Horus (Apollo) and Set (Typhon) 
fought with one another for the 
sovereignty over the kingdom of 
Osiris. Set is defeated. Isis, moved 
with compassion for the “elder brother” 
conquered by Horus, frees him from 
his bonds. Horus, filled with anger 
and rage, separates the head of Isis 
from her body. Thot, the Egyptian 
Hermes, by the aid of the magic power 
of his charms, replaces it by the head 
of the (sacred) Cow (tep-ahe). This 
strange myth is preserved in the 
Sallier papyrus No. 4, containing 
an ancient Egyptian calendar of the 
times of the first Ramessids, according 
to which this event took place on the 
26th day of the month Thot (the 14th 
of August, according to the Sothis- 
year, and the 23rd of September,’ ac- 





1 Chabas, Le Calendrier du papyrus Sallier, 
iv. p. 30. 


App. VIII.] 


cording to the Alexandrian calendar). 
In remembrance thereof, sacrifices for 
the gods Isis and Thot were prescribed 
for ever on this day. Plutarch? was 
acquainted with this legend, of which 
he says, ‘“‘ The fight lasted many days, 
and Horus conquered. But Isis, to 
whose keeping the fettered Typhon 
had been committed, did not kill him, 
but freed and dismissed him. Horus 
did not bear this patiently ; he even 
laid hands on his mother, and tore 
the crown from her head ; but Hermes 
placed on her a helmet like the head 
of a cow (βούκρανον kpavos).” The best 
proof that Isis was in fact worshipped 
under the local conception of her as 
Hathor (Aphrodite) in this cow- 
headed form, is the name of the town 
dedicated to her, Tep-ahe (‘ cow-head’), 
called by the Copts, with the article 
prefixed, Petpieh, by the Arabs Atfih, 
the metropolis of the last (the 22nd) 
Upper Egyptian nome, known to the 
Greeks under the name of Aphrodito- 
pohs,? in which Isis was worshipped 
as Hathor (Aphrodite).4 

In another conception (almost a 
thousand years later) the myth which 
identifies Isis with the cow is explained 
in a way that throws the clearest light 
on its connection with corresponding 
Greek myths. The goddess Isis, per- 
secuted by Typhon, retires to the 
marshes of Buto in Lower Egypt, on 
the island of Chebi (the Chemmis or 
Chembis of the Greek authors from 
Herodotus onward), whose papyrus- 
heds secured her from the snares of 
her pursuer. There she brought into 
the world her son Horus (surnamed 
Nub, that is, “the golden”). This 
is the same island spoken of by 
Herodotus (11. 156), according to 





2 De Iside et Osiride, c. 19. 

3 See Brugsch, Dictionnaire geéographique, 
p. 933. 

4 Ibid. p. 1360, xxii. According to Strabo 
also (xvii. p. 809), a sacred white cow was held in 
special honour in the Arabian town of Aphro- 
ditopolis (that is, on the eastern Arabian side of 
Egypt), and in the nome of the same name, 


whom 





BY PROFESSOR HENRY BRUGSCH-BEY. 741 


the Egyptians maintained 
that it had been floating since the 
time when the goddess Leto of Buto 
received into her care from Isis- 
Demeter the young Horus-Apollo. 
The Egyptian representation of the 
legend of the journey of Isis to the 
island of Chebi-Chemmis is found 
most fully in a part of the remarkable 
texts which are treated of in the 
Metternich-Stele of the time of king 
Nectanebus I. (378-360 B.c.), for 
the full publication of which, under 
the title: “The Metternich-Stele 
published for the first time in its 
original size” (Leipzig, 1877),° science 
is indebted to the industry of a young 
Russian Egyptologist, M. Golnisheff. 
I have published the translation of 
the part in question in the Aeg yptische 
Zeitschrift for 1879, page 1. 

The Egyptian texts frequently 
allude in other passages to the wander- 
ings of Isis, and to the flight of the 
goddess from Typhon. In these, Isis 
appears accompanied by her son 
Horus, whom she seeks to withdraw 
from the snares of his hostile brother 
by the use of all kinds of stratagems 
and magic arts. The most remarkable 
account is that found on one of the 
walls of the great temple of Edfou 
(Apollinopolis Magna in Upper Egypt) 
regarding the statements of mythical 
geography about the seven Oases 
of the Libyan Desert, known to 
the Egyptians in the times of the 
Ptolemies. Under the head which 
treats of the Oasis of To-ahe, that 
is “ Land of the Cow” (the present 
Oasis of Farafrah) it is expressly 
noted that here the worship of Osiris 
was predominant, in which the great 
trinity, Osiris, Isis and Horus, was 
venerated by the inhabitants. On this 
occasion it is related of the goddess : 
‘“‘She wandered about with her son, 





5 Die Metternich-Stele in der Originalgréssé 
zum ersten Mal herausgegeben ; Leipzig, 1877. 

6 Published in full in Diimichen’s Die Oasen 
der libyschen Wiiste ; Strassburg, 1877, plate iv. 
foll. 


142 


the young boy, to hide him from Set 
(Typhon). This goddess changed 
herself into the sacred Cow Hor-Secha, 
and the young boy into the sacred 
Bull Hapi (Apis, Epaphus). She went 
with him to this town of Hapi (Apis, 
in the Libyan nome of Lower Egypt), 
in order to behold his father Osiris 
who is there.” 

Nothing can be plainer, clearer, or 
more instructive than these few words, 
which throw such a surprising light 
on the worship of the Cow in the 
western parts of the Delta. The geo- 
graphical researches founded on an 
almost inexhaustible supply of re- 
cords from all times of Egyptian 
history, to which my whole attention 
has been turned for more than twenty 
years, afford most important disclosures 
as to the worship of the Cow in the 
Libyan nome, inclusive of the nome 
called Mareotes by the geographer 
Ptolemy.’ ‘Three towns, above all, 
claim our attention in this connection. 
First the town of Hapi, Apis, the old 
capital of the Libyan nome, in the 
neighbourhood of the Lake Mareotis, 
with the worship of Osiris as a bull; 
next, the place Tha-ahe, ‘the Cow- 
town” par excellence, situated in the 
neighbourhood of the former; and 
the place Tha-Hor-Secha, or Tha- 
Secha-Hor (the Tayopoa of Ptolemy), 
the name of which means “ Abode or 
Town of the sacred Cow Hor-Secha.® 
All these designations had their origin 
in the flight of Isis and her son Horus 
from the Oasis of the “Cow-land” 
(Farafrah) to the maritime districts of 
the Libyan nome situated to the north, 
the ancient settlements of immigrant 


tribes, who were wont to direct their 


course to Egypt on the west by land, 





7 Referring to classical accounts, it may be 
remarked here that, according to Strabo (xvii. 
p. 80), an Aphrodite, and a cow consecrated to 
her, were worshipped in the town of Momemphis, 
belonging to the ancient Libyan nome of the 
monuments. 

8 See my treatise Le lac Maréotis, in the Revue 
gyyptoloyique ; Paris, 1880, p. 32. 


ON HERA BOOPIS. 








[App. VILE, 


on the north by water, and who were 
destined to become disagreeable neigh- 
bours for the Egyptians. That among 
these foreigners there were also ad- 
venturers of Ionio-Carian descent, is 
proved by the purely Greek designa- 
tions of some names and towns situated 
on this side of Egypt; designations, 
the origin of which appears to have 
been connected above all with pro- 
minent names in the Trojan legends. 
Menelaus and his pilot Canobus gave 
their names, the former to a nome, 
the latter to the well-known town of 
Canobus. Helen and Paris, on their 
voyage to Egypt, landed in the same 
parts, to claim the hospitality of the 
Egyptian coastguard. Besides these 
famous names, other appellations of a 
Greek form indicate a foreign inter- 
course, the origin of which must not 
be first sought in the times of classical 
antiquity. The designation of the 
Metelitic Nome, lying upon the sea on 
the western side of the Canobic branch 
of the Nile, shows most clearly hew 
regular foreign intercourse must have 
been in this part of the Delta; for the 
origin of the name cannot be sought 
in any Grecized Egyptian word, but 
in the pure Greek μέτηλυς, “ foreign 
visitor and settler.” Thus, then, we 
obtain the clearest explanation of the 
fact that, besides the worship of Osiris, 
the Egyptian monuments attribute to 
the districts frequented by foreigners a 
worship of the (Typhonic) Set, which 
found its sensuous expression in the 
animals consecrated to this deity, 
the crocodile and the hippopotamus.® 
While these strangers brought to 
the Egyptians what the latter were 
accustomed to comprehend under the 
general name of Ser, that is every- 
thing foreign, on the other hand 
the former received more from the 
Egyptians than they themselves were 
in a position to give. In the pro- 
vince of religion, what must have 
specially struck the fureigners was the 





9 See my Dictionnaire géographique, p. 1305 © 


Apr. VIIL.] BY 
worship of Osiris, that is, the primitive 
form of the Egyptian faith, with 
its peculiar idea of the wandering 
Isis, who, in the shape of a cow, 
sought to escape the snares of Set. 
Even though they may not have known 
the secret meaning of this myth, 
which had been developed on the 
Libyan side of Egypt along the sea- 
coast, and which denoted the conflict 
of foreign ideas with the native 
religion, customs, and views—the 
former symbolized by the forms of 
Set and his demoniacal animals, the 
crocodile and the hippopotamus, the 
latter by the trinity of Osiris, Isis, 
and Horus, and by the animal forms 
of the sacred cow, Hor-secha, and the 
Apis-bull—yet the Greek genius 
breathed its life into these legends of 
pure Egyptian origin, and modelled 
them according to special local colour- 
ing into special myths, which found 
their most striking expression in the 
Hera Boodris, and in the cow-headed 
I6, the wandering goddess, whose 
name is from the root I in εἶμι: 
and in ancient Egyptian the root 2, 
iu, 10, as also the Coptic word ὁ derived 
from it, denote exactly the same—ire, 
venire. ‘The migration and_ trans- 
ference of this legend from the north- 
west corner of the Egyptian Delta to 
the Greek coasts and islands, seems 
to me to have been conceived under 
the form of an historical fact, which is 
best exhibited in the fable of the emi- 
gration of the Libyan king Danaiis, 
the brother of Aegyptus, to Argos. 

I am not bold enough to seek an 
Egyptian origin for the name of Da- 
naiis, according to a method in favour 
with many scholars nowadays; but I 
cannot pass over in silence the fact 
that, among the districts and tribes 
nearest to the sea-coast of the Libyan 
nome, there appears the name Tehannu, 
Thannu, which must have been known 
down to the time of Ptolemy, since 
this writer expressly observes, in his 
enumeration of the regions, nomes, 
and towns, on the west side of the 


PROFESSOR HENRY 








BRUGSCH-BEY. 743 


Delta: rod δὲ Mapeusrov τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ 
θαλάσσῃ καλεῖται Ταινεῖα ἢ Τενεῖα. Re- 
garded from this point of view, the 
contest for sovereignty, celebrated in 
the Greek legend, between the two 
brothers Danaiis and Aegyptus, that 
is between a Libyan and Egyptian 
race, would have a deeper historical 
significance. We know still further 
from the Egyptian monumental re- 
cords, that under Mineptah II. (Me- 
nephthes, about 1300 B.c.), the son of 
king Ramses II., there occurred a 
vast migration, which first made its 
pressure felt from Libya on the 
western territory of the Delta,!° whose 
nearest border district, lying along 
the sea-coast, embraced the land and 
people of the Tehannu or Tehennu 
(the inserted vowels e and a are 
doubtful, since they have to be sup- 
plied). The name Tehannu, also 
wiitten simply Tehan or Than, 
which here appears a second time in 
a wider sense, is of pure Egyptian 
origin, and must be referred to the 
Egyptian root thn, “to glitter, to 
shine, to flash, to beam,” (compare 
the Coptic EHN fulgur); whence also 
we find the name thn as the desig- 
nation of a stone, according to Lep- 
sius the yellow topaz, although th's 
latter explanation is not placed beyond 
doubt. The Egyptian appellation 
ihn, transferred to another and larger 
territory, reminds us at once of the 
Greek name Marmarica (Μαρμαρική) 
for the region which followed im- 
mediately to the west of the Libyan 
nome, and, in the time of the geo- 
erapher Ptolemy, formed a separate 
independentnome, belonging to Egypt. 
Just as the Egyptian root thn, so the 
Greek μαρμαίρω, μαρμαρίζω, signifies 
“to glisten, to glimmer, to sparkle, 
to shine,” whence the derivatives pap- 
pdpeos, “glistening, gleaming,’ pap- 
papos, “shining stone, marble,” and, 
let us now add, Μαρμαρική, in a sense 





10 See my History of Eyyt, p. 567; vol. it 
p. 122 f., Eng. trans. 2nd ed. 


744. ON HERA BOOPIS. 


referring to the brightness and glitter 
of the district, which consists of bright, 
shining limestone. 

Whether we accept the connection 
of the Greek Danaiis with the name 
of the larger region (Marmarica) or 
of the lesser (Ταινεῖα, Teveta.), called 
Thn on the monuments, the Libyan 
locality of both remains 88 cer- 
tain as the Libyan origin of King 
Danaiis. The statement, accredited 
by the ancients, that he taught the 
Argives among other things to build 
larger and more convenient ships, and 
to dig wells (we may call to mind the 
cisterns in Libya, the land of drought), 
cannot but contribute to give greater 
force to the probability of this con- 
nection; and still more so the circum- 
stance, that Danaiis made good his 
claim to Argos by proving his descent 
from Inachus, that is, from the father 
of I6, the Libyan Isis, the Cow- 
Mother of Epaphus-Apis. 

The comparison of the Egyptian 
and Greek accounts concerning the 
worship of the Cow and of the cow- 
headed goddess, whatever were the 
names and local conceptions of her in 
Greece and Egypt, leads to the follow- 
ing result :— 

The Cow (ahe), under the peculiar 
mythological name of Hor-secha or 
Secha-hor, was regarded on the Libyan 


side of Egypt—from the Oasis of 'To-, 


ahe (that is ‘“‘ Cow-land,” the Farafrah 
of our time) to the sea-coast—as the 
living symbol of the goddess Isis ; 
and was worshipped there in towns 
and sanctuaries of the same name. 
She represents the transformed Isis, 
who in this shape seeks to escape the 











BY BRUGSCH-BEY. [App. VIII. 


persecutions of Set, the Kakodaemon 
of the Egyptian pantheon. The region 
of her wanderings is Libya and the 
Libyan desert in the narrow sense of 
the word. Her child Hor, the future 
Osiris-Serapis, appears veiled under 
the form of a Bull, the Hapi- 
Apis-Epaphus. The Libyan scat of 
his worship is the town of Apis, 
in the neighbourhood of the Lake 
Mareotis. The Cow-headed (bodpis) 
Isis, or whatever may have been her 
local designation, or Isis with the 
horns of a cow and the disc of the 
moon between them on her head, are 
stereotyped forms of the Egyptian 
idols, the origin of which goes back 
to the most ancient times of Egyptian 
history. The relationship of these 
forms with the Hera-I6, in idea and 
representation, is indisputable, and 
comes from a common source, which 
had its origin from the soil of 
the Libyan side of the Egyptian 
Delta—on that territory which, in the 
earlier times of the history of the 
Pharaohs, witnessed the development 
of an active foreign intercourse by 
sea and land.? 

Every connection of the Greek 
γλαυκῶπις, as an epithet of the Homeric 
Athené, with Egyptian representa- 
tions, must be rejected. The Egyp- 
tians regarded the owl asa bird of ill 
omen; and no deity, whether male or 
female, bears the head of this animal. 








1 These views of my friend Brugsch agree 
perfectly with the myth of I6 as given in the 
Prometheus of Aeschylus, and especially with 
the termination of her wandering in Egypt, 
where she gives birth to Epaphus. 

H. SCHLIEMANN. 


APP EN D1 Xe Be 


TROY AND EGYPT. 


By Proressorn Henry Breescu-Bey. 


My DEAR FRIEND SCHLIEMANN, — In 
complying most readily with your 
wish to do justice to the above title 
from the point of view of Egyptian 
antiquity, I am troubled with certain 
scruples, which I cannot withhold 
from you in the very beginning of 
my letter. As I have the accidental 
merit, by favour only of good for- 
tune, of having moved for a long num- 
ber of years amidst the world of 
Egyptian monuments as among old 
acquaintances, you will perhaps de- 
mand from me, as from an initiated 
priest, disclosures on the relations 
between Troy and Egypt. You may 
expect from me the solution of ob- 
scure historical enigmas, and rejoice 


by anticipation at having found at | 


the right hour the right man, who 
has in this respect succeeded in 
evoking, as if by enchantment, old 
life from the ruins of dead monu- 
ments. Nothing have I to bring of 
all that you expect and that I should 
like to lay at your feet, as the most 
eloquent testimony of my friendship 
and high esteem. Is it my fault, is 
it the fault of the monuments, if I 
appear before you with a poor gift? 
I fear the fault lies with both, and, 
with this fiank confession, I transport 
myself into the midst of the monu- 
ments and their inscriptions. 

The name of the Hellenes must 
necessarily have been known to the 
Hgyptians from the time when Hel- 
lenes, as pirates or as travellers and 
cast-away mariners, set foot on Egyp- 
tian soil. The latest testimonies to 








this are furnished, as is self-evident, 
by the times of the Ptulemies. On the 
extant stones and in the papyrus-rolls 
of that epoch, which is comparatively 
the modern history of Egypt, the 
Hlellenes are called by the name 
of Uinen, Ueinen, which has continued 
in the Coptic language in the forms 
of Ueinin, Uceinin, Ueeienin. he word 
so written and spoken has no hnguis- 
tic connection either with the Ἰάονες, 
Ἴωνες, of the Greeks, or with the Javan 
of the Bible (as has been generally 
assumed), but it is a derivative from 
the Egyptian root uni, uini, preserved 
also in Coptic in the forms uoein, uoini, 
uoeine, etc., with the significations of 
the Latin lumen, lux, splendor, and, 
in composition with the verb er 
(= facere, esse), it means fulgere, splen- 
dere, illucescere, illuminare, or parti- 
cipially, lucidus, splendens. I observe 
at once in this place how, in fact, 
the peoples of the Pulasta (VPelas- 
gians) and Tekkar (Teucrians)! are 
once denoted on a monument, of 
the times of King Ramses III., with 
the help of a Semitic word like 
taher, that is in Hebrew WW, “ bril- 
liant,” ‘shining,’ ‘ conspicuous,” 
“celebrated.” That is to say, the 
above nations, which I have in my 
mind, are called, some of them, 
“celebrated peoples on the land,” the 
others ‘‘on the sea.” 

This designation, which implies so 
much that is flattering for the Hel- 


1 History of Egypt, vol. ii. p. 153 foll., Eng. 
trans, 2nd ed. 


746 


lenes, can only be established, as I have 
said, for the later period of Egyptian 
history. 
the demotic epoch of writing. It is, 
however, scarcely to be presumed that 
the Egyptian proper name Uinen, in 
connection with the Semitic taher— 
both with the sense of “light, lumin- 
ous, brilliant,’—could have been an 
invention of the Egyptians. On the 
contrary, the supposition may be 
admitted, that the name Uinen repre- 
sented the Egyptian translation of a 
genuine Greek denomination of the 
Hellenic race, and in this connection 
I call to mind the name Hellas, 
Hellen, itself, the root of which 
seems to me to le in the Greek 
stem sel (compare σέλας, σελάω, σελάσ- 
coat, “lustre,” “glance,” “ shine,”) 
with the signification of ‘to be 
bright, glance, shine, glimmer.” Ana- 
logies within Greek itself are not 
wanting. Let us compare σελ-άνη 
with €A-avn, “torch,” Σελ-ήνη, “moon,” 
ats with ὗς, the name of the race of 
the “Ἑλλοί (Strabo, vii. § 828) with the 
Homeric Seddoi (Iliad xvi. 234); let 
us add to this the words in which 
the Greek aspirate (‘) is equivalent 
to the Latin 8, as in ts=sus, ἕδος Ξε 
sedes, ads = sal, salum, ἕρπω = serpo, 
ἑλίκη = saliz, ἄἅλ-λομαι =salio, ἥλιος = 
sol, i305 = sudor, and many others. 

In the existing bilingual and tri- 
lingual inscriptions, the demotic 
Uinen uniformly corresponds to a 
hieroglyphic form Ha-neb or Hau-neb, 
which (compound) word has the 
signification of ‘those who are 
behind their chiefs, those who follow 
their chiefs,” consequently foreign- 
ers, who choose their chiefs 
order to accompany them on warlike 
expeditions. My explanation of this 
most ancient proper name is new; 
but I have confirmed it by the most 
striking examples of its use. ‘lhe 
Hau-neb appear already on the monu- 
ments of an early time, even before 
the epoch of the Eighteenth Dynasty 
(about 1700 Β.6.). They make their 


It is said to be peculiar to : 


in | 


TROY AND EGYEE. 








[App. IX, 


appearance in what is called the 
‘“‘ List of the Nine Nations,” as ἃ dis- 
tinct group of peoples, whose places of 
abode are clearly and distinctly indi- 
cated by the following words in an 
Egyptian hieroglyphic text of the 
Ptolemaic time: ‘“ Hau-neb is the 
name of the inhabitants of the islands 
and coasts of the sea, and the numer- 
ous and great (or, the very numerous) 
peoples of the north.” In this geo- 
graphical conception of the seat of 
the peoples and races of the north on 
the soil of Asia Minor, called Hau- 
neb,—established as it is by the monu- 
ments—we have the solid foundation 
for all the indications of the earlier 
and later monuments. 

With some of these peoples we be- 
come first acquainted from the records 
of the monuments about the cam- 
paigns of King Ramses II. Sestura 
(Sesostris) against the mighty peo- 
ple of the Cheta or Chita, the Hittites, 
or “children of Cheth,” of the Bible. 
A great confederacy of nations, which 
extended over Western Asia and Asia 
Minor, opposed the celebrated Egyp- 
tian conqueror, in order to dispute 
with him the supremacy over the 
parts of Asia now mentioned. The 
heroic poem of Pentaur, in glorifica- 
tion of the victories of this Pharavh 
over the king of Cheta and his con- 
federates, names as such, first quite 
generally, “all peoples from the fur- 
thest extremities of the sea to the 
land of Cheta.” The region is dis- 
tinctly indicated: the whole of Asia 
Minor as far as the Euphrates, on 
whose banks lay the eastern border 
districts of QARQAMASHA, Carchemish,? 
and QAZAUANATaN, Gauzanitis, the 
Go-hen of the Bible. Over against 
them, as representatives of the western 
regions of Asia Minor (at the extremi- 
ties of the sea), appear the peoples of 
the Darpan1, the Dardanians, Mauna, 





2 The ruins of Carchemish have been lately 
discovered at Jerabliis (Hierapolis) on the 


Euphrates. 


App. IX. | 


Mauoy, the Maeonians or Meonians 
(the ancient Lydians), Masu, the 
Mysians, Liku, the Lycians. The 
two names of nations mentioned be- 
sides, PipAsa and Kerkesu or Gercesu 
remind us, the former of Pedasus, the 
latter of the Gergithians in the do- 
tminion of Troas.® 

These names, handed down to us 
with all fidelity, bear upon them an 
unmistakable mark, namely, that of a 
close connection founded on a politico- 
geographical relation. They exhibit 
the military power of Western Asia 
in its chief representatives, just as 
we already have them enumerated by 
name in Homer in the Catalogue of 
the allies of Troy. But the ΤΙΠῸΝ to 
which prominence has been given by 
Hi. de Rougé, in his celebrated disserta- 
tion on the epic of Ramses—in ancient 
Egyptian Iri-una, Iliuna,—-must dis- 
appear from the record of the Trojan 
allies of the Cheta in their contest 
against Sesostris, for the reading 
Ili-una has probably to be rectified in 
respect of the first part of the name, 
iv. Itis not to be read Ili-una, but 
Ma-una, that is Maeonia. 

We feel bound to maintain that the 
whole series of the confederates named, 
on the west coast of Asia Minor, “ be- 
ginning from the furihest extremities 
of the sea,” as the texts express them- 
selves, is an historical fact of capital 
importance. It gives us the certainty 
that, about a hundred years before 
the destruction of Troy, the nations 
enumerated inhabited the same terri- 
tories which the geographers of classi- 





3 Unless we are altogether deceived, both 
names are derived from Semitic roots. Pedasos 
reminds of the root patash “to hammer,” 
whence pattish “iron-hammer;” gergesh of gir- 
gash; . Chaldean, gargeshta; Arabic, girgis 
“clay, loam—black silt.” The change of the 
Semitic sound sf into the Greek ¢ can be proved 
also by other examples: compare Kadesh, in 
Greek Kadytis. 

4 The sign in question is of a polyphonic 
nature, and can be equally well read iri, ili, or ma 
and mar. From internal reasons, the statement 
of which cannot be given here without prolix 
explanations, I prefer the reading ma. 








BY PROFESSOR HENRY BRUGSCH-BEY. (at 


cal antiquity have attributed to them. 
To these we add, with particular re- 
ference to later times, the names of 
the Shardana (Shairdana) and Turash 
(Tuirash), generally with the epithet 
‘‘of the sea” ; which denoted nations 
distinguished by their foreign attire 
and armament, first as enemies of the 
Egyptians, but afterwards also as 
their auxiliaries in the wars of Ram- 
ses 11., both against the Cheta and 
against other peoples. It is the war- 
like races of the Sardians and the 
Homeric Τρῶες, the inhabitants of 
Troas, who thus show themselves for 
the first time on the theatre of the 
world’s history as faithful allies of 
the Egyptians. 

But under the successor of the great 
Ramses, king Mineptah II. (about 
1300 B.c.), the Pheron of Herodotus, 
the Shardana and Turash appear 
again as opponents of the Egyp- 
tians and as allies of the king of 
the Libyans, who, from the west, 
on African soil, made ἃ formid- 
able attack on the region of the 
Delta. According to the texts relat- 
ing to them, they appear at one 
time as ‘peoples of the sea,” at 
another as “peoples of the north,” 
that is to say, as inhabitants of the 
coasts of Asia Minor, in brotherly 
community with the kindred tribes 
adjacent to their native seats. The 
inscriptions call them in succession : 
the “‘Shairdana, Shakalsha, Akaiua- 
sha, Leku, Turisha,’> which we 
translate: ‘the Sardians, Shakalsha, 
Achaeans, Lycians, Trojans.’® To- 
gether with their Libyan friends, they 
are entirely defeated by the HEgyp- 
tians in the battle of Prosopis; and 





5 The final syllable sha or ash of these or 
other proper names is remarkable, because it 
represents a termination (the Greek os) which 
does not occur in any ancient Egyptian writings ; 
it is conspicuous in the proper name Mashauasha, 
also written Mashaua, a Libyan people called 
Maxyes by the Greeks. 

6 History of Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 122, foll., Eng. 
trans., 2nd ed. 


748 


are partly slain and partly carried 
into captivity.’ 

Under King Ramses ITT. (1200 .c.), 
the Proteus of Herodotus, the con- 
temporary of Alexandros and his 
beloved Helen, who in their flight are 
cast away on Egypt, this country is 
involved in new wars against neigh- 
bouring peoples. Large confederations 
of nations rose up more formidably 
than ever before, to join in hostile 
invasions upon Egypt. From the 
West it was the Libyans (Libu), with 
their allies, who threatened Egypt's 
ancient frontiers and independence. 
Among their allies we cite the Masha- 
uasha, Asabta, Hasa, and Bakana, 
since the same forms of names are 
clearly preserved in the classical 
designations of the Maxyes, Asbytae, 
Ausees, and Bakales.* From the East 
“the peoples of the north,” ‘the 
inhabitants of the isles and_ the 
coastlands,’ at one time also called 
Hfau-neb, directed their attack by 
water and by land against Egypt. 
Yhe expedition on the mainland 
issued from Asia Minor. The peoples 
and cities, which they touch in their 
migration, are seized with fear and 
terror. They settle down in the land 
of the Amori (Amorites) and establish 
a fixed camp. Then the warlike 
attack is again directed against 
Egypt. At Migdol, on the Pelusian 
arm of the Nile, they join their con- 
federates, who arriving by sea, had 
sailed up with their ships into the 
broad arm of the Nile. A _ great 
battle is joined between them and the 
Egyptians both on land and on the 
water. The enemy are defeated and 
killed or captured. Ramses III., the 
victor, does not omit, in his later expe- 
dition against Asia Minor, to wreak 
vengeance on the enemies of Egypt ; 
and he attacks their cities in their 
own land, that is to say on the isles 
and coast-districts of Asia Minor. 





" History of Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 146, foll., Eng. 
trans., 2nd ed. 8 Ibid. pp. 153, foll. 


TROY AND EGYPT, 














[App. IX, 


This is the brief summary of the rich 
representations and inscriptions which 
cover the temple walls of Medinet 
Abou (in the western quarter of 
Thebes) and of which the celebrated 
Harris Papyrus No. 1 contains an 
epitome.’ 

“The peoples of the north,” “the 
inhabitants of the isles and of the 
coast districts,” appear also in the 
wall-paintings, in two separate groups, 
distinguished by their attire and 
armament. The first includes the 
peoples called Purosata or Pulosata 
(Pelasgians — Philistines 1), Tekri or 
Tekkari (Teucrians) and Danau 
(Danai?). Their armament consists 
of spears, short swords, round shields, 
and helmets crowned with feather- 
like crests. The enemies of the 
Egyptians designated as Purosata ap- 
pear on the monuments as the most 
important and most distinguished 
people among the nations now men- 
tioned. The termination ta gives to 
the name a Semitic complexion, and 
with this agrees the fact, that the 
root PUROS, PURAS, PULas, contains a 
very suggestive meaning; for palas, 
palash (in Hebrew), falasa (in Ethi- 
opic) means “to make a way for one- 
self, to depart (abroad), to migrate.” 
The Purosata are, therefore, “ the wan- 
derers, foreigners,” which name per- 
fectly suits the Pelasgians of the Greek 
tradition, whom Attic wit conceived 
as the Pelargoi, that is “the storks,” 
which come and depart again."° 





® Opi cit: Po 159: 

10 The name [ὃ also contains a similar signifi- 
cation, for according to your sagacious judgment 
(Mycenae, p. 20) it should be referred to the root 
I (in εἶμι, J go); in stating which I ought not to 
leave unnoticed the attempt to bring the name 
of the goddess Io into connection with the Egyp- 
tian word Ioh “moon,” (but of the masculine 
gender!). Whether the name of the Jonians is 
related to Io, as I see from some remarks of 


learned Hellenists, I would by no means venture 


to decide. From my Egyptian and Oriental 
point of view 1 would rather refer it to the root 
I, which in Semitic as well as in Archaic-Egyp- 
tian (i, ia, ia; plural, iwu, iow) signifies “ isle Ὧν 
and “islanders.” In the Bible the Zyyim (once 


ier. LX, | 


The second group is formed by 
the kindred peoples of the Shardana, 
Shakalsha, and Uashash, with the 
epithet “ οὗ the sea,” that is valiant 
warriors on sea. Their armament is 
essentially distinguished from that of 
the first group. Helmets surmounted 
with horn-like crests, coats of mail, 
armlets, shields with handles and 
bosses, long swords, sandals on their 
feet, —all give them a chivalrous 
appearance, especially in contrast 
with the Pelasgian group. The 
Greek type is unmistakable. 

A pylon of the above-mentioned 
temple of Medinet Abou shows the 
king Ramses III. as vanquisher of the 
Hau-neb, that is, the Hellenes. He 
brings to the god Amon of Thebes 
thirty-nine conquered cities with their 
inhabitants, the names of which— 
often of Semitic origin—may be found 
again on the islands and coasts of 
Asia Minor.! I cite the most striking 
names in the appended list: No. 5, 
Tarshcha or Tarshach= Tarsus. No. 7, 
Salomaski = Salamis in Cyprus. No.8, 
Katian = Kition; No. 9, Ai-mar, I-mar 





also Zyyin, in the plural) are a general synonym 
for the coast-lands and the islands of the Medi- 
terranean. May not the Ionians have represented 
by their names just the inhabitants of those 
islands and coasts? At all events, this hint 
appears to me worthy of examination. The 
Bible (Genesis, x. 4) expressly says of the chil- 
dren of Javan, Elishah, Tarshish, Kittim and 
Dodanim: “by these were the isles of the Gen- 
tiles overspread*, in their lands, each according 
to their languages, races, and peoples.” That 
the ethnic name Javan is identical with Iaones, 
Ionians, cannot be a subject of the slightest 
doubt.” But the opinion of a scholiast deserves 
notice, that the barbarians had denoted the Hel- 
lenes by the designation Iaones, as if the name 
itself had been of a barbarian, that is to say not 
Greek, origin. 

1 For the fuli list see Hist. of Egypt, vol. ii. 
pp- 158, 159, Eng. trans, 2nd ed. 





A. V. “ divided.” 
» This was clearly seen by Milton, who, in his 


* German ausgebreitet. 


catalogue of the fallen angels (Par. Lost, bk. i.) 


calls the Greek deities “*The Jonian gods, of 
Javan’s issue.” In fact INN is identical, letter 
for letter, with j\* (lon: with the added 
vowel points, Javan). 


BY PROFESSOR HENRY BRUGSCH-BEY. 











749 


=Marion; No. 10. Sali=Soli, and 
No. 11, I-tal = Idalion ;—all four 81:0 
in Cyprus. No. 14, Bitar or Bizar, 
exactly represents the Hebrew bezer, 
“copper mine.” No. 15, Asi, suggests 
the name of Assos, a Mysian city 
in Troas, or of Issa, the ancient 
designation of the island of Lesbos, 
or of Issus in Cilicia. No. 20, Kerena, 
Kelena, recals Kolonae in Troas; as 
does No. 22, Aburot, Aburt, the Mysian 
district of Abrettene. No. 23, Kabur, 
Kabul, shows itself again in the 
Greek Kabalis, the name of a district 
of Phrygia and Lycia. No. 24, U-lu, 
if the transcription of the name is 
right, brings It1um to mind. No. 26, 
Kushpita, Kushpat, recals the Semitic 
Keseph “silver,” as this again re- 
minds us of the silver city Argyrion 
in Troas. With No. 27, Kanu, might 
be compared the name of the city of 
Caunus in Caria, and with L(a)res 
one of the cities called Larissa. No. 
33, Maulnus, otherwise also written 
in the inscriptions Muaullos, Mulnus, 
calls to mind the Cilician Mallus, as 
do No. 38, Atena, and No. 39, Karka- 
mash, the names of the cities Adana 
and Coracesium, likewise situated in 
Cilicia. 

In this and in all similar lists of 
nations, countries, and cities, we can- 
not think of a strictly geographical 
arrangement. ‘The monuments prove 
this a hundred times. But, on the 
other hand, names which have a broad 
general connection are not separated. 
The general outline which includes 
the above-mentioned list of cities is 
traced out, for the reference is to the 
islands and coast-cities of Asia Minor, 
of that region, namely, on which the mi- 
erations of Aryan and Semitic groups 
of nations present a confused scene of 
movements hither and thither. The 
fact, that the monuments, which are 
contemporary with the Trojan epoch 
begin suddenly to speak and to present 
the wandering tribes according to their 
appearance and their names before our 
astonished eyes, is another witness of 


το0 


the certainty of the Greek traditions 


about the olden time. Inthisrespectthe | 


information of the monuments acquires 
a value beyond all description. Troas, 
Mysia, Maeonia, Lycia, appear already 
as the fixed seats of nations bearing the 
like names, on the west coast and the 
neighbouring islands of Asia Minor. 
The statement of the classical writers, 
that King Ramses II. (Sesostris) ad- 
vanced on his victorious expedition as 
far as Thrace, and there set up his 
last memorial pillars, is therefore no 
empty tale, invented to glorify the 
extent of the expeditions of the Egyp- 
tian Sesostris. Those conquests belong 
to the region of facts. The further 
progress of the study of the monu- 
ments will hereafter dissipate the 
mist which still covers some parts 
of these expeditions, which have an 
historical foundation. The broad 
general fact is proved, that, as 
early as the fourteenth century be- 
fore our era, the Greeks and their 
several tribes were perfectly known 
to the Egyptians, and carried on in- 
tercourse with them. This is already 
attested by the Greek fables and the 
classical traditions. Perseus, Danaiis, 
Menelaus, Archander, Canobus, Paris, 
Helen, are names which stand in the 
closest connection with the geography 
and the history of Egypt at the north- 
west corner of the Delta, in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Canobie mouth, for 
they refer to times in which Ionians 
and Carians landed on the same coasts 
of that region which were marked, at 
the later epoch of the Ptolemaic age, 
with the names of the Menelaite and 
Metelite nome. I have elsewhere 
shown? how the latter denomination 
has sprung directly from the Greek 
μέτηλυς (immigrant, foreign visitor”). 
Long before Psammetichus I. had 
opened the land to Ionians and Carians 
clad in bronze armour, in order to 
make use of them as mercenaries and 
auxiliary troops, the Pharaohs had 





2. See Appendix VIII., Ὁ. 742. 


TROY ΝΠ αν 





[App: IX. 


already, 800 years before, obtained 
the like service from their ancestors. 

‘There are two tribes especially, 
which claim our whole attention at 
that epoch; these are the Shardana 
and the Shakalsha, the predecessors 
of the Jonians and Carians of the 
time of Psammetichus. We meet 
with them sometimes as auxiliaries 
in the suite of Libyan kings and as 
enemies of the Egyptians, sometimes 
as troops allied with the Egyptians 
against Libyan and Asiatic despots, 
as has been stated above (p. 747). 
Misled by the resemblance in sound, 
some have wished to recognize in 
their names the most ancient desig- 
nations of the Sardinians and the 
Sicilians. But for all this, it appears 
to us impossible to sever these tribes 
from the connection with their neigh- 
bours in Asia Minor, among whom 
they obtained so conspicuous a place 
through their Hellenic appearance. 
We believe with M. Maspero,? that 
the names refer to Maeonian tribes, 
among which were the Shardana, 
the Lydian Sardians, descendants of 
Sardos, the hero eponymus of the city 
named after him. When Shardana 
served in the armies of the Pharaohs, 
they did not at all renounce the rights 
of their native home. Maeonia, the 
country called Mauna in the ancient 
Egyptian texts, was and still re- 
mained their fatherland. The same 
is true of the peoples called Shakalsha 
and Uashash, whom we have to regard 
as tribes akin to the Shardana. I must 
not omit to mention that, as the former 
have been regarded as inhabitants of 
Sicily, so the latter are viewed by 
some scholars, according to the sug- 
gestion of M. Chabas, as the prede- 
cessors of the Oscans. 

Here then, my dear Friend, you 
have in bold and rough outline, from 
the sketch traced on the monuments, 
the picture of the groups of nations 





3 See his Histoire ancienne des Peuples de 
l’ Orient (Paris, 1875), p. 249. 


App. IX.] 


who peopled the coasts of Asia Minor 
about the Trojan times. Among them 
the Dardani, the Dardanians, are not 
wanting. I have taken pains, as far 
as I had the ability, to fix clearly the 
fundamental lines of the picture, and 
to foliow, so far as accorded with my 
own conviction, the masterly first 
essays of E. de Rougé and Chabas. 
The opinions at variance with theirs, 
which the study of the monuments 
has forced upon me almost against 
my will, have respect principally to the 
country of Asia Minor, which I feel 
obliged toregard as the common father- 
land of those Hau-neb or peoples of the 
islandsand coasts to the northof Egypt. 
T repeat that to recognize the Ktruscans 
in the Tuirsha or Turisha (Trojans), 
the Oscans in the Uashash, the Sicu- 
lans in the Shakalsha, and the Sardi- 
nians in the Shardana (Sardians), is 
repugnant to my own geographical 
convictions. 

And where, you will ask me, is the 
Egyptian Troy (Troja), the site, ac- 
cording to classic tradition, of the 
settlement of the Trojans who followed 
Menelaus and remained there as cap- 
tives? Granted that through this 
story, preserved by Strabo, there shines 
forth a bright and clear ray of the 
historical fact of the old relations 
between the Egyptians and the Tro- 
jans (the Turisha of the monuments), 
confirming what I have maintained 
above, yet the connection between the 


names of the two cities of Troy is in | 


BY PROFESSOR HENRY BRUGSCH-BEY.: 





701 
no wise established. The Egyptian 
Troja, situated at the foot of the like- 
named mountain, on the right bank 
of the Nile opposite to Memphis, and 
now called Turra, bore in old Egyptian, 
from the time of the pyramid-building 
kings,? the designation of tardw or 
tardui, as the mountain bore that of 
turdw or turdui, which is of genuine 
Egyptian origin, and has nothing to 
do with the foreign name of the 
Asiatic Troy. The Greeks travelling 
or settled in Egypt fuund it easy to 
take advantage of the similar names 
of the two places, in order, after their 
wonted fashion, to add a geographical 
basis to the old traditions of the wars 
of the Egyptians against Troas. <Ac- 
cordingly the captive enemies were 
represented as making a settlement 
at the place referred to, and calling it 
Troy in honour of their native city. 

With this remark, dear and valued 
Friend, allow me to close this long 
epistle. On reading over once more 
the little that it contains, I feel almost 
ashamed, in contrast with your bril- 
liant labours and discoveries, so rich 
in results and consequences, to expose 
on my part such an evidence of 
poverty. The reasons for this I have 
explained in the introduction. Dis- 
pose of my slight gift according to 
your own judgment. 

Henry Bruescu. 


3 See History of Egypt, vol. i. p. 91 (et ali’), 
Eng. trans. 2nd ed. 


INDEX. 


ABBREVIATIONS. 


Besides those usual, such as M. = mount; Pr. = promontory; R. =river, &c.: 6. = city, cities ; d. = daughter ; 
f. = father; k.=king; m. = mother; s.=son; N. Ilium, or N. I. = Novum Ilium: Tr. denotes objects belonging 
to the great Treasure first found; Tr., objects of the 9 other Treasures ; all found in the débris of 3rd city. 


ABYDOS. 


ABYDOS, on the Hellespont, colonized by 
Milesians under Gyges, 128, 688 ; no ruins, 
but pottery, &., 128 ; coins of, at N.I.,612. 

Accidents at the excavations, 24; narrow 
escape from fire, 27 ; in riding to shore in 
the dark, 52. 

Achaeans, migrate from Peloponnesus to the 
‘road, 127; the Akaiuasha of Egyptian 
records, 747. 

Achaeorum Portus, on the Hellespont, pro- 
bably at the mouth of the In Tepeh 
Asmak, 95. 

Achilles destroys Pedasus, 184; Thebé, 135; 
Lyrnessus, 136; slain by Paris, 159; in- 
tended marriage with Polyxena, 164; 
bronze statue of, and extravagant honours 
to, by Caracalla, 179; statue at N. I. in 
the open air, 181; shrine seen by Julian 
uninjured, 182. 

Achilles, Tumulus of, on the shore by the 
Greek camp, 151, 655 ; deposit of his bones 
with those of Patroclus in a golden urn ; 
the tumulus now so called inconsistent 
with Homer, 649; called so in Pliny’s time; 
opened by a Jew in 1786; his incredible 
account of its contents, 654-5; author 
prevented from excavating, 655. 








Achilles and Hector, combat of, 55; their | 


race round Troy, 65; discussion of, 142, 
174; easily applicable to Hissarlik, 1438; 
impossible at the Bali Dagh, 194. 
Achilleum, town probably at Koum Kaleb, 
104; independent of N. Ilium, 167. 
Acland, W., “ The Plains of Troy,’ 187. 
Acropolis of Athens, widened by Cimon, 
compared with that of Ithaca, 47; of 
Ithaca, on Mt. Aétos, 47, 48; of Novum 
Jlium, Hissarlik was the, 38, 39; temple 





AEOLUS. 





of Athené in, 168; of Ophrynium, 60; 
of Troy (see Pergamos); acropolis on 
height opposite the Bali Dagh, 60. 

Adramyttium, coins of, at N. Ilium, 612. 

Adresteia, city, 182. 

Adrestus and Amphius, sons of Merops, 
dominion of, 68 ; defined ; cities, 182. 

Aeanteum, city, 103. 

Aegaeon. See Briareus. 

Aenea, or Nea, question respecting, 57. 

Aleneas, prince of the Dardanians, 25 (see 
Dardania); prophecy of his dominion 
over ‘Troy, 125; flies to Lyrnessus from 
Achilles, 186; manifold stories of his fate, 
164; connected with many places, 165; 
worshipped as a god at N. Ilium, 165; 
said to have betrayed Troy, in revenge for 
injury from Paris, 165; tradition in the 
Troad, that he reigned there, after the 
capture of Troy, on friendly terms with 
the Greeks, 165; confirmed by Homer, 
165, 166, and accepted by Strabo, 166; 
confirmed by the excavations, 518; re- 
presentative of the Dardanian line, 166; 
remarks of Gladstone and Grote, 166; 
account of Demetrius of Scepsis, 167; 
with Anchises and Iilus on coins of 
N. llium, 642, 647; his flight with them 
not mentioned by Homer, 647. 

Aeolian (and Achaean) colonization of the 
Troad, in consequence of the Dorian in- 
vasion of Peloponnesus, 127; led by the 
sons of Orestes, 127, 128. 

Aeolic Greeks at N. Ilium, 167; their en- 
thusiasm for Trojan traditions, 209, 210. 

Aeolis, the Trojan land called, 128. 

Aeolus and Aeolids in Homer; Aeolians 
unknown to him, 127. 


AESCHYLUs. 


INDEX. 


753 


AMPHIKYPELLON. 





Aeschylus on the destruction of Troy, 206. 

Aesepus, R., rises in Ida, 68; described, 
100; boundary of the Lycians, 132; 
limit of Trojan territory, 158. 

Aesyetes, f. of Alcathoiis, tumulus of, the 
watch-station of Polites, therefore be- 
tween ‘Troy and the Greek camp, 147, 
656; wrongly placed by Demetrius and 
Hestiaea (q. v.), and moderns, at the 
Pasha Tepeh, 107, 108, 174-6, 185, 207, 
656; site probably αὖ Koum Kioi, 175. 

Aétos, M., in Ithaca, ‘* Castle of Ulysses” 
on, first, excavations at (1870), 20: explo- 
ration of (1878), 47; cyclopean remains 
on ridge, 47; unique cyclopean ruins of 

the ancient capital on the levelled summit, 
47,48; unnoticed by travellers owing to 
the difficult ascent, 48 ; excavations there ; 
pottery, tiles ornamented and inscribed, 
48; curious handmill, 48. 

Agamemnon, s. of Atreus, k. of Mycenae 
(ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν), commander of the Greeks, 
157 ; his sepulchre thought by Aeschylus 
to be a tumulus, 650. 

Ages of Stone, Bronze, and Iron, according 
to classical writers, 252-3; of Stone pro- 
per, not at Hissarlik, Pref. xi.; of Copper, 
in Ist c., see Copper. 

Agora of Troy, before Priam’s palace in the 
Pergamos, 140,161; corresponding to the 
Ag. in front of chief’s house, 3rd c., 924, 

Agora held by Hector, near the tumulus of 
Tlus, 147. 

Agora in the Greek camp, 149. 

Agora, little, discovered by Virchow on the 
Bali Dach, 55. 

Agrippa fines the Ilians for accident to 
Julia, 178. See Novum Ilium. 

Aiwadjik, visited, 58, 59; in a valley of 
Ida, 69, 70. 

Ajax, Tumuli of. 1. The original tomb on 
the shore of the Hellespont, 108, 648 ; 
with temple and statue (Strabo, &c.), 652 ; 
laid open by the sea, as described by 
Pausanias and Philostratus; the gigantic 
bones reburied by Hadrian in the present 
tumulus; present remains, 652; large 
mutilated statue near the beach, 103, 
6538 ; ruins of city near, 109, 

2. See In Tepeh. 

Ajax, s. of Oileus, prince of Locris, attempts 
to violate Cassandra at the altar, and 
perishes on the voyage home, 164. 

Akerit, the, of Egyptian records (Carians ?), 
123. 

Akshi Kioi or Batak (i.e. “swamp ”), vil- 
lage, depopulated by plague, and replaced 


by farm of Thymbra, 99; site of the ancient 
historic Thymbra, 719. See Zhymbra. 

Albano hut-urns, black, like pottery of 
6th ο., 588. 

Alcathotis, 5. of Aesyetes, married to Hippo- 
dameia, d. of Anchises, 147. 

Aldenhoven, C., ‘ Ueber das neuentdeckte 
Troja,’ 189. 

Alexander the Great, visit to and veneration 
for Ilium, the heroes of the war, and 
Achilles, 171; his belief in N. Ilium as 
Troy ; force of the argument, 210; his 
favours to the city, 172, 688; ‘casket 
editicr ἡ of Homer, 172; his descent from 
Andromaché, 178. 

Alexandria-Troas, ruins of, at Eski-Stam- 
boul, visited, 56; its foundation and his- 
tory, 56 7. ; Troy placed at, by some, 184; 
coins of, frequent at N. Ilium, 612. 

Alexandros. See Paris. 

Alizonians. Sce Halizonians. 

Allies of the Trojans, from Asia Minor and 
Thrace, 158. 

Alluvial Deposits in plain of Troy and 
Hellespont, disproving advance of the 
coast, 84, 86; confirmed by observations 
on the Stomalimne; Virchow’s investiga- 
tion of; come from the higher mountains, 
especially Ida, 87-89. Comp. Hellespont, 
Plain of Troy, Scamander. 

Altar, primitive, below temple of Athené, 
30, 31. 

Altars, at Thymbra, 715; burning, on 
whorls, 417, 418. 

Altes, father-in-law of Priam and grand- 
father of Lycaon, dominion of, the Le- 
leges, 68, 184; on R. Satnoeis near Pr. 
Lectum, 184; cities, 134. 

Alybé, c. of the Halizonians, the “ birthplace 
of silver,” prob. on the Pontus, 253. 

Amphikypellon, depas (δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, 
Hom.), a two-handled goblet, not a double 
cup, as explained by Aristotle: in terra- 
cotta, lustrous-black in 2nd c., red in the 
3rd, 4th, and 5th, dull black in the 6th; 
probably still used in Homer’s time, 299 ; 
synonymous with ἄλεισον ἄμφωτον, “a 
two-eared (i.e. handled) cup,” 299- 
801; Aristotle’s comparison of bees’ 
cells to ἀμφικύπελλα (only, not δέπα) 
explained, 301-2; only goblet like the 
Trojan, found at Vulci, 302 ;—of 3rd ο.; 
lustrous-red, often very large; mode of 
using, 871; the large golden, Tr., 464; 
how used, 464-5 ; size and weight, 465; 
manufacture of; handles soldered, 465; 
terra-cotta, containing bars of gold (q. v.), 

90 


AMPHIUS. 


(54 


INDEX. 


ARISBE. 





Tr., 495-6 ;—of 4th c., generally like 
3rd, 518; abundant, both hand-made and 
wheel-made, 534, 535; some of hour-g!ass 
form, but not two.cups, peculiar to 4th and 
5th c., black in 4th, red in 5th, always 
wheel-made, 535-386; one of curious 
shape, 536 ;—of 5th c., much smaller Than 
in the preceding cities, 577 ;—in 6th c., 
only 2 and small, but a link with its use 
in Homer's time, 596-7. 

Amphius. See Adrestus. 

Amphorae, Trojan, 3rd c.: two- handled, 
mostly unique, 397-399; one found on 
Thera, 399; projection, perhaps for support- 
ing rope, 397; with 2, 3, and 4 handles, 401. 

Amsterdam, author’s employment at, 9. 

Anaxarchus, 172. See Homer, Casket edi- 
tion of. 

Anchises and Aphrodité, on coins of N. 
Ilium, 643. 

Andalusia, suspension-vases from, 215. 

Andres, Carl, author’s early tutor, 6. 

Andromaché, w. of Hector; the prize of 

~ Neoptolemus ; married Helenus; mother 
of the Molossian line of kings, 164; 
Alexander the Great descended from, 
173. 

Animals, Domestic, remains of, in Burnt 
City, 319, 322; at Thymbra, 711. 

Animals (quadrupeds, stags, &c.), and birds 

’ (prob. storks), on whorls, 418, 419; in 
terra-cotta, 4th c.; at Szihalom, 560. 

Animals’ heads on vases, as Phoenician 
tribute to Egypt, 595. 

Animals, vessels of terra-cotta in form of: 
with 3 or 4 feet, frequent in 2nd and 8rd c., 
294; at Cyprus, 294; some in Peru and 
Mexico, 294;° tripod in form of sow, 
2nd c., 294 ;—of 3rd c., with ram’s head ; 
in form of hedgehog, sow, sheep, hog, 
mole, hippopotamus (q. v.), 877; similar 
vessels found in Posen, &c., 377-8. 

Ankershagen, in Mecklenburg - Schwerin, 

_ author’s early life at, 1; local wonders 
and legends, 1-3; castle.of, 2. 

Annelids abundant in 'Troad, 114. 

Antelion, venomous snake, 22, 144. 

Antenor, favoured by the Greeks for his 

‘ good faith; said to have betrayed. Troy ; 

‘ led Veneti ae Paphlagonia to the Adri- 

- atic, and founded Patavium, 164. 

Antigonus Doson (ob. 221 B.c.), inscription 
probably of his time at N. Ilium, 6383 f. 

Antilochus, s. of Nestor, killed by Memnon, 
159. 


Antiochus JI. Soter, his visit to the Trond, 
his liberality | 


_ and statue at Sigeum, 631 ; 


to Ilium, 172, 632; inscription at N. 
Ilium, 172, 627 f. See Inscriptions. 

Antiochus III. the Great, sacrifices at Ilium, 
171, 631; expelled by the Romans from 
Asia Minor, 173; coins of, at N. 1., 19. 

Antiquities, Trojan, destination of Dr, 
Schliemann’s collections, 66. 

Antoninus Pius (A.D. 138-161), on an in- 
scription found at N. Ilium; name mis- 
spelt ANTONIOY, 637. 

Apaesus or Paesus, city; the people Mile- 
sians ; destroyed, and inhabitants settle at 
Lampsacus, 132. 

Aphrodité, preferred by Paris, promises his 
reward, 157. 

Apollo: his servitude to Laomedon, 125 ; 
temple of, in the Pergamos of Troy, 140; 
Doric temple of, at N. Ilium, 28, 609; 
sculptured metope representing, 23, 622 
(see Metope) ; statue of, at N. Ilium, trans- 
ferred to Constantinople, 180; on coins of 
N. llium, 641 ; temple of, at Thymbra (see 
Thymbra); Achilles killed at, 159. 

Apollo Ismenius, Phoenician Eshmun, 154. 

Apollo Smintheus (fr. SpivOos, “field 
mouse”): his worship ascribed to. the 

. Teucrians, 122; temples at Chrysé and 
the later Chrysa, 122, 136. 

Apollodorus on origin of the Trojans, 119. 

Appian, for the N. I. site of Troy, 210. 

Aquatic animals (Diademiae and Echinae) 
imitated by Trojan goldsmiths, 497. 

Aqueduct, Roman, of N. Ilium, from the 
upper 'Thymbrius, carried over the Th 
brius, 77, 110, 610. 

Archeology unknown to Greek Ilians, 211. 

Archelaus, s. of Orestes, leads Aeolian colo- 
nists to Cyzicus, 127. 

Archery, bone ‘bracer’ for, 4th c., 
such used by the Esquimaux, 566. 

Architecture, domestic, of Troy, prototype 
of modern houses of the Troad, 53 f., 314— 
317 ;—of 5th c. quite different from 4th ; 
houses of wood and clay, 573. 

Arctinus, epic poet, Laocoon and Sinon 
taken from, 160-1. 

Ardys, s. of Gyges, k. of Lydia, sent tribute 
to Assyria, 130 n. 

Aretaeos, surgeon, of Athens, explains the 
human remains in a funeral urn, 227. 

Arethusa, fountain of, in Ithaca, 50. 

Arimi, of Homer, dominion of ; a mythic 
people, placed in the “burnt land” of Lydia 
or Cilicia; identified by some with the 
Arimaei of Syria, 137. 

Arisbé, the “ divine” (Hom.), near R. Selleis, 
residence of Asius, 198, 


360; 


ARISTARCHES BEY. 


Aristarches Bey, Great Logothete at Con- 
stantinople, aids author, 44. 

Aristides, Greek orator, recognizes Troy in 
Ne hum, 170. 210. 

Aristodicides, of Assos, in inscription relat- 
ing to, at N. Ilium, unknown, 632, 

Aristotle on the δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, dis- 
cussed, 299 f. 

Armenians akin to Phrygians, 120; a non- 
Aryan race, 120. 

Arrabaeus, an Athenian, inscription in 
honour of, N. I., 688. 

Arrian, for the N. I. site of Troy, 210. 

Arrow-head, golden, on “ Tower,” 3rd c., pro- 
bably a ceremonial weapon, 499. 

Arrow-heads : forms of, different in a mould 
of Ist c. from any found, 248; one of 

. copper, 249, 250; 3rd c., bronze or copper, 
504; the only one with barbs found in 
ord c., 506; 4th c., bronze, 564; 6th c., 
bronze, barbed, another without barbs ; 
similar in Denmark, 604 :—obsidian, still 
made and used for small game by Indians 
of Yosemite valley, 570, 

Le the Ephesian, a non-Hellenic deity 
combined with a Greek goddess, 154.. 

Artemis Nana, of craic prototype of the 
Trojan leaden idol (Sayce), 337, 694. 

Aryan race, not E. of Halys before 8th cent. 
B.Cc.; evidence from Assyrian monuments, 
120) 121, 

Aryballos, Etruscan and Greek, like bug:e- 
shaped vessels of 6th c., 596. 

A scania, city of the Phrygians, distant from 
Troy (Hom.), 120. 

Ascherson, Paul, Prof., List of Piants of the 
Vroad, 727 f. 

Ashes, red, yellow, and black, in enormous 
quantities in the 3rd, the burnt c., 266. 
Asia Minor: writing and_ syliabary of, 
691 f.; influence of Babylonian and 
Hittite art and writing in, 694; the 
peoples of, and of the islands, ia connee- 
_tion with Egypt ; confederates of Libyans 
_and Kheta; their names on the 1 monu- 

ments, 745-749. 

Asiatic Deities, Names of, remoulded in 
Greek forms, 154-5. 

Asius, son of Hyrtacus, dominion of, on coast 
of Hellespont, 68; Thracians of Sestos; 
under him; cities, Arisbé his residence, 133. 

Assaracus, 2nd 5. of Tros, 152; head of the 
Dardanian line, 153. 

Assos, ruins of, at Behrahm, 58 ; perfect 
ideal of a Greek city, 59; walls probably 
Macedonian, but in part cailier,; 59 ; coins 
‘of, at. N. L., 612... 


INDEX. 


700 


ATHENE. 


Assurbanipal, k. of Assyria, sends embassy 
to, and receives tribute from, Gyges, k. of 
Lydia, 128, 698. 

Assyrian Vases, 222, 

Assyrians, first knew the country W. of 
Halys cir. 665 B.c.; signs of connection 
with Troy, 128. 

Asteris, I., 45. See Mathitario. 

Astragals (ἀστράγαλοι, huckle-bones), from 
Ist c., 263;.game of, in Homer, 2638; 
story of Patroclus, 263 ;—3rd c., 426. 

Astyra in Troas, gold mines at, 253. 

Astyanax (Scamandrius), of Hector, 

- thrown from the walls of Troy, 164; 
mythical founder of Scepsis, 167. 

Astyoché, ἃ. of Simois, wife of Tros, 152; 
d. of Laomedon, 156. 

Atargatis (Até, Cybelé, Omphalé), proto- 
type of ‘Trojan female idols (Sayce), 
694. 

Até, Phrygian goddess, 153; related to Atis, 
154; Ilium built on her sacred hill, 153, 
643 ; personified power of infatuation, per- 
nicious eldest daughter of Zeus and Kris, 
cast by him out of heaven, 153; wor- 
shipped on Hissarlik ; original of the Ilian 
Athené, and combined with the Greek 
Athené; distinguished from the Greek 
Até, 154. ͵ 

Athené, why hostile to Troy, 157. 

Athené, the Ilian, originated from the Phry- 
gian Até (q. v.), 154; on a coin as a 
Phrygian goddess; combined with the 
Greck Athené as A. Ilias; her symbols, 
the Phrygian cap, spear, torch (replaced 
by distaff and spindle), and owl, 154; the 
cow of many colours her symbol, 155; on 
coins of Ν, Ilium, 643. 

Athené Ergané, tutelary deity of Troy ; her 
character, 229; the whorls (q.v.) probably 
offerings to her, 229. 

Athené Glaucdpis (γλαυκῶπις), the owl- 
headed or owl-faced goddess of ‘Troy ; 
argument on, 282 f.; from analogy with 
Hera Boépis (q.v.), 282, 286; three stages 
of the symbolism, 287; other figures of 
deities with animal heads, borrowed by 
Greek art from Asia, 288: Prof. Keller 
on significance of the owl in connection 
with Athené, 289; true character of 
Athené or Até, 289, 290; in no way con- 
nected with Egypt, 744. 

Athené, temple of, in the Pergamos of Troy, 
140; sitting wooden statue of, 140; the 
only idol mentioned by Homer, 299 ; tem- 
ple in Greek Ilium, 168, 211; ἐλ τῇ 
29; site art ficially levelled; 30; statue’ 


756 


ATHOS. 


INDEX. 


BEECH-TREE. 





and inscriptions found in, 29, 633. See 
Inscriptions, Metrodorus. 

Athos, M., visible from Hissarlik in clear 
weather, 105. 

Atys, 5. of Manes, k. of Lydia, famine 
and migration under, 128. 

Augustus ; his project of capital at Ilium, 
178, 205. 

Augustus, coins of, N. 1., 641; as founder 

_ (κτίστης), 1.6. restorer, 646, 

‘Aulis in Boeotia, Greek fleet assembled at, 
151. 

Aurelius, Marcus, coins of, N. 1., 644, 646. 

Awls: of bone and ivory, Ist c., 261, 262 ;— 
8rd c., 319, 4380, 481; horns of fallow deer 
sharpened for use as, 431; of bone and 
ribs of animals, 4th c., 566-7. 

Awl or punch, bronze, 4th c., 565. 

Axes or Celts, stone: of 1st ὁ. (comp. Jade 
and Jadeite), 238; their use described by 
Sir J. Lubbock, 239 ; for domestic purposes 
as well as battle-axes, 244; perforated, 
244; how drilled, 245; parallel examples, 
244, 245 ;—of 2nd c., 275, 276 ;—of 3rdc., 
445; 5 of them of jade (q. v.), 446 ;—of 
4th α., 2 of jade, 569 ;—very rare in 5the., 
5733 a precious one of white jade, 573. 

Axes, bronze, none in the pre-historic cities, 
except battle-axes (q. v.), 274. 


BABIES feeding bottles, 5th c., 581; 6th 

ὉΡΙΣΜΌΝ ἢ. 

Babylonian Vases, 222. 

Laking pre-historic pottery, mode of, at 
open fire, 219; (see Bismarck) ; Virchow’s 
opinion ; author differs from, 520 n. 

Bali Dagh, the (comp. Lounarbashi), ruins 
of citadel on, not Cyclopean, 19; perhaps 
Gergis, 19,208; Priam’s Pergamus (Le- 
chevalier), 185 ; the walls and pottery late, 
192-3 ; Ida not visible from, 194; tumuli 
on, 651; Forchhammer’s account of, not 
exact, 655. 

Ballauf, J. H., befriends author, 10. 

Balls, 3rd_¢., perforated, of serpentine, use 
unknown, 442; similar in Cyprus and 
California, 442. 

Balls, terra-cotta: of 8rd ο., one with a 
curious pattern, perhaps astronomical, 
420; with owl’s face and hair, the sun, 
moon, and morning star, 344, 420-1; 
with ΓΗ and 4, 3849; curious pattern, 
in 8 fields, probably in part astronomical, 
421 ;—of 4th c., like 8rd, 518; with signs, 
perhaps written characters, 563, 564; with 
“44 and perhaps a cuttle-fish, 572; very 
eurious with 8 fields, 572. 


Barrels, terra-cotta, 3rd c., with spouts, 
404; with handle and 8 feet, 404, 405. 
Bars of gold, small perforated, for hanging 

strung jewels on, Tr., 463; 'T'r., 493, 498, 

Bars of gold, with horizontal incisions, 
Tr., 496; analysis of, 496; may these be 
Homeric talents? 496. 

Bars of silver and electrum (q. v.). 

Basements as store-rooms, in Homer and in 
Ord .¢., 026, 

Basin, rude hand-made, one-handled, 5th ο. 
See Bowls. 

Baskets, coated with earth, for preservinz 
grain, perhaps used at Troy, 324. 

Batak (i.e. ““ swamp”), See Akshi Kiot. 

BLatieia, Idaean nymph, daughter of Teucer, 
married to Dardanus, 119, 152, 657. 

Batieia or Myriné, Tumulus of, where the 
Trojans arrayed their troops, 146; placed 
on hillof Bounarbashi by Choiseul-Gouftier, 
185, 657 :—(see Pasha Tepch); the name 
(“ brambly”) prob. native equivalent to 
Greek Myriné (¢. v.). 

Battle-axes, stone: of 1st ο., 244; among 
Egyptian spoils of victory from W. Asia, 
with objects of high civilization, 241 n.; 
—3drd ο., of green gabbro-rock and grey 
diorite ; similar in Denmark and Germany, 
438 ;—4th c., like 3rd ο., 518. 

Dattle-axes, bronze, Tr., 476, 477; form 
copied from those of stone, 479; analyses 
of, 477, 478; similar found in India, 
Babylonia, Cyprus, Egypt, and (2 only) 
at Mycenae, 478-9; also of. copper in 
Posen, Hungary, and N. America, 478; 
Tr., 487, 494, 495 ;—with hole for fasten- 
ing to shaft, only 4 such in 38rd ¢., 506; 
similar in Sardinia, and of copper in Hun- 
gary, 506 ; others of common ‘Trojan form, 
506 ;—4th c., like 8rd, 518; only 5 of 
same shape as 3rd, but smaller, 565 ;— 
5th c., shorter than in 8rd c., 585-6 ;— 
6th c., one bronze, double-edged, unlike 
any in the 5 pre-historic cities; charac- 
teristic of Asia Minor, 606; similar 
found at Mycenae, frequent in Greece, 
Assyria, and Babylonia; also in Lake- 
dwellings, 606; analysis of, 607. 

Batiles to and fro in the Plain, proof of short 

. distance of Troy fr. Hellespont, 198, 200. 

Beads, cornelian and glass (q. v.). 

Beads, gold, Tr., 487, 490, 493-5; dif- 
ferent degrees of alloy, 497 ; hundreds in 
form of rings and leaves, Tr., 502, 503 ; 
~—6th c., attached to a bronze brooch, 603. 

Beech-tree (gnyés), before the Scaean Gate, 
144; discussion of its meaning, 145. 


BEECH-TREES, 


INDEX. 


75? 


» BOWLS. 





Beech-trees (φηγοί) on tomb of Ilus, noticed | Bones, animal, found in 8rd ¢.; small instru- 


by Theophrastus, 208. 

Beiramich, on the Scamander, visited, 57; 
valley of, 69. 

Bellerophon, his σήματα λυγρά (11. vi. 169), 
probably of the old syllabary of Asia 
Minor, 699. 

Besika, Bay of, 107. 

Besika (i.e. “ cradle”) Tepeh, 651; regarded 
by Webb as the tomb of Peneleos, 665; 
dimensions, 665; excavated by the author, 
55, 107, 108, 665; strata described by 
Burnouf, 666 ; pottery found ; vase-bottom 
with incised signs, perhaps meant for cunei- 
form, 666, 703; large masses of potsherds, 
703; coarse, of large hand-made vessels, 
and better, of smaller vessels, unlike any at 
Hissarlik ; marks of wicker-work on vase- 
bottoms; no perforated projections for sus- 
pension; two wing-like handles; decora- 
tion of net-work and lines, 667; many 
pieces with indistinct floral and other de- 
corations, and signs like writing, painted 
with clay; remarkable absence of whorls 
and tripod vessels; fragments of only 2 
wheel-made vases ; all signs of a town or 
village, 668; polishing stones, but no stone 
implements; a few bones and shells; no 
trace of a funeral fire, 669. 

Birds of the Troad, various, little known, 
112; few among remnants of Trojan food, 
chiefly wild, 318, 322. 

Bishoprics of 'Troad in 10th century, Ilium 
among, perhaps at another site, 183, 612. 

Bismarck, Otto von, Prince, on the manu- 
facture and baking of the gigantic jars 
(see Pithoi), 279, 280. 

Bit, bronze, 6th c., 605. 

Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser, in British 
Museum; Bactrian camel, 112, and ele- 
phant, represented upon, 426-7. 

Poar, frequent in Troad, in Ida and Mysian 
Olympus, 432; in the Greek mythology, 
452 ;—tusks abundant in 3rd and 4th ο., 
319, 432, 571. 

Boar’s head stamped on a weight of lead, 
620, 621. 

Boeotia, the ‘ Catalogue of Ships,’ 149. 

Bolts, copper, of the gates, 836; comp. Keys, 

Bone: awls, pins, and needles of, Ist c., 261, 
262; parallel examples of, 262 ;—8rd c., 
engraved tube of, 425, 426; handle of a 
knife, 427; of sticks or sceptres, 427, 428 ; 
comb, 430; awls and needles, 430, 491 ;— 
4th c., piece with 3 holes, probably an 
archer’s ‘braccr,’ 566; awls, 566; stafi- 

_ handles, 567, 


ments made from, 319; those found at 
Troy classified by Dr. Moss, 322; fossil, of 
an extinct species of dolphin, 323; of 
deer and boar, found at Thymbra, 711. 

Bones, human, not found in urns of 8rd 
and 4th cities, except the embryos (gq. v.), 
a single tooth, 39, 323, and a skull, 511, 
See Skeletons, Skulls. 

Boobpis. See Heré. 

Lotany of Troad. See Flora and Plants, 

Gottle of pure gold, Tr.; how made, 466, 

Bottles, terra-cotta: 3rd c., with long neck 
and handle, rare, 390; similar from 
Bethlehem, Nimroud, Cyprus, and Egypt, 
390; without handles, 395, 896; with 
2 handles, 402; examples from Cyprus, 
Egypt, and Assyria, 402; tube-spouted, 
perhaps for feeding babies, 406, 407 ;— 
4th c., lentil-shaped, 541; wheel-made, 
of various shapes, 543, 544; one-handled, 
546 ;—5th c., wheel-made, red and black, 
578, 579. 

Bottoms, convex and pointed, of vases, 
supported by rings (q. v.) of terra-cotta 
and stone, 440, 451. 

Bouleuterion (or Senate-house) of N. Ilium, 
discovered, 21; ruins of, 609; 3 inscrip- 
tions in, or beside its foundations, 609, 
638. See Inscriptions. 

Bounarbashi (ἰ. 6. “ Head of the Springs,” 
55) and the Bali Dayh, Lechevalier’s site 
of Homer’s Ilium, 18, 185; author’s first 
visit to (1868), 18; the springs examined, 
18 ; distance from Hellespont, 19 ; excava- 
tions, with negative results, 19; revisited 
with Prof. Virchow; height of ruins on 
Bali Dagh; not Cyclopean; proved late 
by mode of working ; pottery only Greek ; 
agora discovered by Virchow; the (34 
or 40 instead of 2) springs investigated ; 
not Homer’s warm and cold sources of the 
Scamander, 55; their temperature tested, 
56; village of, 107. See Site of Homer's 
Llios. 

Bounarbashi Su, rivulet, described by Vir- 
chow, 96; its swamps, 97; canal from, 

. to the Aegean, probably of no great anti- 
quity, 98; another canal, 99; the Sca- 
mander of Lechevalier, 185. 

Bowls, terra-cotta: Ist c., with horizontal 
tubular holes for suspension, 217; black, 
228; with a pair of eyes, 247; none of 
this sort in 2nd ο., 279;—38rd ο., with 
spout and handle, 394, 395; large two- 
handled, 397;—4th c., 2 with a cross 
painted in red clay, 225; two-handled, 


758 


BOWLS. 


INDEX. 


. BUILDINGS. ° 





hand-made, 539 ; deep plates like bowls, | 


544; with handle and foot, 555; per- 
forated like a sieve, 556 ;—dark-brown, 
hand-made, frequent in Sth ¢, 582 ;— 
6th c., two-handled, or tureen, wheel- 
made, 589, 590; double-handled, 593 ;— 
N. I., fragments of painted, 614, 615; 
large alan, at Thymbra, 711. 

Bowls, small, in bs -historic cities, perhaps 
for lamps, 620. See Lamps, Lighting. 

Bow, terra-cotta covering of a, Ist c., 226. 

Boxes, terra-cotta: 3rd c., painted with red 
clay, 225; with cap-like covers, one a 
tripod; another without feet, found on 
wall near royal house, containing ashes 
(prob. of a deceased person), beads, and 
carbonized cloth and grain, 360-1;— 
tripod, 4th c., 534. 

Bracelet, copper, 1st c., 251. 

Bracelets, electrum, Tr., 491-2. 

Bracelets, gold: Tr., six stuck together, 458, 
459 ; mode of manufacture, 458 ;—heavy, 
with ornamentation of spirals, rosettes, &c., 

. Tr.; how made, 495; 2 heavy, Tr., 502. 

Brass (ὀρείχαλκος), formed by copper with 
the zinc of Ida, 254. 

Braun, Julius, ‘ Geschichte αἰ, Kunst in throm 
Entwicklungsgange, and ‘ Homer und sein 
Zeitalter, in favour of Hissarlik, 20, 189. 

Breast Ornament, long tassel of gold, Tr., 
500; number of links and leaves in, 501 ; 
its remarkable discovery, 502. 

Brentano, E., ‘Alt-llion im Dumbrekthal, 
188. 

Lriareus and Ae,aeon, equivalent names in 
the ‘language of gods and men,’ 1.6. Greek 

, and native, 704-d. 

Brick City, the Third so called, 518. 

Lricks, not used in 1st and 2nd c., 266 ;— 
sun-dried or slightly baked, used specially 
in the 3rd c.; partly vitrified by the con- 
flagration, 21, 88, 34, 805, 314; decayed 
into formless masses, 305, by rain as well 
as fire, 817; rarely preserved entire, 305 ; 
dimensions and make ; contain straw, 314; 
—not found in 4th c.; Virchow’s ex- 
planation; author differs from, 520 ;—at 
Thymbra, dimensions and composition, 709, 

Bridle, bronze, 6th c., 605 ; similar in Lake- 
dwellings, 605. 

Britannicus, coins of, N. 1., 646. 

Bronze, Sir J. Lubbock on early knowledge 
of, in Europe, as a foreign article, 257. 
Bronze, ornaments and utensils of, in 8rd c., 
but of copper in 1st and 2nd, 249 ;—3rd c. 
(see under the several names of the arms, 
ornaments, &c.), a curious pointed imple- 


| 


ι 


ment, 800 ;—4the., implements, &c., 564, 
565 ;—5th c., 585, 586;—6th c, 603 f.; 
—N.1., 620, 622. 

Bronze: analyses of the Trojan, 477, 478; 
highly prized; etymology, 480; Semitic 
derivation of χαλκός points to source 
whence the Aryans of Asia Minor and 
Greece received it, 481 ; analysis of battle- 
axe of 6th c., 607. 

Brooches (i.e. the pin only, comp. Fibula) : 
copper and silver in 1st and 2nd ο., 249, 
250, 252, 275; electrum, found with A 
male skeleton, 2nd ο., 272;—8rd c., bronze, 
found in urn with female skull, 39; with 
globular heads, common in all the pre- 
historic cities, 504 ; also with spiral heads ; 
one double, 504; packet of 6 in a bone, 
cemented by oxide or carbonate of copper, 
513 ;—4th ο., 564 ;—5th c., 585, 586 ;— 
6th c., with gold beads attached by oxide 
or carbonate, 603. “ἡ 

Brooches, beautiful gold, Tr. ; construction 
explained ; ornaments like some at My- 
cenae, 458, 489. 

Brooch, ivory, bird as head, 6th ο., 601. 

Broughton, Lord, puts Dine at Αἰ δνδ δες 
Troas, 187. 

Brugsch-Bey, H., Prof., ‘ History of Egypt,’ 
123 et passim; on tribes of Asia Misor 
on Egyptian monuments, 128, and App. 
IX. on “Troy and Egypt,” 745 f.; on 
“ Hera Bodpis,” App. VIII. p. 740 f. ; wor- 
ship of the cow in Egypt, as the symbol of 
Isis, 740-742 ; its special seat in the W., 
the Libyan nome, frequented by foreigners, 
and connected with 'l'rojan legends, 742; 
connection with 16, embodied in myth of 
Danaiis, 748, 744; the Libyan Zehannu 
equivalent to the Greek Marmarica, 743. 

Lrunn, H., on the metope of Apollo, 624. 

Brush- hangiiles of terra-cotta, with remnants 
of vegetable bristles, 3rd c., 414. 

Bryant, Jacob, ‘Vindication of Homer, 186. 

Biichner, W., for the Hissarlik site, 189. 

Buchholz on the Dominions of the Troad, 
68; his ‘ Zlomerische Kosmographie “ive 
Geographie, 68 n., 192 η., 188. 

Buckets, terra-cotta, fa ἀρ tte water from 
wells, with impression of rope on handle, 
like those used in Egypt: 3rd ο., 381; 
4th ο., 554. 

Buckow, Neu, in Mecklenburg-Schwerin, 
birthplace of the author, 1 

Bugle-shapcd vessels of 6th ο., also Etrus- 
can and Greek, 596. 

Buildings, found in the several strata, 21 
(comp. Architecture, Housexwalls, Temple, 


BUJUK BOUNARBASHI. 


᾿ Tower, Walls, &c.) : large in 4th city, 23 ; 
Greek wall belonging to, 28, 29; Hellenic 
and pre-Hellenic, 40 ;—2nd c., a large one 
of stone, 2€9 ;—8rd ο., of bricks, vitrified 

by the conflagration, 3035; enormous masses 
of remains, also of small red stones; easily 
distinguished from those of 2nd settlers; 
—4th c., stone substructions, 519, 520; 
—dth c., of wood and clay, 573. 

Bujuk Bounarbashi visited, 58, 59. 

Bunbury, E. H., “ Cyclopean Remains in 
Central Ituly, 192. 

Burial of Dead, sometimes used in N. I., 39 ; 
rare in the pre-historic cities, 39; used at 
Thymbra, 718, 719. Comp. Cremation. 

Burial, in Homer, for the performance of 
funeral rites without actual interment, 
649, 650. 

Burnouf, E., joins author at Troy (1879), 
53; his maps, plans, sketches, geological 
and other researches, 53 et passim. 

Burnouf, L., and Mdlle. L., drawings of the 
whorls and balls, 421. 

Burnt City (see Third City, Troy, and 
Conflagration) : now seen at the bottom 
of the funnel; points of correspondence 
with Homer, 683, 684, and Pref. 

Buttons, gold, Tr.; how made, 490-1 ; he- 
mispherical, Tr., 498. 

Byzantine remains, none at N. I., 612. 


CABIRT, sons of Hephaestus, mythical me- 
tallurgists in Phrygia and Samothrace, 
country of Pergamenes sacred to, 255. 

Caecina of Cyzicus (2nd cent. A.D.), base of 
lost statue of, with its footprints, found 
at N. I., 637. See Inscriptions. 

Caesar, Julius, favours Ilium, both in imi- 
tation of Alexander and as descendant of 
Tulus, 5. of Aeneas; privileges granted to 

« the Ilians, 177, 207; his visit to Troy, 
vow to restore it (Lucan), 206. - 

Caicus, R., limit of Trojan territory, 67. 

Caius Caesar, son of Agrippa and Julia, 
adopted by Augustus, governor of Asia, 
died a.p. 4; his favour to N. I. attested 
by an inscription, 178, 633, 

California made a State, July 4, 1850, and 
author’s consequent citizenship of the 
United States, 12. 

Callicoloné, M., probably not Kara Your (as 
Demetrius held, 176), but Oulou Dagh, 
59, 71, 109, 145-6, 678. 

Callinus, of Ephesus, earliest Greek elegiac 
poet, in 7th cent., 122, 

Callirrhoé, a. of Scamander, wife of Erich- 

« thonius, 152, 


INDEX. . 





759 


CAULDRON. 


Callisthenes, 172. 
tion cf. 

Calvert, Frank, U. 8. Vice-Consul at the 
Dardanelles, holds the ruins at Bali Dagh 
to be Gergis, 19; convert to the ‘Troy- 
Hissarlik theory ; owner of part of His- 
sarlik; excavates there, 20; his ‘ Asi- 
atic Coast of the Hellespont, “ Contribu- 
tions towards the Ancient Geography of 
the Troad, and ‘ Trojan Antiquities, 91, 
189; on “'Thymbra, Hanai Tepeh,” App. 
1V., 706 f.; excavates the tumuli of Priam, 
655, and Parrociust 656, 

Calvert, Fred., the late, excavates the tumu- 
lus above Ren Kioi, 655. 

Camel, Bactrian, in the Troad ; on black 
obelisk of Shalmaneser JII.; anciently 
strange in Asia Minor, 112. 

du Camp, Maxime: “ L’ Emplacement ‘de 
? Ilion d’Homere, 190, 

Camp, Naval, of the Greeks, on the Helles- 
. pont, between Capes Sigeum and Rhoe- 
teum, 73, 91,149; length, 30 stadia (3 geog. 
miles), 148; to the lett (W.) of mouth of 
the Scamander, 92, 147; objection of W. 
Christ answered, 93; in sight of Troy, 
207; in 3 lines; order of the ships 
and divisions, 148 f.; the agora, 149; no 
tents, but huts, 149; that of Achilles 
described, 150; open space where games 
were held; goals, 151; tumuli of Patro- 
clus and Achilles. on the shore, 151; 
common tumulus and earthen wall of de- 
fence, 151; feint of burning it, 160. 

Camp, Trojan, at tumulus of Ilus, before 
Ilium, visible from the ships, 200 ; objec- 
tion founded on, answered, 207. 

Caracalla: visits ium, honours Troy and 
Achilles with mad extravagance, kills 
his friend Festus to imitate the funeral of 
Patroclus, 179 (see Ujek Tepeh); coins of, 
N. I., 643-7. 

Οἰπ δα: R., rises in Ida, 68; deserved! 100. 

Carlisle, core ‘Diary in Turkish Waters,’ 
181. ᾿ 

Carians, allies of Trojans, 158, 

Cassandra, d. of Priam, 157. 

Castron, in Ithaca. See Polis. 

Catakekaumené (the “burnt land ”) of the 
myth of Typhoeus, 137; seat of the Ho- 
meric Arimi (q. v.). 

Caterpillar on Trojan terra-eottas, 4th c., 562. 

Cauldron (λέβης), copper, TR., with frag- 
ments of bronze weapons fused to it, 
474; handles, how put on, 475; use of 
cauldrons in Homer, 475; one among the 
Egyptian tribute from W. Asia, 475. 


See Homer, Casket edi- 


760 


CAVERN, 


Cavern, natural, and spring, near N. I., on 
W. slope of Hissarlik, 625; excavated, 
only late potsherds and bones, 626, 

Cebren, R., in the Troad, epically connected 
with Cebriones, s. of Priam, 121. 

Cebrenia, table-land between Dardania and 
‘Troy ; with (of old) a c. Cebrené, 138. 

Cellars, Greek, 30; substructions served as, 
in ‘Trojan houses, ancient and modern, 
54 f., 817; gigantic jars (πίθοι) in, 88 
(see Pithoi); for wine, in W. Asia, men- 
tioned in Egyptian records, 379 n. 

Celts, origin of the word, 298 n. (See Aves.) 

Cementing action of chloride of copper and 
silver, 494; of carbonate and oxide of 
copper, 504; εἰ passim. 

Censers, terra-cotta: 8rd ο., 411; similar 
one from Zaboréwo, 412 ;—4th c., 555; 
similar in Lusatia, Posen, and Germany, 
224, 555, 556 ;—5th c., 580 ;—Greek and 
Graeco-Phoenician, with 3 feet, 355. 

di Cesnola, General Luigi Palma, ‘ Cyprus, 
293-5, 869, 385 ef passim. 

Ceteians (oi Κήτειοι), the, dominion of Eury- 
pylus, on the Caicus, bordering on Lyr- 
nessus, 68, 136, 137, 160 ; identified by Mr. 
Gladstone with the Aheta and Khattai 
of Egyptian and Assyrian records, the 
Hittites (Chethites) of SS., 187; led by 
Memnon to Troy, 159. 

Chabas, ‘ Etudes sur 0 Antiquité historique ; 
on early Hellenic populations in N.W. 
Asia Minor, 182. 

Chalcis or Cymindis (Χαλκίς, κύμινδις, Hom. 
7. 6. “ yellow”), Greek and native names of 
a Trojan bird ; its form assumed by Sleep 
(Ὕπνος), 113; mythical connection with 
the Corybantes, workers in bronze, 1138 n. 

Chalk, incised ornamentation filled in with, 
passim ; practised in primitive Gaul, 594. 

Charidemus, mercenary chief in time of 
Philip I1., takes Ilium by a stratagem, 171, 
688. 

Chersonesus, the Thracian, seen from His- 
sarlik, 105. 

Chests: supposed wooden of the great 
Treasure, 41, 454; Priam’s treasure chests, 
454; quadrangular shape of a chest con- 
taining carbonized grain, 3rd c., a puzzle 
and suggested solution, 323-4. 

Chiblak, village and rivulet, 108, 109; ‘Troy 
placed at, by Clarke and Webb, 188, 

Chigri Dagh, visited, 56; height, 56, 107 ; 
vast Hellenic ruins, 57. 

China and Japan, the author's first book 
on, ‘ La Chine et le Japon (1866), 18. 

Chinese bronze cup for libations, as a parall1 


INDEX. 


CLAY-CAKES. 


to the gold δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον, 465, 
466. 

Chloride of silver and copper on the metals, 
252; cementing action of, 468. 

Choiseul-Gouffier, French ambassador at 
Constantinople, patronizes Lechevalier and 
adopts his theories; visits the Plain of 
Troy; his views of Trojan topography, 
184 f. 

Christ, W., ‘ Topographie der Troianischen 
Ebene,’ 92, 190; on the site of the Greek 
camp, 90. 

Chrysa, near Hamaxitus, later than Chrysé, 
with a temple of Apollo Smintheus, 136, 

Chrysé, Cilician c. of Troad, close to Thebé, 
on the sca with a port, with temple 
of Apollo Smintheus; destroyed before 
Strabo’s time, 190, 

Cilicians, dominion of, 68,184. See Ceteians, 
Cilicians of Thebé, Eurypylus, Mynes. 
Cilicians of Thebé, in ‘Troad, dominion 
of EKétion, 68, 123, 125; same race as 
people of Cilicia, 125 ; cities, Thebé, Chrysé, 

Cillé (q. v.), 186 ;—of Lyrnessus, 137, 

Cilla, d. of Laomedon, 156. ; 

Cillaeus, R. and M., near Cillé, 1386. 

Cillé, Cilician city, near Antandros, founded 
by Pelops, with temple of Apollo, 136. 

Cimmerians invade the Troad and devastate 
Asia Minor in time of Gyges and Assur- 
banipal (cir. 665 B.c.); the Gimirrat of 
the Assyrian inscriptions, 180 7. 

Circassians in the Troad, outrage by, 51. 

Cisseus, f. of Hecuba, 156. 

Cities, successive, on Hissarlik. See under 
First City, Second City, &c. 

Cities, Greek, sites of, on low hills in plains, 
like Hissarlik, 195. 

Clarke, Dr. E. D., his Travels ; against the 
Bounarbashi theory; places Troy at 
Ἰλιέων ΚΚώμη, which he puts at Chiblak, 
20, 188. 

Claudius grants exemption to Ilium, 178, 

Clay : cylinders of, perforated, slightly baked, 
peculiar to 8rd and 4th c., 558, 559; 
similar in Lake-dwellings and German 
tombs, 559 ; flat perforated pieces of clay, 
559, 560; similar from Thera and Nimroud, 
560; quadrangular perforated pieces, 3rd, 
Ath, and δίῃ ο., 560; curious cube of, with 
hole, and incised ornamentation of FH, &c., 
561. 

Clay-cakes (galettes), used to consolidate 
débris in foundations of the first 3 or 4 
pre-historic cities, 213; in 2nd c., 269 ; 
in 8rd ο., 805, 807; circuit wall founded 
on; Burnouf’s section and description, 


CLAY-COATING, 


807-8 ; at base of walls of royal house, 
325; in foundations of 4th c., 908, 

Clay-coating of pottery of Ist c., 219. 

Clay houses of 5th c., 573. 

Cleopatra, ἃ. of Tros, 152. 

Climate of the Troad, 38, 101 f.; tempera- 
ture, 101; table of winds, fine days, rain, 
and cloud, 101; prevalence of violent N. 
winds; rainy season in winter, but seldom 
severe ; great frosts recorded; Webb’s 
glowing description, 102. 

Wate thols terra-cotta, 3rd c., 378. 

Clytius, s. of Laomedon, 156. 

Coined money unknown to Homer, 518. 

Coins, Greek: of Antiochus III., found at 
N. 1., 19; of Constans 11., the latest found 
at N.I., 612; Ithacan, Greek and Roman, 

In Ithaca, 50; at Ophrynium, 60, 

Coins of N. I.: proof of belief in its identity 
with Troy, 179; enormous number picked 

_ up on surface, and found in the trenches ; 
all bronze ; none earlier than Macedonian ; 

' chiefly of Ilium itself; many of Alexan- 
dria-Troas; some of other cities, 612; 
account of the coins found at N.I., by M. 
Achilles Postolaccas, 641 f.; autonomous, 
silver and bronze, of Macedonian period ; 
imperial, bronze only, from Augustus to 
Gallienus ; the silver tetradrachms artistic 
of Attic standard, with name of the Ilian 
Athené; their date; types of the bronze; 
Athené, Roma, the wolf, Apollo, Gany- 
medes, 641; Hector; Aeneas, with An- 
chises and Tiilus, 642-3 ;—types of the im- 
perial bronze, Zeus Nikephoros, Dardanus, 
642; the Palladium; Ilus and the cow, 
642-3; Anchises and Aphrodité, Nestor, 
Priam, 648; Hector, 643-647 ; death of 

οἰ Patroclus ; Scamander ; Ilium and Roma, 
645-6; Ganymedes; Aeneas, with An- 
chises sand liilus, 647. 

Cold, intense, on Hissarlik in February and 
March, 26, 38, 52. 

Colours of pottery : lustrous-black of 180 c., 
218, &c.; how produced, 220; brown, 
green, grey, red, yellow, &c., 221-225 et 
passim :—of large pithoi, always dark- 
red, 280. 

Columns, drums of Doric, of temple of 
Apollo, N. 1., 23; drums and capitals of 
Corinthian, of temple of Athené, 27, 608, 
609; granite monoliths in a quarry, like 
those of Alexandria-Troas, 56. 

Comb of bone, 8rd c., 480. 

Commodus, coins of, N. I., 642-647. 

Conchylia of the Troad, Virchow’s account 

_ of, 114 f.; the purple murex, 115; species 


INDEX. 





761 


CORN-BRUISERS. 





of cochleae and conchylia used as food by 
Trojans, remains of in houses of burnt c., 


116, 818; not mentioned by Homer, 
116. 
Cones, 2 terra-cotta, of 5th ¢., inscribed 


with the Cypriote character mo, like one 
found at Nineveh, 128, 582-8, 698. 

Conflagration, no trace of, in 1st or 2nd 
stratum, 22; traces of, in 38rd stratum 
(of Troy), 21, 31; not in S.E. corner, 54 ; 
striking effects of, 305-312; its centres 
and direction, 313. 

Conradi, pastor in Ankershagen, 4 7. 

Constans IT,, his coins the latest at Ν, I., 612. 

Constantine the Great, first design of new 
capital near N. Ilium, 180, 205; his statue 
on ‘the burnt column’ at Constantinople 
one of Apollo from N. 1., 180. 

Constantinople, Museum of. See Museums. 

Constantinus Porphyrogennetus (10th cent.) 
mentions a bishopric of Ilium, 183, 612. 

Conze, A., ‘ Trojanische Ausgrabungen, 188. - 

Cookson, Chas., English consul at Constan- 
tinople, supplies implements, 25. 

Coomassie, bronzes from, with fr, 353. 

Copper, ornaments and utensils of, in 1st 
and 2nd c., but of bronze (q. v.) in 3rd ¢., 
249; parallel examples, 249; analysis of ; 
specimens harder than modern commercial 
copper, 251 (comp. next art.); a pre- 
Bronze Copper Age, 251, 257, 258; 
other objects, 253; no lances or battle- 
axes, 252; mines in Troad, 253; native 
on Lake Superior, used by ag ans for 
weapons, &c., 257, 738; anciently har- 
dened by plunging in water, 481, 482 ;— 
plate, with 2 discs, T'R., perhaps hasp of 
the chest, 468-9; vase, Tr., 485; frac- 
tured vessel, with gold beads cemented on 
by oxide, Tr., 495. 

Copper, hardening of, App. VII., a supposed 
lost art, ascribed to the Incas of Peru, 737 ; 
daggers and swords of hard copper of the 
Hurons, found under Lake Superior, 738 ; 
discovery of alloy of copper and rhodium 
by Mr. Duffield, 738; the copper of the 
Incas found to be of the like alloy, 738; 
experiment of Professor Roberts, 739. 

Cord for suspending vases, remnants of, 
found, Ist ¢.,.217. 

Corn, Indian, in the Troad, 118. 

Corn-bruisers (or Mullers), stone: Ist c¢., 
parallel examples, 286, 237;—2nd «., 
275 ;—8rd c., enormous numbers in first 
4 cities; similar at Mycenae, and in 
Hungary and Germany, 442;—4th ο., 
569, 570 ;—dth c., very few, 583-4 ;— 


j 


762 CORNELIAN, 


INDEX. 


CUPS. 


.ο-ο-Ῥ---Ο-Ἑοοοξει:ςςςς- - οςςΨο τότ 9 


found in Egypt, 570, 584; still used by 
N. American Indians in the Yosemite 
valley for pounding acorns, 570. 

Cornelian, beads of, Tr., 493. 

Corti, Count, Italian ambassador to the 
Porte, aids author, 44. 

Corybantes, mythical metallurgists in Samo- 
thrace, originated fr. Phrygia, 255, 256; 
name derived by some from coriuwm, the 
Cypriote for ‘copper;’ from the Zend, 256. 

Corythus, s. of Paris, 157. 

Cotton, in the Troad, 118. 

Cotylus, M., in Ida range, regarded by some 

as source of Scamander, 58. 

Covers of Vases: 1st c., with double holes 
for suspension, 215; mode of fastening, 
221 ;—2nd c., with crest-like handle; 
owl-faced, 291;—8rd c., with crown- 

- shaped handle, 303, 368, 369, 382; owl- 
faced, 341, 3438; different forms, flat or 
cap-like, 854; flat, with handle, 370; 
wheel-made, in shape of a stopper, 369 ; 
crown-shaped and with simple arched 
handle; like modern Phrygian water- 
vessels, 374; similar covers from Szi- 
halom, 375; in form of a flower-saucer, 
411; remarkable, with tree, stag, and 
cuttle-fish or tortoise, 418; in form 
of a stopper, similar from Szihalom, 422, 
423 ;—4th c., crested and owl-faced, 522, 

. 523; unique, wheel-made, with 3 feet, as 
if to be used as a cup, 5380-1; with curious 
handle, 538; bell-shaped, with arched 
handle, 542 ; with holes in edge for tying 
down, ornamented with ΓΗ and 4, 562; 
similar one fr. Lusatia, 562 ;—5th c., 
crested and owl-faced, 575-6; crown- 
shaped, latest exainple, 580. 

Cow of many colours, guide of Ilus to site 
of Ilium, 153; the symbol of Athené: or 
Até, 155; parallel legends, ancient and 
medieval, 155, 156 ; on coins of N. I., 648. 

Cow, worship of, in Egypt, 740 f. See 
Hera Boopis. 

Cow (or Ox) on handle of a bronze dagger, 
3rd c., 504. 

Cows or Oxen, terra-co'ta, 4th c.; how they 
differ from those at sean one from 
Talysus, 560. 

Cows’ heads on vase-hai.dles, frequent in 
6th c., never in the 5 preceding, 599; 
probable origin of the aeons see 
handles of Italy, 599 ; numerous examples 
of the cow-head in pre-historic remains, in 
gold, bronze, and terra-cotta, 600, 601. 

Cranes in the Troad, Homer’s simile from, 

“119; 


Craters (κρατῆρες, Hom. κρητῆρες), large 
terra-cotta bowls for mixing wine with 
water, with 2 and 4 handles, from 8rd c., 
408 ; frequent mention of, in Homer, 403 
(sometimes also of metal, 404); by other 
Greek authors, 404; on Egyptian reliefs, 
404; Etruscan clay models, 404. 

Cremation of Dead, used at N. I., 39; general 
in the 5 pre-historic cities, 89, 270. 

Crest. _ See Helmets. 

Crete, tradition of Teucrian migration from, 
to the Troad, 121, 122; resemblance of 
Cretan and Trojan names, 122. 

Creiisa, ἃ. of Priam, 157. 

Crimean War, commercial effect of, 13, 14. 

Crispina, coins of, N. I., 642, 648. 

Criticism of the pickaxe and spade, 518. 

Crosses : painted in red clay on 2 bowls, 4th 
c., 225; incised on whorls, 416. 

ΠΝ of clay and cow-dung, Trojan, 8rd 
c., 408; one containing traces of copper 
and spangles of gold, 409 ;—4th c., 558. 

Cucumella, the, at Vulci, described by 
Milchhoefer; no real likeness to the Ujek 
Tepeh, 664, 665. 

Cuneiform characters, apparent attempts. to 
imitate at Troy, 666, 703. 

Cups, terra-cotta (comp. Goblets): of ists Cc, 
224 ;—of 3rd ¢., triple cup on ὃ feet, 384; 
wheel-made, with breast-like knobs, 396 ; 
boat-shaped, of coarse clay, for metallurgy, 
409, 410; similar one from Lake of Bienne, 
410 ;—4th c., wheel-made, with ears and 
breast-like boss, 532, 583 ; very rude, 533 ; 
two-handled, of hour-glass form, 535 ; two- 
handled, one with sunk spots, 536 ; hand- 
made, of form first found in 4th c. and 
very abundant in 4th and 5th, 537-8; 
also at Mycenae, 538; single-handled, 
abundant.in 4th and 5th, 538, 539; large 
doub!e-handled, 589; 3 and 4 on one body, 
540; wheel-made, 554; large globular, 
common in 4th and 5th c., 556 ; perforated, 
557 ;—Ath c., one-handled (like Nos. 1094-- 
1100 in 4th), very abundant, 578; rude 
hand-made, one-handled (or basin), 578, 
580 ; globular hand-made, 581 ; with tube 
in side, probably for feeding babies, 581 ; 
double, joined, 582; small, with covers, 
only in the 5th c., perhaps crucibles, 582 ; 
—6th ¢., large one-handled, wheel-made, 
589, 590; heavy, double-handled, with 
linear ornamentation and breast-like pro- 
jections, frequent; similar found in Italy, 
593, 594; origin. (perhaps) of the finer 
Greek kantharos and skyphos, frequent in 
Etruscan tombs, 595; heavy one-handled, 


CUPS. 


INDEX. 


Δέπας. 763 





or bowl, 594, 595; horse-shaped, and frag- 
ment with horse’s head, 594, 595; one of 
a pair conjoined, 597. 

Cups, metal: bronze, 6th c., perforated 
lke a colander; one on a tall foot, like 
the Etruscan and Greek holkion, 605 :— 
electrum, ‘lr.; see Hlectrum: silver, Tr. ; 
see Silver. 

Curetes, mythical metallurgists in Phrygia 
and Samothrace, 256. 

Curtius, H., ‘History of Greece, 121 et 

passim ; Lecture on Troy, 187. 

Cuttle-fish (sepia), on a Trojan box, 225; on 
goblets fr. Ialysus, 225; painted in dark- 
red clay, on a terra-cotta box lid, 8rd c., 
060; (or tortoise 2) on a vase-cover, 413, 

Cyclopean Walls (so called), in 2nd city, 24 
(see Walls); in Ithaca (q. v.);—not ne- 
cessarily primitive, but used at all periods, 
192. (Comp. Polygonal Masonry.) 

Cylinder, of terra-cotta, perforated, with 
incised decoration, 4rd c., 415; of blue 
felspar, with remarkable signs, from the 
royal house, 416; the signs discussed ; a 

~ mark of Babylonian influence; resemble 
the Hittite sculptures, 693, 694. 

Οἱ ‘ymindis (Κύμινδις, Τοη., ‘night jar’), native 
name equivalent to αἰεὶ Chalcis (7. v.) ; 
κυμινδ connected with σκαμανδ, 118, 705. 

Cynossema (“dog’s monument”), the tra- 
ditional tomb of Hecuba, 648. 

Cypriote character go, on vases, 298 ; sylla- 
bary. See Inscriptions, Trojan. 

Cyprus, pottery of: flagons with female 
_ heads, perhaps derived from Thera, 293; 
animal vases, 294; other forms, passim. 
Cyzicus and Dascylium, Aeolian colonization 

of, by Archelaus, s. of Orestes, 127. 


DACTYTT, the Idaecan, mythical metallur- 

_ gists, 254, 256, 

Daggers: bronze, TR., broken and curled 
up by the conflagration ; proofs of wooden 
handles, 482; with couchant cow or ox 
on handle, 3rd c., a ceremonial weapon, 
504;—none in 4th c., 565 :—silver, royal 
house, 3rd c,, a ceremonial weapon, 499. 

Danaus, connection with Egypt, 743, 744. 

Dardanelles, present town of, 133. 

Dardania, the 'Troad called from Dardanus, 
119; name also in Samothrace, 124. 

Dardania, dominion of Aeneas and the 
Antenorids, 68, 133; defined by Strabo; 
long and narrow; its boundaries, 134. 

Dardania (or Dardanus, 119), c. of Dar- 
danus, at foot of Ida, before sacred Ilios 
was fuunded in the plain, 1384, 194; de- 








stroyed before Strabo’s time, 134; not tLe 
later Dardanus, 134, 174 n. 

Dardanian, the Scaean Gate so called, 143. 

Dardanians, in the Troad, 123; play im- 
portant part in the Z/iad, 124 ; dominion 
of Troy promised to their prince Aeneas, 
125; akin to, and confounded with, the 
Trojans, 1384; the Dardani of Egyptian 
records, 746, 750. 

Dardanus, s. of Zeus and Electra, 119; 
crosses from Samothrace to the Troad, 
119; adopted by Teucer, marries his d. 
Batieia, and succeeds him, 119, 152, 156, 

. 642 ; or marries Chrysé, who brought him 
the Palladium, 642; builds the ec. of Dar- 
danus, 119, 152 (see Dardania); not known 
to Homer as an immigrant, 123 ; oldest 
name in Homer’s Trojan genealogy, 152 ; 
his sons Ilus and Erichthonius, 152; on 
coins of N. L., 642. 

Dardanus, Greek c. on the Hellespont, 134 ; 
excavations gave only fragments of Greek 
pottery, 134. 

Dareios, the Phrygian name of Hector, 
704. 

Dascylium. See Cyzicus. 

Date of Pre-historic Troy, yrobably 1500- 
1200 B.c., 292. 

Davies, T., on the stone implements, 235. 

Davies, Wm., on a Trojan fossil bone, 323. 

Davis, E. J., ‘ Life in Asiatic Turkey, 374. 

Peébris, slanting layers thrown down from 
the hill by successive inhabitants, 64, 
328; section of, 328. See Hissarlik. 

Deer, species of, in the Troad, 112. 

Deiphobus, s. of Priam, 157 ; marries Helen ; 
killed by Ulysses and Menelaus, 161. 

Demeter, St. Demetrius, confounded, 106. 

Demetrius, grammarian of Scepsis (οὔγ. B.c. 
200-180), Homeric critic, his 30 books of 
Commentaries on the Catalogue (11, ii.), 
174; visits Ilium, 173; first questions 
identity of site at N. Ilium from jealousy 
for Scepsis, 168, 174 ; his objections, 174; 
refuted, 175, 686-9; explanation of utter 
destruction of Troy, a gratuitous assump- 
tion, 175, 176; places the site of Ilios 
at Ἰλιέων Κώμη, 19 (see dlians, Village of 
the) ; on source of Scamander, 58. 

Dendrinos, Mr. and Mrs., their hospitality 
to travellers in Ithaca, 50. 

Denmark, suspension-vases from, 215, 216; 
other pottery, &c., passim. 

Dennis, G., “ Cities and Cemeteries of 
Etruria, 129 et passim ; on pottery as 
a test of race, 279. 


Δέπας ᾿Αμφικύπελλον. See Amphikypellon. 


764 


DETHIER, PH. 


INDEX. 


EAR-RINGS. 


SS ee eae eee 


Déthier, Ph. on the Treasures found at 
Troy, 189. 

Dexia. See Phorkys. 

Deycke, EH. L., gun., author’s employer at 
Hamburg, 7. 

Diadems, the 2 golden, Tr. (Homer’s πλεκτὴ 
ἀναδέσμη), 454 m.; described, 454-7; 
number of pieces in the chains, 457; the 
goldsmith’s work explained, 458. 

Diadumenianus, coin of, N. 1., 647. 

Dicaearchus, his work on Alexander’s sacri- 
fice at Ilium, 171. 

Dice, game of, attributed by Herodotus to 
the Lydians; one of stone, 6th c., 602. 
Dio Chrysostom, for N. 1. site of Troy, 210. 

Diomedes fetches Philoctetes, 160. 

Dionysius Periegetes for Troy at N. 1., 179. 

Disc of bronze, showing a man with uplifted 
arms, 3rd c., 518; not a coin, unknown 
even in Homer’s time, 514. 


Discs, gold, Tr., 494; 38 with star-flower 


pattern, Tr., unique at Troy, but common 
at Mycenae; how manufactured, 500. 

Discs, ivory ; with border, 5the., 585; with 
a scorpion and 2 curious animals in in- 
taglio, 601. 

Discs, stone, perforated; of unknown use, 
Ist c., 247; stands for vases with pointed 
feet, 2nd c., 298. 

Discs, terra-cotta, thin, perforated, of 1st ¢., 
cut from broken pottery, probably weights 
for spinning and weaving, 231; parallel 
examples, 231; abundant in the 5 pre- 
historic c., 422; of steatite, 443. 

Discs, terra-cotta, lenticular, in shape of 
watches, with 2 perforations: 6th c., with 
a sign frequent on Trojan whorls ; also 
found in Italy and Transylvania, 601, 
602;—in N. I., with stamped figures, 
human, animal, &c., seem to take place of 
the whorls of former cities, 619, 620; found 
through Troad and in Greece; probably 
ex-votos, 620. 

Dishes, terra-cotta; 3rd ο., tripod, wheel- 
made, 396 ;—5th c., see Plates. 

Dishes (φιάλαι), silver, found near the Trea- 
sure, 49 ; one in the Tr., 470. 

Distaf,, with carbonized woollen thread 
wound round it, 3rd c., 327. 

Doys, remains of, in 8rd c., 819; footprints 
of one, on bricks at Thymbra, 711. 

Dolmens, suspension-vases from, 215, 216. 

Dolphin, vertebrae of, 38rd ο., 823; of an 
extinct fossil species, 323. 

Dominions of the Troad, 68, 182 f.: (1) of 
Pandarus, the Lycians, 1382; (2) of 
Adrestus and Amphius, 132 ; (3) of Asius, 


133 ; (4) of Aeneas, Dardania, 138 ; (5) of 
Altes, the Leleges, 184; (6) of the Cili- 
cians, 134; including (a) of Létion, the 
Theban Cilicia, 134-5; (Ὁ) of. Mynes, 
Lyrnessus, 136; (c) of Eurypylus, the 
Keteioi (Hittites), 136 ; (7) of the Homeric 
Arimi, 137 ; (8) of the Asiatic Pelasgians, 
138 ; (9) of Priam, [1105 or lium (ῳ.υ.). 

Door-socket (probably) of limestone, 2nd c., 
904. 

Doorways, rare in ‘basements of Trojan 
houses, except in the royal house, 53; 
the basements were cellars, 317. 

Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus, various 
dates and accounts of; probably in time 
of Orestes, 127. 

Douglas, R. K., on jade, 451 n. 

Doumbrek, village, at junction of two 
branches of the Simois; geological forma- 
tion, 71. 

Doumbrek Su, R., not the Thymbrius (as 
Lechevalier held, 185), but the Simois, 
76; apure Turkish word=“ abode of ice,” 
answering to its nature, 77; fertile valley 
of, its orchards, 109. 

Duden—Swamp, one source of the Kali- 
fatli Asmak, reclaimed by Mr. Calvert, 
99; its three springs, 108. 

Duffield, A. J., “ On the lost Art of Harden- 
ing Copper,” App. VII., 737 f. (comp. 
Copper) ; his discovery of the hard natural 
alloy of copper with rhodium, on Lake 
Supcrior, 738. 


FE, Cypriote character in an older form, on a 
Trojan seal, 415, 693. 

Eagle: one species in Troad, Homer’s περκυός, 
118 ;—gold, 8rd c., with ornaments like 
eagle on Hittite sculptures, 503. 

Ear-ring of electrum, T’r., 494, 

Ear-rings, gold, 2nd ο., 272 ;—8rd ο., TR., 
56; various patterns, and manufacture ; 
the serpent pattern ; those like studs, with 
pin and socket, 460; large, with pen- 
dant chains and idols, 463-4; description 
and construction, 464; with long pen- 
dants, Tr., 485-8, 494; 2 pairs, heavy, 
basket-shaped, with ornamentation of 
rosettes, beads, &c. (pendants probably 
lost), Tr., 496, 497; 2 large, with pen- 
dants, rosettes, &c., Tr., 502; another, 
502; of common. Trojan form, Tr., 490, 
498 ; one fused on toa bracelet of electrum, 
Tr., 492; others, T'r., 494 of simple form, 
with spiral ornaments, 498; with pendant 
like a bell-clapper, 498; simple spirals, 
for holding up the hair (Hom. J/. xvii. 


EAR-RINGS, 





51, 52), 498; of serpent form, Tr., 487, 
488, 490, 494; 2 massive, T'r., 498; 
others, T'r., 503; of common Trojan form, 
small, Tr., 502,508; boat-shaped (unique, 
but also in silver), Tr., 503. 

Ear-rings, silver, 'Ty., some cemented by 
chloride, 492, 494 ; 6 cemented together, 
Tri, 502, 

Earthquake, signs of, in 2nd stratum, 21. 

Eckenbrecher, G. von, ‘Die Lage des 
Homerischen Troja, 20,169 οὐ passim ; 
in favour of Hissarlik, 20. 

Létion, dominion of, 68, 184; his capital at 
Thebé, 185. See Cilicians of Thebé. 

Hétion, discussion about his burial, 650. 

egg of aragonite, 3rd ο., 480, 

fg, hen’s, found at Thymbra, 319. 

Ligyptian Porcelain. See Porcelain. 

Egyptian Monuments, mention of ‘Trojan 
tribes on, 123; App. IX. 

EHichthal, αὐ. αὐ, ‘Le Site de Troie selon 
Chevalier ow selon Schliemann, 188. 

Eileithyia, the Asiatic goddess Yodeleth, 
Moledeth, or Mylitta, 154. 

Elueus, on the Thracian Chersonese, 105. 

Elaeussa, coins of, at N. I., 612. 

Elagabalus, coins of, N. I., 645, 646. 

Electra, d. of Atlas, mother by Zeus of 
Tasion and Dardanus, 119. 

Electrum (ἤλεκτρον, also amber’), an alloy 
of gold and silver; Homer’s use of the 
word; its etymology, 278, 473; the ‘ pale 
gold’ of Croesus’s offerings at Delphi; 
account of, by Pliny, 273; by Strabo, Pau- 
sanias, Eustathius, 273-4 :—one brooch in 
2ndc., 273; frequent in 3rd ο., 273; fluted 

- goblet, ‘Ir. ; foot, how put on, 467 ; small 
goblet found in silver vase near the TR., 
472; bars, Tr., 485-6, 493; ear-rings, 
Tr., 488, 494; pendant, Tr., 494, 

Elephant, known in W. Asia; on black 
obelisk of Shalmaneser, 426-7. See Ivory. 

Elias, St., fires on his festival upon Ujek 
Tepeh, which is regarded as his tomb, 
perhaps by a confusion with Ilus, 658. 

Elpenor, discussion about his burial, 650, 

Embryos, human : 180 c., skeleton of, with its 
mother’s ashes, 227, 828 ;—38rd ¢., two 
others, 323 ; preservation of the bones, how 
explained, 3238 ; one described by Virchow, 
512. 

Ennius mentions the recognition by the 


Romans of N. J. as their fatherland, 173. . 


Epeius and Panopeus, makers of the wooden 
horse, 160. 

Ephesus, coins of, at N. I., 612. 

Lrenlé visited, 58. 


INDEX. 








165 


EXCAVATIONS. 


' Hrichthonius, 5. of Dardanus, his riches and 


stud of mares ; his son Tros, 152. 

Erineos (ἐρινεός, ‘wild fig-tree’?), close 
to wails of Troy ; its meaning discussed, 
141-2, 

Eshmun, Phoenician= Apollo Ismenius, 154. 

Ethnography of the Trojans, 119 f. (comp. 
Troad, Trojans); ancient tribes of the 
Troad, 119-126; Aeolian colonization. by 
Achaeans from Peloponnesus and Aeolians 
from Boeotia, 127 ; Lydian dominion and 
settlers, 128; invasions of Trerians and 
Cimmerians, Gauls (Galatians), 130 ; pas- 
sage of nations to and fro, 131. 

Etruscan pottery, archaic, like that of 6th 
stratum on Hissarlik, 685. 

Etruscans, their Lydian origin generaliy 
accepted in antiquity, but denied by 
Dionysius ; arguments against ; their lan- 
guage agglutinative, 129. 

Eumaeus, house and stables of. See Ithaca. 

Euphorbus, s. of Panthoiis, a Trojan, called 
a Dardanian, 184. 

Eurydicé, ἃ. of Adrastus, w. of Ilus, 156. 

Eurypylus, s. of Telephus and Astyoché, k. 
of the Ceteioi on the Caicus, 87 (see 
Ceteians); aids the Trojans, 160; his 
dominion, 68, 186; killed by Neoptole- 
mus, 160. 

Evans, John; ‘ Stone Implements, 245 et 
passim. 

Evjilar, on the Scamander, visited, 57. 

Excavations at Bounarbashit and the Baii 
Dagh, by Von Hahn, 1864, 19; by 
Dr. Schliemann, 19. 

Excavations at Hissarlik, by some Turks, 
19; by Mr. Calvert, 20; Dr. Schliemann’s 
preliminary (1870), 20; first year’s work 
(1871), 21; second year’s work (1872), 
21; labourers, implements, and expenses, 
21, 22, 24, 25; great platform on the 
N. slope, 22; large trench from S$. side, 
23; ruins in upper strata demolished 
in order to discover Troy, 23; second 
platform on N. side, 23; abandoned, 
23,24; trench cut in its centre, 23, 24; 
danvers, difficulty, and discomforts, 24, 
25, 33; great trench through the hill, 
24, 25; third year’s work (1873), 26; 
new trench on N. side; slopes fur 
removing débris, 27; another large ex- 
cavation; discovery of street, 83; of a 
large house, 84; of the double gates, 36 ; 
new trenches from N.W. and W., 40, 
265; discovery of the Treasure, 40 ἢ; 
obstacles to resumption (1875-6), 44; 
resumed in 1878, fourth year, 50; the 


766 


EXCAVATIONS. 





king or chiefs house near the gate, 51; 
more treasures found there, 51-2; fifth 
year’s work (1879), 52; directed to circuit 

. walls of Troy, 53; area of the 8rd city 
laid bare, 53; Virchow’s speech on present 
condition, 60; his defence of Schliemann’s 
method, 62 f.; the δια, Burnt City, in a 
hollow in the middle, 65. See also App. 
I. and Pref. 

Excavations at Ithaca (1808), 18, 48-50. 

Excavations at Mycenae, preliminary (1874), 
43; in 1876, their great success, 20. 


FACE-VASES, wns with human faces 
found at Pomerellen and elsewhere in Ger- 
many, &c., 292; not earlier than Ist or 
2nd century B.c., described, 2933 relation 
to the Trojan, Pref. 

Fallow-deer, horns of, sharpened for use as 
awls, 3rd c., 431. 

Faustina, the elder, coins of, N. I.,644; the 
younger, coins of, N. I., 642, 648, 645. 

Feeding bottles for babies, 406, 407. 

Feet of Vases, censers, 1st c., 223-4. 

Fellowes, ‘ Excursion in Asia Minor, 186. 

Festus, friend of Caracalla, slain to provide 
a Patroclus for new funeral games, 179. 

- See Ujek Tepeh. 

Fibula, the buckle of the brooch, absence of at 
Hissarlik, a sign of highantiquity, Pref. xii. 

Fick, ‘Die ehemalige Spracheinheit Eu- 
ropa’s,’ 121. 

Fifth Pre-historic City of Troy, dis- 
covered, to depth of 13 ft., 21; stratum 
about 6 ft. thick, of houses of wood and 
clay, 573; different architecture and 
implements, 573; no stone hammers or 
axes (except 2 or 3, one of white jade, 
4. v.) ; saddle-querns rare ; whorls different, 
513; pottery inferior, 574 (see Pottery) ; 
kitchen-refuse shot over hill, 574; all 
infers a different race, with perhaps a 
mixture of the 4th people, 574; doubt 
whether they had city walls, 574; owl- 

_headed vases, 574 f.; idols, 576; amphi- 
kypellon depas very small, 577; other 
pottery (g. v.), 577 f.; seals, 582, 588; 
inscribed funnels, 582, 583; silex saw, 
583; one (only) hammer of diorite, 583 ; 
other stone implements, 584; quoit, 584 ; 
mould, 585; disc of ivory, 585; weapons 
and implements of bronze, 585-6. 

Figs in Troad, 118. 

Fig-tree ? (ἐρινεός) of Troy, 141. See Hrineos. 

Ligure, with well-modelled face, of terra- 
cotta, 38rd c., 830; rude, perhaps a toy, 
ard 501]. 


INDEX, 


. FLAGONS. 





Figures, rude, of terra-cotta or marble (comp 
Idols). 

figures, in profile and in front, use of in 
Greek painting, and on sculptured reliefs 
and coins, 624, 625. 

files, unknown at Troy or Mycenae, 463. 

Fillet (dumv€), for the head, gold, 'I’r., de- 
scribed, 463; long plain gold, with holes 
for tying it, Tr., 502; another, orna- 
mented, 'I'r., 508. 

Fimbria takes and sacks N. Ilium (8.0. 85); 
account of Strabo, 176; of Appian, 177. 
Fire, 1st c. not destroyed by, 213, 264; 

comp. Conflagration. 

Firmans for the excavations: 1871, 21; 
1876, abortive through local opposition, 
44; 1878, 45; 1879, for exploration of the 
Tumuli, 54-5. 

First Pre-historic City at Hissarlik, 45 to 
53 ft. deep, discovered, 22 ; house-walls of, 
54; excavation imperfect, why; built on 
native rock and natural soil; analysis of 
its strata, 212; slope of strata; not de- 
stroyed by fire ; no walls of defence found, 
but a retaining wall, 213 ; pottery, 213 f.; 
2 funeral urns (q. v.) on native rock, 227 ; 
terra-cotta whorls (q. v.), 229 ; perforated 
discs (q.v.) of terra-cotta or marble, 231; 
rude figure of terra-cotta, 231, 232; im- 
plements of stone; saddle-querns, 234; 
mortars and pestle, 235; polishers, 236, 
237; corn-bruisers or mullers, 236; 
pounders; hammers; axes or celts, 297 ; 
jade, its great interest, 238 f.; silex saws, 
and knives of flint and obsidian, the only 
silec implements ever found in any of 
the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, 245- 
247; potsherds with pair of eyes, 217, 
247; whet-stones; mould of mica-slate, 
248; metal ornaments and implements, 
249 f.; absence of cron, proof of high 
antiquity, 252; sources of these metals, 
253 f. (comp. Metals); bone and ivory 
objects, 261, 262; no indication of its fate. 

Fischer, Professor, on the Trojan jade axes, 
240-2. 

Fish of wood, 3rd e., 428, | 

Fish-bones found at Troy, species, 318, 322. 

Fish-hook, bronze, 3rd c., 504. 

Fishing, followed by Trojans; why not 
mentioned in the Jliad, 521, 322. 

Fish-spine ornament, 216, 280; on a Trojan 
tripod ; on gold goblets at Mycenae; on 
terra-cottas in Denmark, Hungary,&c.,356, 

Flagons (oenochoae): of Thera and Cyprus, 
with female characteristics, 293; double, 
of 2nd c.; and in all the later pre-historic 


FLINT 





c.; parallel forms from Rhodes, Egypt, 
Cyprus, and Thera; also from Swiss 
lake-dwellings, Lusatia, Posen, and Peru, 
294, 295 ;—of 3rd c., with piece cut out 
of mouth, common in 8rd and 4th c., 380, 
387; with double spouts, one behind the 
other, 384; or side by side; similar ones 
found only in Cypru 
gary, 385; with lorg neck and trefoil 
‘mouth, 986 ; similar in Museum at Bou- 
logne, at Athens, from Cyprus, Thera, 
and Mycenae, 387; with neck bent back, 
388 ; with upright spout, 388, 389; fine 
grey, with incised bands, and plant-like 
band round neck, 392 ;—4¢th ¢., of various 
forms, wheel-made and hand-made, 548 f. ; 
with 2 necks, side by side; with one spout 
in front of ihe uther, unique, 553. 

Flint Implements. See Silex. 

Floors, in 2nd ο., of beams, not planks, 
274 ; covered with clay, 275; the same 
in 3rd c., 30, 313; of limestone slabs, 380 ; 
of polished stone in a Greek house, 33. 

Flora of the Troad, Barker Webb’s account, 
116 ἢ ; oaks, especially the valonea, 116; 
Homey 5. pictures; flowers of τ ΠΕΊΈΕΙ 
lotus, apium, vegetation by the river- 
sides; flowers on Gargarus, 117; second 
zone of forests; wine-making; grapes, 
water-melons, &c.; oil; Solanum and Se- 
same, use of seeds for food, mentioned 
by Homer; leguminous plants; cotton ; 
Indian corn; silk ; figs and pomegranates : 
a field of Se under the walls of Troy, 
118, 

Flower, W. H., Prof., on vertebrae of fish 
found at Troy, 328. 

Flowers, on whorls, 419, 420, &c.; one of 
marble, at Thymbra, 712. 

Flutes, ivory, pieces of, 8rd c., 425, 426; 
bone, at Thymbra, 712. 

Food of the Trojans, described by Virchow 
from remains in the Burnt C., 318 f.; 
conchylia (q. v.) best preserved ; fen 
remains of tortoise; bones of higher ee 
brates abundant, 318; few birds, chiefly 
wild, no domestic foul ; bones of domestic 
animals in moderate quantities, chiefly 
sheep, goat, and horned cattle; Trojans 
not great meat eaters ; few pigs; few horses 
and dogs (not food, but carcases not thrown 
out of c.); many fallow-deer horns and 
boars’ tusks ; bones made into small in- 
struments (see Awls, Needles, Scrapers, 
&c.), 319; vegetable substances, much 
burnt grain, chiefly wheat, 319, 320; 


leguminous plauts ; question about pease, | 


INDEX, 


s, Germany, and Hun- | 





767 


FRICK, 0. 


320, 321 n.; beans, 321 :—remains of at 
Thymbra, 711. 

Forbiger, ‘ Handbuch der alten Geographie, 

a taie 

Forchhammer, ‘Topographische und physio- 
graphische Beschreibung der Ebene von 
Troia, 90, 187; ‘ Daduchos, &c ,’ 187; 
‘ Scamandros,’ 187. 

Forts, two quadrangular, N. I., 610. 

Forty Eyes (Turk. Kirk Gios), the springs 

_at Bounarbashi, 55. See Bounarbashi. 

Fossil vertebra of an extinct species of 
dolphin, 8rd c., its source, 328; use’ of 
fossils for ornaments, 323. 

Fountains, vessels with spouts in the side 
perhaps placed under to drink from, 8rd c., 
406. 

Fourth City on the site of Troy, stratum of, 
13-20 ft. deep, discovered, 21; house- 
walls, many stone implements and | pot- 
tery, 21; large building in, 23; founded on 
soil, ashes, and bricks, covering the débris 
of the 3rd c., with clay-cakes to consoli- 
date foundations, 310 ;—described, 518 f. ; 
tradition of continuous habitation con- 
firmed by the pickaxe and spade; part of 
Burnt C. escaped the fire; objects still of 
the same character, idols, bronze and bone 
battle-axes, vases, handles, and _ saddle- 
querns, whorls and balls; differences, pot- 
tery (7. v.) coarser, stone implements more 

“numerous; great masses of shells (kitchen 
refuse) in the houses, a sign of low civiliza- 
tion, 518; absence of large city walls, 518, 
519; those of 2nd and 8rd c. left undis- 
turbed beneath the débris ; evidence at the 
gate that the same road was still used, 519 ; 
walls of defence outside circuit of 3rd c. (see 
Walls); no brick used; difference of domes- 
tic architecture, an argument against con- 
tinuous habitation; pottery, its character, 
520; owl-leaded female vases, 52! ; other 
vases and pottery (q. v.), 525 f.; crucibles 
and other objects of terra-cotta and clay, 
558 f.; animal figures, 560; alyre, 560-1 ; 
seals, 561; whorls and balls, 562-4, 571, 
572; implements of bronze, 564; a lead 
wheel, 565; objects of ivory, 565, 566; 
moulds, 567, 568; stone hammers and 
axes, 568, 569; corn-bruisers, 569, 570; 
other stone implements, 570;—its end 
unknown, no trace of catastrophe, 574. 

Foul, domestic, no traces of among Trojan 
food, 319. 


‘Franklin, W., ‘ Remarks, &c. on the Plain 


of Troy, 186. 
Frick, O.,‘ Zur Troischen Frage,’ 188, 


768 


FROGS. 





Frogs, innumerable about Hissarlik, 38. 

Frolich, E., Rev., 3 n. 

Frilich, Ida, 4 n. 

Frontlet, gold, with holes for tying it, “Tr., 
493. See also Diadem, Fillet. 

Funeral Rites, eet oneiahies of, in Homer, 
without interment, 650. 

Funeral Urns. See Urns. 

Tunnels, terra-cotta: 8rd _c., probably for 
metallurgy, 410, 411; numerous in 3rd, 
4th, and Sth cities, 410;—2 in δίῃ c, 
inscribed with Cypriote character mo (for 
“measure 7), like one found at Kouyunjik, 
perhaps brought to Nineveh from Gyges, 
411, 582-3; terra-cotta, sieve-like, per- 
forated, 577. 

Fiirstenberg, in 
author’s life at, 6. 


Mecklenburg - Strelitz, 


GALATIANS (Gauls) invade the Troad ; 
their 3 tribes ; settlements on the Helles- 
pont, in Aeolis and Ionia; conquer Asia 
Minor to the Taurus; exact tribute from 
Syria; final settlements in Galatia, 130; 
Ilium unfortified in their time, 173; im- 
plies some sudden temporary decay, 689. 

Ga'ettes. See Clay-cakes. 

Gallienus, coins of, N. I., 644, 645. 

Ganymedes, 3rd 5, of Tros, carried away to 
be cup-bearer to Zeus, 153; on coins of 
N. L, 642, 647. 

Gargarus, M. (Kaz Dagh), highest summit 
of Ida, height, 58, 68; contains sources 
of Scamander, 58, 69; shrine of Zeus on, 
68; mentioned three times by Homer; 
geological formation, 69; forests of, 110; 
flowers on, 117; nips of Zeus and 
Heré, 117, 118. 

Gate, the Scacan (Σκαιαὶ πύλαι), of Troy; 
also called Dardanian ; derivation of the 
name; why plural; Dr. Eyssenhardt 
upon, 143; tower over it, 144; placed by 
Lechevalier at Bounarbashi, 185. 

Gates, the double, of 'Troy, 36 ; height above 
sea and below hill, 53; erected by second 
settlers, used by the third, 265-7; 
described; piers lowered by second set- 
tlers; the doors of the gates were wood ; 
third gate, with a wicket; wooden tower 
over them inferred from the ashes, 266 ; 
covered up in 4th c., but the way out 
still used ; proof from the section of the 
débris, 519; Virchow upon, 684. 

Gazelles in the Troad, 112. 

Gell, ‘Geography and Antiquities of Ithaca,’ 
48 n.; imaginary Palace of Ulysses, 49; 
‘Topography of Troy, 186. 


INDEX. 


GOLD. 





Gelzer, ‘Eine Wanderung nach Troja,’ 188. 

Gems, incised, picked up at N. L, chiefly 
Roman, few Macedonian, none of great 
artistic value; subjects; absence of rings 
explained; great value in antiquity, 612. 

Gensdarmes, escort of, their value, 51, 52, 57. 

Geology of the 'Troad, 70 (see T’road) ; chain 
of volcanic rock from Hellespont to Aegean, 
a frame for the Trojan Plain, 678. 

Gergis (Gergetha, Gergithus), Greek city in 
the Troad, identified by Mr. Calvert with 
ruins on the Bali Dagh, 19; the treasury 
of Queen Mania, 55; city of tne Teu- 
crians, 121; origin of Gergithian Sibyl, 
122; destroyed by Attalus I. of Perga- 
mus, 631; prob. the Gergesh of Egyptian 
records, 747; coins of, at N. I., 612. 

Gergitha, new town of, probably referred to 
in an inscription, N. I., 631. 

Germany, suspension-vases found in, 222, 
223; other antiquities, passim. 

Geta, coins of, N. I., 643, 644, 646, 647. 

Gilding on copper knife, Ist c., the only 
case in the pre-historic cities, but frequent 
at Mycenae, 251, 252; plating silver with 
gold mentioned by Homer, 258. 

Giuliano, C., on Trojan goldsmith’s work, 
248, &c.; of the Treasures, 458 f. 

Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. #.: Poseidon a 
sign of Phoenician relations, 50, 125; 
‘ Homer’s Place in History; ‘ Humeric 
Synchronism ;’ and ‘ Homer, 190 et pas- 
sim; on progress of sculptured images of 
deities, 233; Homer’s πλεκτὴ ἀναδέσμη, 
455. 

Glass buttons, balls, and beads, 3rd c., the 
only objects of glass found in the pres 
historic cities at Hissarlik, 429. 

Glass beads, ornamented, N. 1., 622. 

Gluucdpis. See Athené Glaucdpis. 

Go, or Ko, Cypriote, on Trojan vases, 298. 

Goblets, terra-cotta (comp. Cups): 1st ὁ.) red 
like the clay and golden at Mycenae, 224, 
225; like those of Ialysus in Rhodes; 
others elsewhere, 225; two - handled, 
Homer’s δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον (see Amphi- 
kypellon), 299;—8rd c¢., two-handled, 
nearly all lustrous-red, a few lustrous- 
black, 872, 373 ;—dthc., small, 578. 

Goblet, gold fluted, Tr.; how made, 466-7 ; 
electrum, Ir. See Hlectrum. 

Gods, an inseparable part of the Trojan 
legend, 674 and Pref. 

Gold, obtained from Phrygia ; mines in the 
Troad, 253 ; imported by Phoenicians from 
Arabia, 258-260 (comp. Ophir); obtained 
by Egyptians from Phoenicia, Punt 


GOLD. 


(Arabia), and Nubia, 261 :—Semitic deri- 
vation of χρυσός points to importation by 
Phoenicians, 481 ;—Trojan gold mostly 
very pure, and thus the easier to work, 
458, 461; various degrees of alloy, 497 ;— 
lumps or nuggets of, large and small, ΤῪ., 
493; one very large, bell-shaped, 493-4. 

Gold Ornaments, 3rd c., in an owl-vase, 341 
—2; in silver vase of TR., 461-2; spirals, 
large and small, ΤῪ., 502; abundant at 
Mycenae, 502. See T'reusures. 

Gold rings, 2nd c., 272. 

Gold vessels of the great Tr., 464-467; 
unique ; probably imported, 467. 

Gold-beating, 258. 

Gold, City of, the burnt city was also, 684 
and Pref. xiv., Xvi. 

Goldsmith’s work, Trojan, explained by Mr. 
Giuliano, 458 f.; soldering known, 458 f. ; 
also the blowpipe, 460 f. 

Gomperz, Th., Prof., his attempted decipher- 
ment of Trojan inscriptions, 692. 

Gordianus IT1., coins of, N. I., 648-4, 647. 

Gorgythion, s. of Priam, epically connected 
with Gergis and the Teucrians, 121. 

Grain : carbonized, in cupboard-like recesses 
in Trojan houses, 317, 320; in a few of 
the large pithoi, 379; receptacles for, in 
the soil, at Thymbra, 711. 

Granicus (Grenicus, Hom.), R., rises in Ida, 
68; described; victory of Alexander the 
Great upon, 100. 


Gras, grandson of Orestes, leads Aeolian | 


colonists to Lesbos, 128. 

Graves, Thomas, Commander, Map of the 
Troad, 187. 

Greek, wrong method of teaching at school ; 
mode recommended by the author ; con- 
firmed by Prof. Virchows experience, 
15 n.; modern before ancient Greek, 15; 
English pronunciation condemned, accord- 
ing to accents vindicated, 16. 

Greek Camp. See Camp. 

Greek Expedition against Troy: 10 years’ 
preparation ; 186 ships and 100,000 men 
assembled at Aulis; superior by 10:1 to 
Trojans and allies, 157; reaches the 
Troad, 158. See Troy, History of. 

Greeks, known to Egyptians as pirates, tra- 
vellers, &c.; by name of Uinen (‘the 
celebrated’), probably a translation of 
Ἕλληνες, 7453; in older records Haneb, 
746; on the coast of the Libyan nome ; 
the seat of Trojan legends, 750. 

Grohmann, ‘Apollo Smintheus und die Be- 

. deutung der Mause in der Mythologie,’ 122. 

Grote, ‘ History of Greece, 20 et passim ; 


INDEX. 


769 


HANAI TEPEH,. 


for the Hissarlik site, 20, 168, 189, 209, 
210; on Ilium and the Romans, 171. 

Grotto of the Nymphs, in Ithaca, identified 
and described ; its two entrances; stalac- 
tites which suggested Homer’s urns, am- 
phorae, and looms of the Nymphs, 49. 

Gutter of sandstone, in 4th city, 23. 

Gyges, k. of Lydia (cir. 698-660 B.c.), 
possesses the Troad; settles Lydians at 
Abydos; embassy to, from Nineveh, 128 ; 
aids Psammetichus I. against Assyria, 
180 5. ; defeated and beheaded by Cimme- 
rians,130 ; his tribute to Assurbanipal,698. 

Gypsum, curious object of, probably orna- 
ment of a box, 3rd c., 514. 


HADRIAN, coin of, N. I., 647. 

Hagia Trias, cemetery at Athens, example 
of later polygonal masonry, 57, 192. 

Hagios Demetrios Tepeh, with a chapel of the 
saint, and ruins of a temple, probably of 
Demeter ; the goddess and saint confused, 
106, 650; its lofty site above the sea, 650 ; 
explored by the author, with Prof. Virchow 
and M. Burnouf; merely a limestone rock, 
no trace of sepulchres; pilgrimages to the 
shrine, 669. 

Hahn, G. von, Austrian Consul, excavations 
of, at Bounarbashi in 1864, 19; ‘Awsgra- 
bungen auf der Homerischen Pergamos ; 
his opinion on Homer’s Troy, 187. 

Hairpins: gold, with spiral heads, Tr., 488- 
490; electrum, Tr., 493; gold, with oc- 
tagonal head, Tr., 498 ; very pretty, with 
rosettes and spirals, how made, 498-9. 

Halil Ovasi, beautiful plain of, on the 
Simois, with village of Halil Eli, 109. 

Halizonians or Alizonians, allies of the Tro- 
jans, 158; identified by Strabo with the 
Chalybes, 253. 

Halo of rays, on reliefs and coins, dates from 
Alexander the Great, 625. 

Halys, R., Ἐπ limit of Aryan races before 
8th cent. B.c., 120; country W. of, first 
known to Assyrians cir. 665 B.c., 128. 

Hammers, stone: Ast ο., 237;—2nd c., 275; 
perforated, 275, 276;—8rd c., 439-441; 
very numerous, esp. in 8rd and 4th c.,, 
441; drilling often unfinished, parallel ex. 
amples, 439 ; massive, of diorite, 451, 452; 
—4th c., perforated and grooved, 568, 
569 ;—of diorite, the only one in δίῃ ο.; 
similar found in California, 583. 

Hampel, Dr. J., “ Catalogue de 0 Exposition 
préhistorique des Musées, etc. de la Hon- 
grie, 222 et passim. 

Hanai Tepeh, mound of ruins of pre-historic 


o D 


770 


HANDMILL. 


Thymbra, excavated by Mr. Calvert, with 
the help of Dr. Schliemann, 77, 108, 
706 (App. IV.). See Zhymbra. 

Handmill, curious ancient, on M. Aétos 
in Ithaca, 48. See Saddle-querns. 

Hasper, W., his works on the Site of Troy 
and Dr. Schliemann’s Discoveries, 187. 

Hathor, Egyptian cow-goddess, like Greek 
I6, 288, and App. IX. 

Hatzfeldt, Count, German Ambassador to 
the Porte, aids in obtaining firman, 55. 
Haug, Dr. M., discovers Cypriote writing 
on objects from Hissarlik, 691; his 

attempts at decipherment, 692. 

Hecabé, Hecuba, ἃ. of Cisseus, w. of Priam, a 
Phrygian princess, 120,156; her tomb, 648. 

Hector, s. of Priam, 157; but, according to 
some, of Apollo, 157 n.; his name Phry- 
gian, meaning ‘a stay,’ 120; called 
Dareios by the Phrygians, 704 ; his house 
on the Pergamos, 140; his dominion, 
Troy in the narrower sense, from the 
Naustathmus to Cebrenia, 68, 138; his 
“helmet crest’ and “ horse-hair plume” 
(Hom.) illustrated, 512 n. (see Helmets) ; 
worshipped at N. I.; his sanctuary and 
statue, 165, 181; sacrifices and games 
at N. I. in his honour, 670-1; ‘‘Hector of 
the Ilians,” coins of N. I., 179, 642-7. 

Flector and Achilles, combat of. See Achilles. 

Hector, funeral and tumulus of, described in 
11. xxiv., a real tomb, not a cenotaph; 
but this book is later and probably repre- 
sents the Lydian mode of burial, 670; 
the tomb of Hector claimed by Ophrynium, 
also by N. I., 670; also by Thebes in 
Boeotia, 671. 

Hector, Tumulus of, on the Bali Dagh, 651; 
consists of small stones; excavated by 
Sir John Lubbock, nothing found, 656. 

Heldreich, Th. von, Professor, list of Plants 
of the Troad, 727 f. 

Helen, wife of Menelaus, carried off by 
Paris, 157; married to Deiphobus; re- 
covered by Menelaus, 161; Egyptian story 
of her detention in Egypt and restoration 
to Menelaus there, 161 n., f., 747, 748. 

Helenus, 5. of Priam, captured by Ulysses; 
his prophecy of the fall of Troy, 160; 
carried away by Neoptolemus ; succeeded 
him as king of Chaonia; married Andro- 
maché, and founded the Molossian line of 
kings, 164. 

Hellanicus, his Tpwika; testimony for the 
N. I. site, 168, 689; censured as partial 
by Demetrius and Hestiaea, 168, 176. 

Hellespont, the N.W. boundary of Priam’s 


INDEX. 


HESTIAEA. 


dominion, 67; no evidence of growth of 
the Plain of Troy towards, 84; soundings 
in, bearing on question of alluvial de- 
posits, 86; the sea has advanced on the 
land, 91 (comp. Alluvial Deposits, Plain 
of Troy, Scamander), view of, from His- 
sarlik, 105 ; passage of nations to and fro 
across, 131; H. and Bosporus, ferries 
between Europe and Asia, 131; narrowest 
between Sestos and Abydos, 183; historical 

and poetic interest of, 679, 680. 

Helmets, Trojan, fragments of bronze, found 
near Tr., 473; on skulls of two Trojan 
warriors, 90, 507; fractured and decayed 
by chloride, but upper part preserved, 512 ; 
the crest (pados) which held the plume, 
characteristic of Homer’s warriors, 512 & 
n.; its two pieces recomposed, 513; like 
arrangement on Mycenean intaglios, 513 7. 

Henning Bradenkirl, legend of, 2, 3. 

Henning, Dr. Carl, contribution of Julian’s 
letter about N. I., 180 (see Julian) ; his 
‘ New Ilion, 189. 

Hephaestus, and his sons the Cabiri, in 
Phrygia, 255. 

Hepner, W., Consul-general of Prussia at 
Amsterdam, aids author, 9. 

Heptaporus, R., rises in Ida, 68, 100. 

Hera or Heré Botpis (βοῶπις), the cow- 
headed or cow-faced goddess, argument on, 
282 f.; confirmed by the excavations at 
Mycenae, 282-3, 290 ; connection with the 
moon-goddess, the Egyptian Isis, and the 
Pelasgian I6, the later Heré, 282-5 ; three 
stages of the symbolism (comp. Athené 
Glaucépis) ; Brugsch-Bey on, App. IX. 

Hera-Idols at Mycenae and Tiryns, a sacred 
tradition, like the Palladium idols of Troy, 
331. 

Heracleum, coins of, at N. I., 612. 

Herakles, representative of the Phoenicians ; 
cycle of myths, of Semitic origin, 125; kills 
the sea-monster; is defrauded by Laome- 
don, takes Troy, and kills Laomedon and 
his sons, except Podarces (Priam, q. v.), 
125, 156. 

Hercher, R., ‘ Ueber die Homerische Ebene 
von Troja, 188. 

Heré, why hostile to Troy, 157. 

Hermae, 621; key in shape of, N. I., 621. 

Herodotus on the Egyptian story of Helen 
and the Trojan War, 161 v., f. 

Hesioné, ἃ. of Laomedon, w. of Telamon, 
ransoms Priam with her veil, 125, 156. 
Hestiaea, of Alexandria-Troas, wrote Com- 
mentaries on the Iliad ; questioned the N. 

I. site; objections refuted, 168, 174, 175. 


HICETAON, 


INDEX, HOUSES. ΤΥ 





Hicetaon, 5. of Laomedon, 156. 

Hipparchus, a member of the Ilian council, 
in the time of Augustus, named on two 
inscriptions, 632. 

Hippodameia, ἃ. of Anchises, marricd to 
Alcathoiis, son of Aesyetes, 147. 

Hippopotamus, Trojan terra-cotta vessel 
in shape of, sign of connection with 
Egypt, 377. 

Missarlik (the ‘fortress hill’), at N.W. 
corner of site of the Greek Ilium; first 
visited by the author (1868); supposed 
to be the Acropolis of Troy, Priam’s Per- 
gamus; height of the hill; excavations by 
villagers ; coins of Antiochus III.; autho- 
rities for identity with Troy (comp. Site 
of Homer's Ilios), 19; authovr’s prelimi- 
nary excavations (1870) ; enlargement of 
the hill, 20; first year’s work at (1871), 
21; second year’s work (1872), 21-26; 
appearance of the hill, 22; the side formed 
chiefly of Greek débris, 23 ; increase of, 
proved, 24; steep slope on N., N.E., N.W., 
and W., 38; only 1-25th part of the Greek 
Jlium, 39; anciently much lower than 
now, 40; successive increase of area with 
each settlement, by débris thrown down, 
63-65, 264, 328; site of, on W. spur of 
ridge running E. to Oulou Dagh, 109; five 
distinct pre-historic settlements on, 131; 
Mr. Gladstone on desirableness of the spot, 
131; hill probably levelled for Acropolis 
of N. I., 588; Virchow on Troy and His- 
sarlik, App. I. and Pref. (comp. Zroy); the 
strata not of the Stone age, 685; the oldest 
known settlement in Asia Minor of a pre- 
historic people of some advance in civili- 
zation, 685. 

Hissing at demons by early Christians, 181. 

Hittite art: Assyro-Babylonian origin, in- 
fluence in Asia Minor and Greece; time 


of its introduction ; sculptures at Boghaz.- 


Kioi and Eyuk; syllabary also brought in 
by them, 694, 700-702. 

Flittite eagle like one at Troy, 503. 

Hittite mina, its relation to the weights of 
Asia. Minor, 471. 

Fiittites. See Ceteians, Kheta. 

Flog (?) of ivory, 8rd c., 428. 

Holkion, Etruscan and Greek, like a bronze 
cup of the 6th c., 605. 

Holtz, E. £., author’s first employer, at 
Fiirstenberg, 6. 

Homer, recitation of by a drunken miller, 6 ; 
author’s repeated perusal of, 14; admir- 
able painter of nature, 117, 118; his al- 
lezed exaggeration answered, 198-9 ; his 


use of fixedepithets, 283; date usually 
assigned to him, 9th cent. B.c., 3855; “the 
Sun of all ancient literature,” 517; the 
question of unity left untouched, 517; 
his poems based on real facis, 672; he 
must have lived in the Troad, and looked 
on the prospect from Hissarlik, 674-676, 
and Pref. xv.; his song not pure fiction 
after all; his poems never to be lost by the 
young, 685 ; to augment the universal love 
Jor and study of his poems the one object 
and reward of the author’s work, 672. 

Homer, Casket Edition of, by Alexander 
and the pupils of Callisthenes and Anax- 
archus, 172. 

Hlomer, School of (so called). See Ithaca. 

Homeric Hymn to Aphrodité, on the Phry- 
gian and Trojan languages, 120. 

Honey, perforated vessels for draining from 
comb, common in 8rd and 4th c., 373. 

Florace, prophecy of Juno about Ilium, dis- 
cussed, 204 f. 

florns of fallow-deer, abundant in 3rd ο., 319. 

forse, the: Ilium thrice taken by means of, 
by Herakles, Agamemnon, and Chari- 
demus (q.v.),170. Comp. Wooden Horse. 

Horse, unknown in Troad in pre-historic 
age, contrast to Homer, 711. 

Horse, cup in shape of, and spout in shape 
of horse’s head, 4th c., 594, 595 ; frequent 
among the Htruscans, the Greek rhyton 
(Dennis), 595; similar in Berlin and Brit. 
Mus. from Etruria, 595; on clay disc of 
reli 10: 

Florse-hair plume of Trojan helmets, 512-13, 

Horse-trappings (probably), ivory ornaments 
for: 3rd c., 427 ; Homer’s allusion. to such 
use of dyed ivory, 427 ;—4th c., 566. 

House of King or Chief in the Burnt C., 
discovery and situation of, to right and 
left of the gate, 36, 211; its treasures, 
-270; drawing of, by Dr. Moss, 324, 325 ; 
house-walls of small stones joined with 
earth; filled with ashes, shells, pottery, 
bones, &c., 824-5; corridor, 826; cham- 
bers, 327; buried under bricks and ashes 
of upper storeys, 327 ; comparison of with 
Priam’s palace, 826, 327; Virchow’s re- 
marks on it, 684. 

Houses, first discovery of, 30; skeletons of 
warriors found in, 80; large Greek, 88; ἃ 
large one on the street, 34; another older 
to right and left of the gates, probably the 
town-chief’s house (see prec. art.), 36; 
why so regarded, 51; of 3rd c. laid bare; 
substructions only, used for cellars, en- 
tered only from above, 53; construction 


HOUSES, 


{12 


INDEX. 


ILIANS. 





like present houses of the Troad, 53; of 
poorer classes in a suburb, 54. 

Houses, Trojan, resemblance between ancient 
and modern, 314-317; roofs, how made 
in both, 214 ;—of 180 ο., 54 (comp. House- 
walls) ;—of 2nd ¢., built of stones coated 
with clay, 264, 274; but some with walls 
of clay, 264 ; remains of one, described by 
Burnouf, 269; stone house, destroyed by 
fire, with female skeleton and ornaments, 
270; another, burnt, of small stones (as 
at Thera), with holes for beams of upper 
storey, 274; another below, burnt, with 
calcined floor of beams, not planks, 274, 
275;—of 38rd c., some on walls of 2nd ο., 
268 ; basements of small stones joined 
with earth, 80, 333; upper parts of 
slightly-baked brick, 520; floors of clay, 
generally vitrified, 813; sometimes on 
flagstones, burnt like asphalt, 313 ; floors 
of upper storeys of beams, covered with 
clay, which has run down in vitrified 
lumps, 313; domestic architecture like 
that of the modern Troad, described by 
Virchow, 314-17 ;—of 4th c., 520 (see 
Hlouse-walls);—of 5th c., of wood and 
clay, 573;—at Thymbra, of brick, 709: 
absence of doors and windows as at His- 
sarlik, indicating swbstructions of wooden 
houses, 710. 

House-walls, pre-historic, dug through by 
Greek Ilians, 211;—of Ist ο., of rough 
stones from the neighbourhood, 54 ;—of 
2nd city, below chief’s house of 3rd city, 
270, 327 (see Houses) ;—of 3rd city, of 
small stones and earth, 30, 383; labyrinth 
οὗ, 31; plastered with earth and ashes, 
whitened with a wash of clay, 326 ;—of 
4th c., of stones joined with clay, perhaps 
_some clay walls, but no brick, 520. 

fTuckle-bones (ἀστράγαλοι). See Astragals. 

Huckstaedt, Theodor, author’s second em- 
ployer at Fiirstenberg, 6 

Hluman ashes in an um of the Ist c, 
. 221. 

Human heads: well modelled, 3rd ο., 330; 
helmeted, on clay disc of N. 1., 619. 

Hinengrab of Goldenitz in Mecklenburg, 
vase from, 222. 

Turon ΠΣ their hard copper weapons, 
738. See Copper, hardening of. 


IALYSUS, goblets from, like those of Ist 
city, 225. 

Jasion, 5. of Zeus and Electra, killed by a 
thunderbolt, 119. 


Ibexes on clay discs of Ν, I., 619. 


Ibrahim Pasha, governor of the Darda- 
nelles, obstructs the excavations, 44. 

Jda, mountains of, ascended, 57 ; fine forests, 
58; sources of the Scamander, 58; Ho- 
meric epithets of; extent and branches; 
rivers of, 68; wild beasts in forests of, 
110; named by Teucrians from Ida in 
Crete, 121 ; view of from Ujek Tepeh, 679 

Idol, only one mentioned in Homer, 233; Mr. 
Gladstone on the progress of the art, 233. 

Idols (and rude human figures): of Ist c., 
terra-cotta, 231; marble, 232; with in- 
cisions eee bird-like face, hair, 
female breasts, and girdle, probably 
copies of the Palladium, 232; their ex- 
treme rudeness, 233; of ivory, 262; all 
female, and connected with Athené through 
the owl, 281 (comp. Athené Glaucdpis) ; 
—of 8rd city, a sacred tradition of the 
Palladium, 329; not for want of plastic 
ability, 830; with female breasts and 
hair, necklaces, and wing-like projections, 
3381; of terra-cotta, 331, 332; marble, 
332-336 ; bone, 332, 336;  trachyte, 
332 ; remarkable figure (idol ?) of diorite, 
3837; most remarkable idol of lead, 
with ΓΒ on vulva, and goat’s horns, 
337; probably an Aphrodité, 338; the 
only similar figures found in Attica and 
the Cyclades, 838 ; Lenormant upon, 998 ; 
prototype in the Babylonian Zarpanit 
(Lenormant) or the Artemis Nana of 
Chaldea (Sayce), 8388-9, 694;—in 4th ο. 
like 8rd, 518; marble, resembling Baby- 
lonian figures of Nana, 522-4 ; slate and 
marble, with owl’s face, 524 ;—of terra- 
cotta and marble, more plentiful in 5th 
c. than in any before, 576, 577 ;—6th c., 
terra-cotta, 602-3 ;—terra-cotta figure, 
picked up near Yeni Shehr, like the Trojan 
idols, 671. 

Idols, gold, pendant, on the Diadems (4. v.), 
456 f., and ear-rings, 464, of the great 
Tr.; on breast-ornament, Tr., 500, 501; 
on ear-ring, Tr., 502. 

Tleian Plain (Ἰλήϊον πεδίον), 1389; between 
Troy and Ida, 145. 

Iliad, scope of, 51 days of the 10th year of 
the war, 158; events from wrath of Achilles 
to funeral of Hector, 158-9; the transac- 
tions of single days, a test of distance of 
Troy from Hellespont, 195 f.; Bk. xxiv. 
a later addition, 649; author probably a 
native of Smyrna, well acquainted with 
Lydia, 670. 

Ilians, Village of (Ἰλιέων Κώμη), site of 
Homer’s Ilium according to Demetrius of 


ILIOS. 


Scepsis and Strabo, 79, 175; followed by 
Clarke and Rennell, 188, 208; on Mr. 
Calvert’s farm of Akshi Kioi or Thymbra, 
108, 175, 176; site explored; no débris, 

and few potsherds ; small natural rampart 
of sand, which may have misled Deme- 
trius, 108. 

Jlios, ‘the Sacred ” (Ἴλιος, name of Troy in 
Homer, once only Ἴλιον), 189; founded in 
the Plain later than Dardania, 134 ; name 
of the city only, 189 (comp. Troy); bad 
the Vau or Digamma, βίλιος, 189; Homeric 
epithets, 189; built by Ilus, on hill of the 
Phrygian Até, 153, 156. See Site of 
Homer’s Ilios and Troy. 

Ilium, personified, on coins of N. L, 
646. 

Ilium, the Greek city. See Novum Ilium. 

Ilium, a city in Thrace, 124. 

Iliuna or Iriwna, supposed Egyptian name 
for Ilium, should rather be read Ma-una, 
Maconia, 123, 747. 

Ilus, 5. of Dardanus, 152. 

Tlus, 5. of Tros, and grandson of Ilus, 152 ; 
head of the Trojan line, 153; goes to 
Phrygia, whence guided by a cow of many 
colours, he builds Hlium, 153, 156, 643; 
and receives the Palladium (q. v.) from 
Zeus, 153; eponym of Ilium, 154, 156; 
father of Laomedon, 156; on coins of 
Ν. 1., 648: 

Ilus, tumulus οἵ (σῆμα Ἴλου), in Homer, 
81, 147, 200; pillar near, whence Paris 
shot at Diomed; agora held by Hector 
near; on right or left bank of Scamander, 
147; the discrepancy explained by the 
spuriousness of J7. xxiv. 670; on rt. bank 
of Kalifatli Asmak, N. of Koum Kioi, 
669; a natural hill of sand, almost de- 
stroyed by the plough, 83, 669; circular 
depression, indicating a former stone re- 
cess; thin layer of stones and débris, 
but no pottery, 669. 

Imbros, 1., seen from Hissarlik, 105. 

In Tepeh, tumulus of Ajax, 103, 648; on C. 
Rhoeteum, 600 yds. 8. of his old tomb; 
raised by Hadrian over the temple in 


which he re-buried the hero’s body, 652 ; |. 


the remains of the temple destroyed in 
1770, but the subterranean passage left, 
653. (Comp. Ajaz.) 

In Tepeh Asmak, R., described, 95; its 


present state, an inlet rather than outlet, | 


96; its mouth probably the ancient 
Portus Achaeorum, 95 ; the Scamander an- 
ciently fell through it into the Hellespont. 
See Scamander, 


INDEX. 


INSCRIPTIONS. tis 

Incas, the, of Peru, their institutions and 
love of beautiful works in metal; sup- 
posed art of hardening copper, 737, 738. 
(Comp. Copper, hardening of.) 

Iné, on the Scamander, site of an ancient 
city, perhaps Scamandria, 57; silver 
mines near, 57, 69. 

Iné Tepeh, hill of, 69, 

Inscriptions, Greek, at Ithaca, on tiles, 50. 

Inscriptions, Greek, at N. 1., 627 f.; found 
in or near Senate-house, 609; the largest, 
of Antiochus I. (prob.) and Meleager, re- 
lating to a grant of land to Aristodici- 
des, for N. I., 627 f.; remarks upon, 
631-2; a record of fines, &c., imposed by 
the city, of the time of Augustus, 632 ; 
of the Senate and people, in honour of 
Caius Caesar (q. v.); another, probably 
of time of Antigonus Doson, 633 f.; in 
temple of Athené, 29, on base of statue 
of Metrodorus (q. v.), 635; in same temple 
in praise of the proconsul C. Claudius 
Nero (3.c. 80-79), 696 ; on site of temple 
of Apollo, on base of a lost colossal statue 
of Caecina the Cyzicene, in time of Anto- 
ninus Pius, 637; 3 in and beside founda- 
tions of Senate-house, of time of a king 
of Pergamus; in honour of an Athenian 
Arrabaeus; in honour of Chaereas, 638 ; 
a contract for the foundation of a new 
settlement, 639; another, 640. 

Inscription, Lydian, on fragment of a base 
from temple of Artemis at Ephesus, 
699. 

Inscriptions, Trojan, Prof. Martin Haug 
upon, 143; on a vase, 3rd c., 369; on 
whorls, 4th c., 562, 563, 696 ; on a whet- 
stone, 4th c., 567, 697; on 2 cones of 
5th c., with the Cypriote character mo 
(see Cones), 128, 582 ;—Professor Sayce 
upon, App. IV., 691 f.; older than the 
introduction of the Phoenician or Greek 
alphabet, 691; belong to an old syllabary 
of Asia Minor, retained in Cyprus, 691 ; 

~ mot imported from Cyprus into Asia 
Minor, 699; compared with the Cappa- 
docian, Lycian, and Carian; had about 
100 characters, 699;* beginning of de- 
ciphering by George Smith, and progress, 
691; Dr. Deecke’s theory, untenable, 691, 
703; Cypriote letters at Troy first dis- 
covered by Haug, 691; attempts. at deci- 
pherment by him and Prof. Gomperz, 692 ; 
the several inscriptions examined and dis- 
cussed, 693 f.; the syllabary of Hittite 
origin; phonetic peculiarities; order of 
writing, 701; time of its disappear- 


{14 


INZIGHOFEN, 


INDEX. 


JUGS. 





ance from Mysia and the Troad, 702; 
decorative characters on the ‘Trojan 
whorls like Hittite hieroglyphs, 703; ap- 
parent attempts to imitate cuneiform cha- 
racters, 703 ; language of the inscriptions 
still unknown, 704; relations of the 
Mysian and Phrygian languages, 704; 
Homer on the language of gods and men, 
z.e. Greek and native; the examples dis- 
cussed, 704-5. 

Inzighofen, on Upper 
from, 221 οὐ passim. 

Jé, a form of the cow-headed Isis, 743. See 
Hera Boipis. 

Jon (ΤΩΝ), same as 1)", Javan, 132 n., 749 n. 

Jron, none found in the 5 pre-historic cities, 
252, 604; one knife, assigned to the 6th 
c.; why, 604; Hesiod on use of later 
than bronze, 252 ; the ‘ Iron Age,’ 252-3 ; 
early mention of in the Bible, 253. 

Isambert, E., “ Itinéraire descriptive, 188. 

Isles of the Gentiles (Gen. x, 4, 5), coasts 
and islands of Asia Minor, Greece, &c., 
peopled by sons of Javan, 1.6. of Ion, 
132, 749. 

Ithaca, author’s first visit to, and excava- 
tions (1870), 18; exploration of, 45; the 
valley Polis proved not the site of the 
Homeric capital, 45, 46; Mathitariéd I. 
gave to Homer the idea of his Asteris, 46 ; 
cyclopean remains, called the ‘School of 
Homer,’ of classic times, 46, 47; cyclo- 
pean remains of capital on M. Aétos (q. v.), 
47,48; Grotto of the Nymphs; southern 
portion explored; no ancient town at 
Vathy; cyclopean walls, suggesting the 
stables of Eumaeus; ancient potsherds, 
evidence of rustic habitation, 49 ; the rock 
Korax ; fountain of Arethusa; Greek and 
Roman coins plentiful; hares; Ithaca 
Phoenician by name and by indications 
in Homer; visit to the island strongly 
recommended, 50. 

Ivory, objects of: 1st c., awls, pins, and 
needles, 261, 262; trapezium, 262; curious 
object (an idol ?), 262 ;—3rd ο., 423-426 ; 
musical instruments, 424, 425; orna- 
ments, some probably for horse-trappings, 
426, 427, 430; awls and needles of, 430, 
431; indicate trade with the East; the 
elephant on the black obelisk of Shalma- 
neser, 426, 427; apiece with beads strung 
on for a necklace, Tr., 492-3 ;—4th c., 
disc and slips ornamented with circles and 
dots, probably for horse-trappings, 566 ;— 
5th ο., disc, 585 ;—6th c., brooch and disc 
(q. v.), 601. 


Danube, pottery 


Izzet Effendi, employed to hinder the exca- 
vations, exiled for embezzlement, 44. 


JADE and Jadeite: axes of, 1st ο., 238 ; 
Prof. Maskelyne on their vast importance, 
as connecting ‘l'’roy and Europe with the 
remote Eust, 240; Prof. Fischer on, 240, 
241; Prof. Roemer on, 243: localities 
where jade is found, 242, 243 ;—in 2ndc., 
of green jade (see Nephrite) ;—8rd c., axes 
and celts, 446; further discussion of the 
diffusion of jade, and its importance as a 
sign of connection with the remote East, 
by Professors Max Miiller and Maskelyne, 
the ‘Times,’ and Mr. R. K. Douglas, 
446-451 n. ;—5th c., a precious axe of 
white jade, extremely rare, 573. 

Japan. See China. 

Jars, gigantic (see Prthoi); great number 
of large in 3rd c.,and some smaller ; with 
rope-like decoration, 379 ; with 2, 3, and 
4 handles, 398 f. See Amphorae. 

Javan, sons, peopled the Isles of the Gentiles, 
Z.e. coasts and islands of Asia Minor, 
Greece, &c., 132; name (71}) identical 
with Jon (ΤΩΝ), 132 n., 749 n. 

Jewels (see EHlectrum, Gold, Silver): 8700 
small of gold, found in silver vase, TR. ; 
their various forms and manufacture, 
461, 462. 

Jugs (comp. Flagons, Pitchers) : 1st ο., 225 ; 
—3rdc., of various forms, 384-396 ; globu- 
lar, with small necks, 390; with rope-like 
handle and band, 390; with incised orna- 
mentation, $92; with fluted body, 392; 
with arched handle, 406, 407 ;—4th c., 
flat, like hunting-bottles, 532; tripod, 
globular, &c., 5382, 5383; rude two-handled, 
536-8 ; globular wheel-made, 545 ; 
with perforated bottom and rope-shaped 

‘handle, unique, probably foreign, 545, 
546; others, 546, 547; three-handled, 
547; with long upright necks, 550, 551 ; 
with neck bent back and spout in body, 
552; curious, with small mouth and sieve- 
like bottom, 552; with 2 necks, side by 
side; elsewhere in Hungary and Cy- 
prus only, 553; with one spout in front 
of the other, unique; covered with 
protuberances, 553-4; — 5th c., with 
straight necks and long spouts, wheel- 
made, 577, 578; rude hand-made glo- 
bular, 578; tripod, wheel-made; with 
long necks, 578, 579; rude wheel-made, . 
580, globular, with boss on neck, 581 ;— 
6th c., large wheel-made, with wave-lines, 
590; with bosses or horn-like projec- 


JULIA. 


INDEX. 


775 


LAMPs. 





tions, 592-8; hand-made, like Etruscan 
lekythos, 596 ; with conical excrescences, 
intended for eyes, 597; similar fr. Thera 
and Cyprus, 597. 

Julia, d. of Augustus, nearly drowned in 
Scamander, 178. 

Julia Domna, coins of, N. I., 642, 648, 645, 

Julian (aft. emp.), letter of, describing his 
visit to N. I., 180 f.; comments of Dr. 
Carl Henning, 182; his policy towards 
renegades from Christianity, 182, 210. 

Juli, house of; their favour to the Trojans 
and hatred of the Greeks, 6383. 

Juno, prophecy of, in Horace, 204 ἢ, 
Site of Homer’s Llios.) 

Jutchenko, author’s agent at Moscow, 12. 


(See 


KADESH, on the Orontes, war of Ramses 
II, against, 129, 

Kalifatli, village of, 105. 

Kalifutli Asmak, Ἰὰ., ancient bed of the 
Scamander (q. v.) 3 its two arms, 99; its 
course described, 100. 

Kantharos (κάνθαρος), Greek cup sacred to 
Dionysus, probable origin of, 595. (See 
Cups, 6th c.) 

Kara-Euli, hill of, 70. 

Kara Your, M., visited, 59; height, 59, 71; 
wrongly identified with Callicoloné, 59, 
71; view from, 71; traces of an ancient 
building on ; desert plateau to Chiblak, 72. 

Karanlik (i.e. “darkness”), port on the 
Hellespont, perhaps of Aeanteum and 
Rhoeteum, 104. 

Keller, Otto, ‘Die Entdeckung Ilion’s zu 
Hissarlik, 154, 189; on the owl in con- 
nection with Athené, 289. 

Kermes, worm of the oak, 114. 

Keys (kdnides): copper or bronze, of the 
treasure-chest, 41, 454, 484; more usual 
form of, a bolt, as in Homer; 4 such 
in burnt city, 484 (comp. Bolts); 2 in 
the gates; 1 in a house, 484-5, 

Key, bronze, with handle in shape of, and 
with attributes of, the quadrangular Her- 
mae, N. I., 620, 621; Prof. Athanasios 
Rhousopoulos upon, 621 ; iron, 622. 

Kheta or Khita (Kattaia, Khethites, Hit- 
tites ; comp. Cetevans), confederates of, in 
war with Ramses II., 123; include peoples 
cf Asia Minor, 746-7, 

Ki, Cypriote character, on a terra-cetta ball, 
ord c., 349. 

Kiepert, ‘ Memoir wber die Construction der 
Karte von Kleinasien, 187. 

Kilns unknown at Troy; dates of use, 219. 

King or Chief, last, of Troy, his house, 51 : 


view of, 35 and 325 (see House); Virchow’s 
plea for still calling him Priam, 684, Pref. 

Kitchen refuse, on floors of houses of 4th c. ; 
shot down the hill from 5th c., 574. 

Knife-handle, bone, 3rd ο., 427. 

Knives used in Homer's time for eating, 
408; straight, and worn in the belt, 506. 

Knives, copper, Ist c.; one of them gilt, 251. 

Knives, bronze, 38rd _c.3; only one in the 
great Treasure, 483; in other treasures, 
494; still with pins which fastened 
them to the wooden handle, 505, 506; 2 
single and double edged of remarkable 
form, like the Egyptian, 506;—4th c., 
564 ;—5th c., 585-6 ;—6th c., one plated 
with gold, 604; one of iron, with ring and 
rivet, like the bronze Etruscan knives, 604. 

Knives of flint, chalcedony and obsidian, in 
the 4 lowest c., 246-7 ; 3rd ο. ; also found 
at Thera, 445.;—4th c., 571. 

Ko, or Go, Cypriote character, ornament like, 
on vases of 8rd c., 342, 369, 388, 884. 

Kora, rock in Ithaca, 50. 

Koumanoudes, <Ath., assistant keeper of 
the antiquities at Athens, 338. 

Koumanoudes, St., Prof. at Athens, 464, 633. 

Koum Kaleh, town on Hellespont, probably 
site of Achilleum, alluvial deposits at, 104. 

Koum Kioi (“ Village of Sand”), 103 ; site of 
Polium (ῳ. v.). 

Keuyuik (Nineveh), palace of Assurbani- 
pal, funnel with Cypriote characters, like 
the Trojan of 5th c., found at, 411. 

Kuhse, W., author’s brother-in-law, 5 7. 

Kurtz, Dr. F., list of plants of the Troad, 
7210 ΤῈ 


LABRAND., the double-edged battle-axe 
common in Asia Minor, whence the Zeus 
Labrandeus of Caria; like one in 6th c., 
606. 

Ladle of clay, 5th c., 580. 

Laértes, grandson of Poseidon, a sign of 
Phoenician relations of Ithaca, 50. 

Lake-dwellings, whorls found in, 280; other 
objects, passim. 

Lambda, ornament on vases in shape of 
the Greek A, or the Cypriote character 
go, 290, 297. 

Lampon, s. of Laomedon, 156. 

Lamps not in pre-h. cities, except perhaps 
little bowls like the condylia in Greek 
churches; not known to Homer, 620, 621, 
Pref. xii.; unknown in Greece and Asia 
Minor till 6th cent. B.c.; those found in 
N. Ilium nearly all Roman, 405; Greek, 
terra-cotta, one on a long foot, N. I., 620. 


776 LAMPSACUS. 

Lampsacus, called of old Pityeia or Pityusa, 
198: a Milesian settlement, 132; coins 
of, at N. 1, 612. 

Lance-heads, Trojan, bronze, 30; not with 
a tube, as in Homer, but fastened to shaft 
by a pin, Tr., 475-7; Tr., 494, 505, 506; 
the form with a tube found at Mycenae, 
and generally in Europe, 475; one found 
beside the two skeletons (q.v.) of warriors, 
507 ;—not found in 4th c., 565;—6th c., 
with ¢wbe for shaft, like the Mycenean and 
Homeric, 604. 

Landerer, X., Professor at Athens, 217 et 
passim. 

Language, Trojan, unknown, 704. 

Laocoén, opposes. acceptance of wooden 
horse ; his fate ; taken from the epic poem 
of Arctinus, 160, 161. 

Laodicé, d. of Priam, 157. 

Laomedon, 5. of Dus, and k. of Troy, legend 
of; Grote upon, 125; his four sonsand three 
daughters ; walls of Troy built for him by 
Poseidon (and Apollo); Troy taken and 
L. killed by Herakles, 125, 156. 

Larissa, Pelasgian c. of Troad, near Cymé; 
Strabo’s discussion on, 198, 

Latin should be taught after Greek, 16. 

Lauria, G. A., ‘ Troja, uno Studio,’ 190. 

Layard, Rt. Hon. Sir A. H.,aids in obtaining 
firmans; acknowledgment to, 45, 54. 

Lead, in 1st and 2nd cities, 252, 258 ;—8rd 
c., remarkable idol of, 337; curious object 
of, 504 ;s—5th c., object of, 585-6 ;—N. L., 
block of, stamped with a boar’s head, prob- 
ably a weight, 620, 621. 

Leake, Col., ‘ Travels in Northern Greece,’ 
46; on Ithaca, 48; ‘ Journal of a Tour in 
Asia Minor, 186. 

Lechevalier (1785-6), invents the Bounar- 
bashi theory ; patronized and followed by 
Choiseul-Gouffier, 184-5 ; his views gene- 
rally adopted, 185; see Bownarbashi, Sca- 
mander, Springs, &c.; list of followers of 
his theory, 186 f. 

Lectum Pr., W.-most peak of a chief branch 
of Ida, 68, 72; S. point of the Troad; 
altar to twelve gods, mentioned by Homer 
and Herodotus, 72. 

Leeches, abundant in Troad, 114. 

Leguminous plants of the Troad, 118. 

Leka, 123. See Lycians. 

Lekythos, Etruscan, like jug of 6th c., 596. 

Leleges, of the Troad, the dominion of Altes 
(q. v.), 68, 123; their territory about C. 
Lectum ; close connection with Carians ; 
also in Greece, 126. 

Lenormant, F'r.,‘ Les Antiquités dela Troade 


INDEX, 


eee 00808000 ey 
Ne [ὃ .......... 


LYDIAN. 


et VHistoire primitive des Contrées 
grecques, 122,190; on Heré Bodpis, 288 ; 
on Athené Glaucdpis, 287 ; on the metope 
of Apollo, and Greek forms of low relief, 
624. 

Lentoid Gem of cornelian, 8rd c., similar to 
one from Camirus in Rhodes, 514. 

Lenz, C.G., ‘ Die Ebene von Troja, 149, 186. 

Libation, poured by Achilles from a gold 
cup (δέπας), 465; the δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον 
of I'r., perhaps used for, 464, 465; 
Chinese bronze up, used for, 465-6. 

Lichtenstein, J., author’s friend and agent 
at Konigsberg, 14. 

Lids. See Covers. 

Lindemann, junior, author’s employer at 
Altona, 7. 

Ligia Hammam, hot springs, 56; valley, 69. 

Lighting by torches (Saides) and fire-pans 
(λαμπτῆρες, Homer), 405. 

Lindenschmit, L., ‘ Die Vaterldndischen 
Alterthiimer der Hohenzollerschen Samm- 
lungen, 221 et passim. 

Lion, the, in W. Asia; familiar to Homer; 
why decreased with decline of culture and 
population, 111;—a Jion’s head, of fine 
crystal, handle of a sceptre, 3rd c., 428 ;— 
a lion, terra-cotta, N. I., 616. 

Lisch, Dr., on the baking of pottery, 219. 

Lissauer, ‘ Betitrége zur westpreussischen 
Urgeschichte,’ 230. 

Livius, consul, sacrifices at Troy, 173. 

Lockhart, Dr., Chinese illustrations of Trojan 
antiquities, 465. 


_Locris, pestilence at for the crime of Ajax, 


164; two noble virgins sent annually from, 
to Ilium, 164, 166; evidence for belief in 
the site of Troy at N. I., 209. 

Locusts, frequent visitations of, 114. 

Longpérier, A. de, on the site of Troy, 189. 

Lubbock, Sir John, ‘ Pre-historic Times,’ 238 
εἰ passim ; on primitive use of stone axes, 
239; on primitive knowledge of metals, 
257; excavates the tumulus of Hector 
(q. v.), 656. 

Lycaon, 5, of Laothoé, ἃ. of Altes, and f. of 
Pandarus, 134. 

Lycians, the Leka, Leku or Liku of Egyp- 
tian records, 123, 746; the dominion of 
Pandarus, 182; allies of Trojans under 
Sarpedon, 158; the old Lycian writing, 
639. 

Lycurgus, Attic orator, on the utter destruc- 
tion of Troy, discussed, 2038. 

Lydia, name first known to Assyrians in 
time of Gyges (cir. 665 B.c.), 128. 

Lydian dominion in the Troad, 128; migra- 


LYDIANS. 


tion to Umbria and colonization of Etruria, 
account of Herodotus, 128-9 ; the question 
discussed, 587 and n. (comp. Htruscans) ; 
language Aryan, 129; traces of settle- 
ment at Hissarlik, 128, 587, 688. See 
Sixth City. 

Lydians, akin to Mysians, 119. 

Lyres, ivory, fragments of, 4 stringed and 
7 stringed: 3rd c., 424; the lyre and 
lyre-playing in Homer, 424, 425 ;—4th c., 
terra-cotta 6 stringed, fragment of, 560, 

Lyrnessus, in the plain of Thebé, the city 
of Mynes, and home of Briseis, destroyed 
by Achilles; Aeneas fled thither from 
Achilles ; ruins near Karavaren (Iellowes), 
136 ; a Cilician settlement, bordering on 
the Ceteians, 137. 

Lysimachus, his buildings at N. Ilium, 23, 
31; wall of, 27, 40, 63; theatre ascribed 
to, 110; favours and enlarges it, builds 
city-wall and temple of Athené, 172, 173, 
608, 610 (see Temple, Wall) ; his policy 
towards the city, 688, 689. 


MACEDONIAN tower and walls at His- 
sarlik, 20, 28. See Novum Iliwm. 

Machaon heals Philoctetes; is killed by 
Eurypylus, 160. 

Maclaren, C., first modern writer who iden- 
tified Hissarlik with Troy, 19; his two 
books, 19 ».; on alluvium of the Plain of 
Troy, 86, 189. 

Macrinus, coins of, N. I., 645, 646. 

McVeagh, Wyne, U.S. Minister at Constan- 
tinople, aids in obtaining firman, 21. 

Maeonians (the ancient Lydians), allies of 
the Trojans, 158 ; the Mauna of Egyptian 
records, 746, 747. 

Magazine of nine enormous jars for corn or 
Wine, in 3rd city, under temple of Athené, 
32,379. See Pithot. 

Magyarad, in Hungary, terra-cottas. from 
231 et passim. 

Mahaffy, J. P., Professor, “On the Relation 
of Novum Ilium to the Ilios of Homer,” 
App. Il. p. 686 f.; criticisrn of the argu- 
ments of Demetrius and Strabo, 687. 

Malet, E., Minister Plenipotentiary at Con- 
stantinople, aids in obtaining firman, 
54. 

Malutin, M. P. N., Brothers, house of, at 
Moscow, 11. 

Man, with uplifted arms, on whorls, 8rd _c., 
416, 418-20; 4th c., 571, 572; on a vase 
neck, 525. 

Mania, queen, kept her treasures at Scepsis 

. and Gergis, 55, 


3 


INDEX. 


{τ 


METALLURGISTS. 





Mantasha, near Assos, castle on, 70. 

Map of the Troad, first real, by Spratt and 
Graves, 187; revised by E. Burnouf for 
this work, Map I. at end. 

Marble, white, blocks of, of Greek Ilium, 
27; sculptured, 28 (see Columns, &c.); 
numerous fragments of, characteristic of 
the strata of N. I., 610. 

Martens, W. von, description of conchylia 
found in Trojan houses, 318. 

Maskelyne, N. Story, Professor, on the 
Trojan jade axes, 240 f., 446 n. 

Masu, 123. See Mysians. 

Mathitarid, islet off Ithaca, supposed Ho- 
meric Asteris, 45 ; ruins quite modern, 46, 

Matweieff, A., author’s agent at Moscow, 12. 

Mauduit, ‘ Découvertes dans la Troade,’ 187. 

Maximinus I., coins of, N. 1., 049, 

Maynard, Mr., U.S. Minister to the Porte, 
aids author, 44. 

Meal, bruised, not ground flour, in Ist 0.» 
234-5 ; in Homer, 290. 

Measures, French and English, Table, viii. 

Medes, the Aryan, early seats, and first 
settlement in Media, 121. 

Meden, O. von der, partner in the house of 
Messrs. J. Henry Schroder and Co., in 
London, 19 ἢ. 

Medical Practice in the Troad, by Prof. 
Virchow, App. V., 721 f. 

Mehlis, E., ‘ Schliemann’s Troja u. die Wis- 
senschaft, 189. 

Meincke, Louise, 3; her marriage, 3 n. 

Meincke, Minna, 3 ; sympathy with author's 
boyish enthusiasm for Troy, 4; mutual 
attachment, 4; separation, 5; last meet- 
ing, 6; her marriage, 3 7. and 11. 

Mela on N. Ilium: “ Urbs bello excidioque 
clarissima,” 179. 

Meleager, satrap of the Troad, inscription 
relating to, at N. I., 627-f. 

Memel, burning of, in 1854; marvellous 
preservation of author’s goods, 13. 

Memnon, s. of Tithonus and Eos, leads 
Aethiopians to aid of the Trojans, from 
Persia, Assyria, or Egypt, according to 
various accounts; killed by Achilles; 
probably leader of the Keteioi or Hittites; 
his tomb, 159. 

Menelaus, s. of Atreus, k. of Sparta, visited 
by Paris, who carries off Helen and his 
treasures, 157; appeals to Greek chiefs, 
157; recovers Helen, 161; Egyptian story 
of his visit to Egypt and receiving back 
Helen fr. K. Proteus, 163 ”.; ambassador 
to Troy before the war, 164. 

Metallurgists, mythical, in Phrygia, 254-5. 


778 


METALLURGY. 





Metallurgy, relics of Trojan, 8rd c., 409, 
410. See Crucibles. 

Metals: 1st c.; gold, silver, lead, copper, 
no iron, 252; whence obtained, 253 f. ; 
worked in Phrygia, 254-5 ;—2nd ¢., like 
Ist, though no lead or silver was found, 
275; names of in Asia Minor and Greece, 
of Semitic derivation; inference, 481. 
See under the several Metals. 

Metope, Doric, splendid, of Phoebus Apollo, 
With horses of the Sun, N. I., of best 
Macedonian age, 622 f.; a cast in the 
Brit. Mus., 622.; remarks upon, by Hein- 
rich Brunn, 622, and Lenormant, 624; 
the halo of rays dates from Alexander ; 
similar examples, 625; another mutilated 
metope, with warriors, 625. 

Metrodorus, son of Themistagoras, mutilated 
statue of, with inscribed pedestal, by 
Pytheas of Argos, found in temple of 
Athené, N. I., 635; probably the orator 
of Scepsis, put to death by Mithridates 
VII., 635. 

Mexican animal-vases, 294. | 

Meyer, E., ‘ Die Geschichte der Troas, 180, 
183, et passim. 

Mice, field, mythological connection of with 
the Teucrians and Apollo Smintheus 
(2 τ 121, 122. 

Mile, Geographical, the minute of a degree 
at the Equator = 10 Greek stadia, 
71. 7)» 

Milesian settlers in Troad, in Lydian times, 
128; at Abydos, 125; at Apaesus and 
Lampsacus, 182. 

Mina, of Carchemish (Hittite), same as 
Babylonian, used in Asia Minor; rela- 
tion to the silver ‘ talents,’ Tr., 471. 

Mindarus sacrifices to Athené at Ilium, 
170. 

Mineptah 11., k. of Egypt, the Pheron of 
Herodotus; peoples of Asia Minor con- 
federate with Libyans against him, 747. 

Miniature Pottery, probably toys, abundant 
in 3rd, 4th, and δίῃ c., 407, 534. 

Mo, Cypriote character on a polisher, 3rd 
c., 444; on two cones of δίῃ c., 128, 5838. 

Moeringen on Lake of Bienne, lacustrine 
station, 230 οὐ passim. 

Mollusca, shells of, found at Troy, 322. 

Moloch = Zeus Meilichios, 154-5. 

Moltke, Count von, adopts the Bounarbashi 
theory from “ military instinct,” 186. 

Mommsen, ‘ Roman History ;’ on the sup- 
posed Lydian origin of the Etruscans, 129. 

‘ Monarch, H.M.S., officers of, present at 
finding of treasures, 52, 490. 


INDEX, 


MYCENAE. 





Mook, ‘-Aegyptens Vormetallische Zeit, 588. 

Morritt, answer to Bryant’s ‘Vindication of 
Homer,’ 186. 

Mortars of lava, 1st ¢., 235; parallel ex- 
amples, 235. 

Mortillet, De,‘ Le Signe de la Croix, 230, &c. 

Mosaic floors in strata of N. I., 610. 

Moscow, author’s house of business at, 12. 

Moss, Dr. E., late of H.M.S. Research, 268 ; 
on the vitrified Trojan floors, 313; classi- 
fication of bones found in 8rd ο., 322 ; lost 
in the Atalanta, 322 n. 

Mother-of-pearl Ring, 8rd c., 414. 

Moulds for casting ornaments, implements, 
and weapons, ninety found (broken), 
nearly all of mica-schist, a few of clay, 
one of granite, 432, 488: mode of 
casting, 249; 250; two different methods, 
434, 435 ;—Ist c., for arrow-heads, 249; 
— 3rd c., six-sided, for battle-axes, knives, 
&c., unique, 433; the only similar one 
from Sardinia, 434; for battle-axe, small 
hammer, arrow-heads, &c., 435; similar 
of sandstone in Hungary, 490 ;—4th c., 
for ring and strange object, 568;—dth c., 
of limestone, 584-5:—N. I., terra-cotta, 
for stamping figures in relief, 618. 

Mountains of the Troad, 68 f. 

Miller, Maw, German consul at Gallipoli, 
sends workmen, 24. 

Miiller, Max, Prof., on Athené Glaucdpis 
and Heré Bodpis, 2&2; on the Svastika 
and Sauvastika, 346 f.; on jade tools, 
446 n., 448 n. 

Mullers, stone. See Corn-bruisers. 

Munif Effendi promises firman, 54. 

Muralt, Prof. von, author studies Latin 
with, 15. 

Murex. See Conchylia ; Purple. 

Murray, A. S., of the British Museum, 381. 

Murray, John, the celebrated publisher, 
672. 

Museums: — of Boulogne-sur-mer, 387; 
British, passim ; Imperial, of Constanti- 
nople, treasures from Troy in, 43; author's 
liberality to, 44; its share of objects found, 
51, 52, &c.; Mérkisches, at Berlin, 223 
et pass.; of Modena, 230 et pass. ; National 
Hungarian at Buda-Pesth, 231, 875, et 
pass.; of Nordiske Oldsager, Copenhagen, 
215 et pass.; of Saint Germain-en-Laye, 
215 et pass.; at Schwerin, Grand Ducal 
Antiquarium, 222 et pass. 

Mycenae, author’s first visit to, 18 ; interpre- 
tation of Pausanias on the Royal Sepulchres, 
proved right, 18, 20, 45; shafts sunk there 
(1874), 43; excavations at (1876), 45, 282; 


MYLITTA. 


book on Mycenae and Tiryns, 45; etymo- 
logy of the name, 282, 286; whorls found 
at, most of stone (gen. steatite), few of 
terra-cotta ; the inverse of the proportions 
at Troy, 422; other comparisons, passim. 

Mylitta. See Kileithyia. 

Mynes, dominion of, 68; Lyrnessus (q. v.), 
136. 

Myriné, the ‘racer,’ said to be an Amazon 
(Strabo), 147 ; identical with Smyrna = 
Artemis-Cybele (Sayce), 147, 705. See 
Batieia. 

Mysia, relation to the Troad, 67; the name 
derived from the Lydian puods=Grk. 
ὀξύη, “the beech,” 705. 

Mysians, cross from Asia into Europe ; their 
conquests there, 119; by some made 
Thracians, by others Asiatics, akin to 
Lydians, 119; their language akin to 
Lydian and Phrygian, 119; the Masu 
of Egyptian records, 123, 747; allies of 
the Trojans, 158; relations of the people 
and their language to the Phrygians and 
Trojans; half Lydian, half Phrygian, 
704, 


NANA, Babylonian goddess, figure of in 
Brit. Mus., like a Trojan idol, 524. Comp. 
Artemis Nana. 

Naustathmus. See Camp, Naval, 

Ne, Cypriote and Hittite character, on a 
Trojan seal; perhaps the origin of the 
Swastika (Sayce), 414. 

Necklaces: gold, Tr., 486-7; silver, of 
rings strung on ivory, Tr., 492-3; of 
beads, cemented by chloride, Tr., 493. 

Needles, bone and ivory: Ist c., 261, 262; 
3rd c., 819, 430; bone, frequent in 4the., 
571; less frequent in 5th c. than in the 
preceding ones, 586. 

Needles, metal: copper, double-pointed, 1st 
c., 249; parallel examples, 249; 2nd c., 
274 ;—bronze, 38rd c., 505; bronze, with 
eyes, some double-pointed, 4th c., 564-5 ; 
bronze, 5th c., 585-6. 

Neoptolemus, s. of Achilles, brought from 
Scyros to aid the Greeks, 160; shuts up 
Trojans in c., 160; kills Priam, 161. 

Nephrite (green jade), axes, 2nd c., 275; 
nature ; derivation of name, 275. 

Nero, C. Claudius, 5. of Publius, proconsul 
of Asia (8.c. 80-79), praised in an inscrip- 
tion found at N. 1., 686. 

Nero, when a youth, speech of, in Forum, 
for the Ilians, 178; on coins of N. I., 646, 

Nestor “ of the Ilians,” on coins of N. 1., 643. 

Newton, C. T., ‘Dr. Schliemann’s Discoveries 


INDEX. 


{19 


NOVUM ILIUM. 





at I. Novum, 189; on ignorance of paint- 
ing in the 5 pre-historic cities, 225; on 
the Trojan idols, 233. 

Niches (cupboards), in walls of Trojan houses, 
with remains of food, explained by modern 
houses, 317. 

Nicolaus Damascenus obtains remission of 
fine imposed on Ilians by Agrippa, 178. 

Nicderhiffer, Hermann, the miller reciting 
Homer, 7 ; his early and later life, 7 and n. 

Nikolaides, M. G., ‘ Topographie et Plan 
stratégique de U Iliade, 187. 

Novum Ilium, the Greek Ilium, 19; a modern 
name for Strabo’s ‘existing’ Ilium, not 
used by classical writers, 19, 38; site of, 
viewed from Hissarlik, 109; situation, 
three miles from Hellespont, four from 
Sigeum; inhabited by Aeolic Greeks; 
inconsiderable till Roman times, 167; 
legendary reverence for; the only place 
that ever bore the sacred name ; temple of 
Athené in the Acropolis, 168; identity 
with Homer’s Ilios first questioned by De- 
metrius and Hestiaea (q. v.), 168, 174; 
(comp. Site of Homer's Ilios;) descrip- 
tion of by Polemon (q. v.), 168; visited 
by Xerxes, 168; strongly garrisoned, 170, 
173; captured by Charidemus, 170; visited 
by Alexander the Great, 171; favoured, 
enlarged, and fortified by Lysimachus 
(q. v.), 172,173; by Antiochus I. Soter, 
172; is seen in decay by Demetrius ; his 
statements questioned; mutual recognition 
of Romans and Ilians, 173; new impor- 
tance of Ilium; jealousy of neighbouring 
cities, 174; sacked by Fimbria, 176-7; 
improved by Sulla, 177; receives favours, 
exemptions, and privileges from Julius 
Caesar, 177; intended for capital of the 
empire by Julius Caesar, Augustus, and 
Constantine, 178, 180; fine imposed by 
Agrippa, remitted through intercession of 
Herodes ; favoured by Caius Caesar, 5. of 
Julia; visited by Ovid; speech in favour 
of by young Nero secures exemption from 
Claudius, 178; visit and mad pranks of 
Caracalla (g. v.), 179; visit of Julian 
(q. v.), 180 f.; sacrifices then still offered 
to heroes, 181; abandonment of, in 4th 
or 5th cent., presumed from the latest 
coins, of Constantius II. and Constans {]., 
and from absence of any Byzantine re- 
mains; a bishopric in 10th century, 
perhaps on another site, 183, 612; 20 
shafts sunk, depth of débris in; pottery 
of all ages from the first Aeolic coloniza- 
tion ; numerous coins and incised gems 


780 


NOVUM ILIUM. 


INDEX. 


OWL-HEADED VASES. 


ee 


picked up on surface, 612 :—Professor 
Mahaffy on its relation to Homer’s 
llios, App. II., 686 f.; its history traced, 
688, 689; old Trojan localities shown at 
N.I.; why invented, 688; proofs of in- 
significance before Alexander, 689; but 
fortified, not a κώμη as Demetrius made 
it, 689; sudden expansion due to favour 
of Alexander and Lysimachus, exciting 
envy, 689; the fine inflicted by Agrippa, 
a proof of its importance, 689. See Jn- 
scriptions and Coins. 

Novum Ilium, Acropolis of, called Per- 
gamus (after that of Troy), the 7th c. on 
Hissarlik, 88; remains discovered, 63 ft. 
deep, 21; Bouleuterion or Senate-house, 
21; débris of, deep on ὃ. side of hill, 23 ; 
Doric temple of Apollo, 23; marble blocks 
belonging to buildings, 27-29 ; large wine- 
jars (widor), 28; great temple of Athené, 
29; site probably levelled for, 588; rea- 
sons for the choice, 608; the city to the 
E. and 8.; the temple where Xerxes and 
Alexander sacrificed, probable remnants 
of; later Corinthian, of Lysimachus, 608 ; 
Doric of Apollo (see Temples); block of 
triglyphs; the (supposed) Senate-house 
(see Bouleuterion), inscriptions in or near 
it; unavoidable destruction of remains to 
excavate Troy, 609; walls of defence, 
ancient and Macedonian, 609, 610 (sce 
Walls, Tower); slanting layers of débris, 
610; section of, 611; size, wealth, and 
magnificence, attested by the ruins; 
aqueduct; theatre, 610; archaic Greek 
pottery (q. v.) and other objects of 
terra-cotta (q. v.), 612 f.; lamps, 620; 
lead, 621; keys, 621, 622; glass beads, 
622; the fine metope (q. v.) of Apollo, 
622 f.; cavern on W. slope, 625-6; ἴη- 
scriptions (q. v.), 627 f.3 coins (q. v.), 
641 f. 

Nuggets. See Gold and Silver. 

Nymphs, Grotto of, 49. See Grotto. 


OAKS, abundant in Troad; various species 
(comp. Valonea); gall-bearing, use of ne- 
glected, 116, 117. 

Obsidian knives in first 4 c., 247; still used 
by Jews for circumcision, 247. See also 
Arrow-heads. 

Odyssey, xxivth Book of, a later addition, 
649, 670. 

Oenochoae (οἰνοχόαι, “ wine-pourers”). See 
Flagons. 

Oenone, ἃ. of R. Cebren, w. of Paris, 157. 

Oil, scented, used by ladies after the bath 


(Hom.), small tripod bottle, perhaps for, 
3rd c., 405. 

Ophir and its gold, 258 f.; etymology, 259. 

Ophrynium, ruins of, at Palaeo-Kastron on 
the Hellespont, 59, 60, 109; identified by 
coins; acropolis same size as Hissarlik ; 
Hellenic pottery only, 60; Hector’s tomb 
shown at, 76, 670; coins of, N. I., 612. 

Orestes, s. of Agamemnon; Dorian invasion 
probably prevented his reigning at My- 
cenae; reigned in Arcadia and Sparta; 
began the Achaean and Aeolian emigra- 
tion, but died in Arcadia; his sons and 
grandsons, 127, 128. 

Ornamentation of Vases: incised linear, 
filled with chalk, 216; of furrows on 
handles, 217; of ovals, 221; painting 
unknown, except a cuttle-fish in clay, 
a cross, and owls’ faces in clay, 225; of 
dots, 226; incised, on the whorls, 229; 
remarkable on a potsherd, 232; remark- 
able on a pithos in shape of Greek A, 297; 
spiral, like the Uituc carried by Hittite 
figures, 3841, 345 ; zigzag, 357; the cuttle- 
fish, 860; of rows of dots, 366; tree, as 
on many whorls, 367; wave, like Cy- 
priote ko, 369; bands, rope-like, &c., on 
the great pithoi, 379, 380; fluting, 392; 
of circles and crosses, like Babylonian 
and Hittite, 412; of animal forms, on 
whorls, 413; floral, painted, on the Besika 
Tepeh pottery, 668. 

Ornaments of metal: see Bronze, Copper, 
Electrum, Gold, Silver ; also Brooches, 
Ear-rings, Pendants, Pins, Rings, &c. 

Ornithology of the Troad, 112. 

Otreus, k. of Phrygia, 120. 

Oulou Dagh, visited ; probably Homer’s Cal- 
licoloné ; height; geology ; view from, 59, 
71; viewed from Troy, 109. See Calli- 
coloné. 

Ovens for pottery unknown at Troy; dates 
of use, 219. 

Ovid visits N. Ilium, 178. 

Owl, significance of, in connection with 
Athené, 289 (comp. Athené Glaucépis) : 
in Egypt a bird of ill-omen; no owl- 
headed deities there, 744. 

Owl-face, on flat idols (see Jduls); one 
painted in black clay, 225; on vase- 
covers (see Covers) ;—in monogram ; Ist c., 
on fragments of bowls, 217, 247; 8rd c., 
on a terra-cotta ball, 344. 

Owl-head, terra-cotta figure of, with neck- 
laces and hair, 8rd c., 334. 

Owl-headed Vases, with female charac- 
teristics, represent the Athené Glaucdpis 


OWLS. INDEX. PEASE. 781 


of Homer, 281,282: of 2nd c., 290; 
with wing-like arms, distinct from the 
handles, 291; unique, nearest parallel 
in the German urns with human faces, of 
recent date (see Fuce- Vases), 292-3; rude 
flagons of Thera, with necklaces and 
breasts, 293 ;—8rd c.; general descrip- 
tion; the wing - like projections not 
handles ; never with holes for suspension ; 
with cup on head; with two handles, 
339, 3840; with spiral ornaments, 341; 
one which contained gold ornaments, 
somewhat like a Posen face-urn, 48, 
841, 485; with ornament like Cypriote 
ko, 842 ; most remarkable, found in royal 
palace, with necklace and scarf, 3438; 
very curious, with owl’s face, necklaces, 
hair, shield, and side vessels in form of 
wings, 3844:—4th c.; one with Ξῇ on 
vulva, 521; very curious, with basin on 
head and cup in hands, 521; mouth- 
piece of another, 339, 340; with wing-like 
projections, 522:—5th c., 574 f.; all wheel- 
made, of rude fabric, and unpolished, 575 ; 
the owl-headed vases and idols represent 
in Prof. Sayce’s opinion the Eastern 
goddess Atargatis, Até, Cybele, Ma, and 
Omphalé, 694. 

Owls, innumerable in the trenches, 38, 113. 
CUxen, two species in Troad, common (Bos 
- Taurus) and buffalo, 112; both used for 
agriculture, 112 ;—terra-cotta figures of (or 
cows, qg. v.), 4th c., 560. 


PAEONTANS, connection with Teucrians 
and Phrygia, 122, 123; allies of Troy, 158. 
Paesus, R., 1382; ¢., see Apaesus. 

Painting and Pigments unknown in all the 
ὃ pre-historic c., 222, 225; the very few 
exceptions of painting with clay, 225. 
Palace of Priam (Hom.) compared with 
chief’s house of Burnt C., 3826, 327. 
Palaescepsis (Old Scepsis), royal seat of 
Aeneas, 167; refounded (Scepsis) in the 
plain, by Scamandrius, s. of Hector, and 
~ Ascanius, 5. of Aeneas, 167, 688. 





329; identified with Athené on a coin of 
N.I., 289 ; appears on many coins of N. I., 
642, 643, 

Pandarus, 5. of Lycaon, dominion of, 68; 
the Lycians, fr. R. Aesepus to Zeleia, 132. 

Panopeus. See Lpectus. 

Pappadakes, N., author’s teacher in Greek, 
14, 

Paris (also Alexandros), 5. of Priam and 
Hecuba; omens before his birth; ex- 
posed on Ida and brought up by shep- 
herds; why called Alexandros; his deci- 
sion of the dispute of the three goddesses, 
and its consequences ; visits Menelaus and 
carries off Helen, with treasure; returns 
by Egypt and Phoenicia to Troy, 157; 
shoots Achilles, 159; killed by Philoctetes, 
160; Egyptian story about Paris and 
Helen in Egypt, 161 πη. f.; house of, on 
the Pergamos, 140; the names Paris and 
Alexandros native and Greek equivalents, 
704, 

Pasha Tepeh, Tumulus of, promontory from 
into the plain, 108, 109; Webb’s site 
of Troy; his errors, 108; Homer’s tomb 
of Aesyetes, according to Strabo, but 
really his tumulus of Batieia (q. νυ.) or 
Myriné, 656, 657; excavated by Mrs. 
Schliemann, 108, 176, 656, 658; no signs 
of sepulture, but very ancient pottery, 658. 

Passage, a narrow, betwecn Trojan houses, 
ord c., 54, 323. 

Patavium founded by Antenor, 164. 

Putroclus and the game of astragals (Hom.), 
sculptures representing, 263 ;—his death 
on coins of N. I., 644-6. 

Patroclus, Tumulus of (Hom)., on the shore 
by the Greek camp, 151; his reputed 
tumulus an identification opposed to 
Homer; account of his funeral; his real 
tumulus a cenotaph, 649; the reputed 
tumulus excavated by Mr, Frank Calvert ; 
nothing found, 656. 

Pausanias for the N. I. site of Troy, 210. 

Pavements: of street through gates, 33; of 
limestone flags, laid by 2nd settlers ; much 


Palaeocastron, Pr., no débris or pottery, 107. 

Palamedes taught the Greeks to play dice, 
168, 211. 

Palladium, the, sent down fr. Zeus to Ilus, 
153, 643; or brought by Chrysé to Dar- 
danus as her dowry, 642; made Troy im- 
pregnable, 160; carried off by Diomedes 
and Ulysses, 160, 178; said to have been 
preserved in the sack of N. 1. by Fimbria, 
177; described, 153, 282; probably sa- 
credly copied in the Trojan flat idols, 232, 


worn, covered by 3rd settlers with flags to 
Ist gate, with rough stones to 2nd gate, 
265, 266, 306; flags disintegrated by the 
conflagration, 266; no wheel marks, 265 
(comp. Street); layers of débris over, after 
the conflagration, 310 ; a level space paved 
with flags and other stones, 40; of flags, 
on wall of 2nd c., 267-8 ; on wall of 38rd 
ο., 05. 


Pease used by the Trojans, 118; probably 


Homer’s ἐρέβινθοι, 321 and n. 


782 


PECHEL, Μ, 


INDEX. 


PITCHERS, 





Pechel, M., the author’s brother-in-law, 5 n. 

Pedasus, on the Satniois, destroyed by 
Achilles, 184; Homeric epithets, 134; 
supposed Pidasa of the Egyptian monu- 
ments, 134, 747. 

Pegasius, renegade bishop of N. Ilium, acts 
as guide to Julian at Ilium, 181. 

Pelasgians, Asiatic, dominion of, on the 
Aeolian coast, 123, 138; c., Larissa (q. v.); 
Prof. Sayce’s remarks on, 127; the Pulo- 
sata or Purosata of Egyptian records, 745, 
748. 

Pendants, gold, Tr., 487. 

Peneleos, tomb of, according to Webb the 
Besika Tepeh (q. v.), 665. 

Pentaur, Egyptian epic poem of, contains 
names of peoples of Asia Minor, 123. 

Penthesileia, q. of the Amazons, aids the 
Trojans ; killed by Achilles, 159. 

Penthilus, s. of Orestes, leads Aeolian colo- 
nists to Thrace and the Troad, 127, 128. 

Percnos (περκνός, Hom.), the one eagle of 
the 'Troad, 113. 

Percoté or Percopé (Borgas or Bergas), c. 
near the Hellespont, 133. 

Percy, Dr. John, on a Trojan crucible, 408. 

Perforated terra-cotta vessels: with handle 
and 3 feet, to stand on the side, frequent 
in drd and 4th c., all wheel-made, per- 
haps for draining honeycombs; similar 
in Italian terra-mare, 373;—4th c., 
556, 558; difficulty of explaining their 
use; perhaps to preserve fruits; similar 
from Rhodes, Phoenicia, Hungary, terra- 
mare, and lake-dwellings, 558. 

Pergamos, -us, -wm (ἡ Πέργαμος, Hom. ; 
τὸ Πέργαμον : τὰ Πέργαμα), the Acropolis 
of the Homeric Troy, 211; temples and 
palaces in; Priam’s house, 140, 211; 
Homer’s conception of, 140; ascending 
slope of, 141; placed by Lechevalier on 
the Bali Dagh, 185; Hissarlik first sup- 


posed to be, 38 (see Troy); the name 


continued in the Acropolis of Novum 
Ilium (q. v.); Pergamos not etymologi- 
cally connected with Priamos, 704. 

Pergamum, the famous c. in Mysia, 156. 

Pergamus, cities in Crete, 122; foundation 
ascribed to Aeneas, 156; in Pieria, 123. 

Perrot, G., ‘Excursion a Troie et aux Sources 
du Mendéré, 188. 

Peruvian animal-vases, 294. 

Pestles of limestone and granite, 1st c., 235. 

Petersburg, St., author’s establishment in 
business at, 11. 

Petra, unknown place in Troad, named on 
an inscription of Ν, I., 682. 


Petrowsky, H., the author's brother-in-law, 
5 ἢ. 

Phallus or Priapus, of stone: 2nd c., 276; 
mythology and worship of, 276 f. ; one on 
M. Sipylus in Lydia, 278, 452-3; some 
of 8rd c., 452; one of white marble, 5th 
c., 584. 

Philoctetes, brought from Lemnos to Troy, 
according to a prophecy, kills Paris, 160. 

Phoenicians, migration of, from the Persian 
Gulf, 260. 

Phorkys, Homeric port of Ithaca, supposed 
to be Dexia, 49. 

Phrygia, N.E. boundary of Priam’s do- 
minion, 67; rich in flocks and wool, 112; 
mythical metallurgists in, 254-6; art of 
fusing metals invented in, 255. 

Phrygians, akin to Mysians, 119; relations 
to Trojans; Phrygian names of Trojan 
heroes ; allies of ‘Trojans from a distance 
(Homer), 120, 150; called Thracians, 
said to have been once neighbours of the 
Macedonians, and to have migrated to 
Asia; affinity with Armenians; their lan- 
guage related to Mysian and Lydian, and 
closely to Greek ; other grounds of connec- 
tion with Greeks ; common legends; the 
Pelopids from Phrygia, 121; relations of 
the people and their language to the 
Mysians and ‘Trojans, 704. 

Pickaxe and Spade, criticism of, 518, 672. 

Pidasa. See Pedasus. 

Pig, terra-cotta, covered with stars, N. 1., 
616. 

Pigeon on clay disc of N, I., 619. 

Pilin in Hungary, vases from, 223. 

Pins of copper in Ist c.; parallel examples, 
249; of bone and ivory, 261, 262. 

Pitchers, terra-cotta (comp. Jugs): of 3rd 
c., long and thick, for drawing water 
from well, with marks of the rope on 
handles; like the ancient Egyptian 
buckets, 3881; rude, polished, wheel- 
made, peculiar to 3rd ο., 893-5 ; similar 
from Bethlehem, Egypt, Cyprus, and 
Szihalom, 394; others, unique, 896 ;— 
4th c., 529; rude, of a form very abun- 
dant, 583; lustrous-red, abundant in 38rd 
and 4th ο., 535; double-handled tripod, 
540; hand-made, 553-5; thick cylindri- 
cal for drawing water, with impression of 
rope on handle, 554, 555;—5th c., one- 
handled, of hour-glass form, 578, 579 ; 
rude, of frequent type, 581;—of 6th c., 
hand-made with incised ornamentation 
like embroidery, 590-1; similar from 
Italy and Lydia, 591; with bosses or 


PITHO!, 


INDEX, 


783 


POMEGRANATES. 





horn-like projections, 592-5; like those 
found at Rovio, 593; pitcher with spout 
in side, perhaps for feeding babies, 597, 

Pithoi (ior), terra-cotta, in Trojan base- 
ments, for food, water, oil, &c. ; discovery 
of, 28, 82;—in 2nd c., rudely made, 279; 
Prince Bismarck’s explanation of their 
making and baking, 279, 280, 588; Vir- 
chow’s opinion, 520 n.; always dark red ; 
fragment of one, 280; mentioned by 
Homer and Hesiod in the legend of Pan- 

᾿ς dora, 281 ;—of enormous size in 3rd «., 
32, 54; the great one presented to the 
Royal Museum of Berlin, its peculiar 
form, 378, 379; numerous and nearly 
all destroyed ; nine below the temple 
of Athené; great number, generally 
covered with flags, but empty, 879; in 
a few, carbonized grain, &c., 317, 379; 
plain, or decorated with simple bands, 
379, 380;—gigantic of 6th c., found in 
situ, thoroughly baked, 588. 

Pityeia, c., and Pityus, district, in territory 
of Parium, 132; said to be old name of 
Lampsacus, 189, 

Plain of Troy, not of marine formation ; 
and no evidence of growth towards the 
Hellespont, 84; Maclaren on the alluvial 
deposits in, 86; investigations of Virchow 
and Burnouf, 88, 89; not materially 
altered since the Trojan War, 89; con- 
firmed by Forchhammer and Spratt, and 
by the author’s observations, 90; the 
sea has rather advanced on the land, 91; 
misinterpretation of Homer’s εὐρὺς κόλπος, 
91; panoramic view of, 103; breadth 
of; bounded on W. by hills skirting 
Aegean, 106; Homer’s θρωσμὸς πεδίοιο, 
the Upper Plain, not a hill, none in the 
plain, 145; small extent of, argument 
against N. I. site, refuted, 174, 175; 
alleged growth of, disproved, 203-207 
(comp. Alluvial Deposits); extent of, 
and view over, from Ujek Tepeh, 678; 
framed by a chain of volcanic rock from 
the Hellespont to the Aegean, 678. 

Plakia, d. of Atreus or Leucippus, wife of 
Laomedon, 156. 

Plantal Decoration, on vases; on a vase- 
cover, 413; on whorls, 413, 418, 419, 
420, το. 

Plants of the Troad, list of, by Professors 
Ascherson and von Heldreich, and Dr, F. 
Kurtz, App. VI., 727 f. 

Plaster of clay on house-walls, 30, 31. 

tlate of Copper, with two discs, perhaps 
hasps for the chest, Tr., the first object 


of the Great Treasure caught sight of, 40, 
458, 468-9 ;—of gold, ornamented in in- 
taglio, Tr., 493. 

Plates, terra-cotta, perhaps for lming house- 
walls, peculiar to 2nd c., 281. 

Plates (and Dishes), terra-cotta, shallow and 
deep :—2nd c., all wheel-made, very rude, 
303; similar ones found at Magyarad in 
Hungary, 304; also fragments of black 
hand-made plates, 304;—38rd c., mostly 
small yellow wheel-made, without handles; 
the hand made larger, brown or red, 
polished, and better baked, 407, 408 ; no 
marks of wear, 408; similar from Assyria, 
Cyprus, Hungary, Germany, 408;—4th c., 
wheel-made, rude and unpolished, shal- 
low, asin 8rd c., 544; hand-made, deep, 
polished, lustrous-brown or red, sometimes 
with 1 or 2 handles ; some tripod and. per- 
forated; one with cross painted in red 
clay ; similar, but wheel-made, in Cyprus, 
544 ;—in 5th c., none wheel-made, 582. 

Platforms, See Excavations at Hissarlik. 

Plato recognized connection of Greek and 
Phrygian languages, 121. 

Pliny calls N. Uium “the fountain of all 
celebrity,” 179. 

Plutarch for the N. I. site of Troy, 210. 

Podarees, 5. of Laomedon, 156. See Priam. 

Poemanenians, of Poemanenon, 8. of Cyzi- 
cus, in an inscription of N. 1., 636. 

Polemon, of N. Ilium, his description 
(περιήγησις) of the city; identifies it with 
Homer’s Ilios, 168, 176. 

Polis, valley in Ithaca, supposed site of the 
Homeric capital, disproved; the natural 
rock Castron not a fortress; shafts sunk, 
negative results ; pottery, tombs, coins, an 
inscription, all much later, 45, 46. 

Polisher (probably) of terra-cotta, curiously 
decorated, 3rd c., 422. 

Polishers, stone, for pottery, &c. : Ist c., 218, 
236, 237 ;—8rd c., of jasper, diorite, and 
porphyry ; one inscribed with the Cypriote 
mo, 443, 444 ;—frequent in 4th c., 571. 

Polites, s. of Priam, 157, 174, 656. See 
Aesyetes, Tumulus of. 

Polium or Polisma, built by the Astypa- 
laeans on the Simois; its site at Koum 
Kioi, 81. 

Polydorus, s. of Priam, 157. 

Polygonal Masonry, no proof of antiquity, 
57,192. 

Polyxena, ἃ. of Priam, 157; intended nup- 
tials of Achilles with, 159; sacrificed on 
tomb of Achilles; another account, 164. 

Pomegranates in the Troad, 118. 


784 POPE, A. INDEX. POTTERY. 





Pope, A., on Homer’s fixed epithets, 284. 

Porcelain, Egyptian, staff-handles of, 3rd c., 
sign of relations with Egypt, 429. 

Poseidon, in story of Laomedon, link of 
connection with Phoenicia, 125. 

Postolaccas, Achilles, account of the coins 
found at N. Ilium, 641 f. 

Potsherds used for stones in walls of royal 
house, 8rd c., 325. 

Potter’s Wheel, known early in Egypt, 218 ; 
known but not common in Ist c., 214. 
Pottery (comp. Bowls, Cups, Covers, 
Dishes, Goble's, Jars, Jugs, Pithoi, 
Plates, Uins, Vases, &c.): first discovery 
of, in the successive strata; coarse hand- 
made in 5th and 4th, better hand-made 
in 8rd, 21; in 2 lowest strata, different 
from those above, 23; enormous quantity 
ina ‘Trojan house, 80; of Roman age in 
N. Ilium, 39; nearly all of pre-historic 
cities in fragments, 39; in Ithaca, 46, 
47; on M. Aétos, like that of 1st and 
2nd c. of Troy, 48; only Greek at Bounar- 
bashi, 55; of 6th or Lydian c., unlike 
the rest, like the Etruscan, 128 ; on site of 
Dardanus, Greek only, 134; the cornu- 
copia of pre-historic archeological wisdom ; 
antiquity of the art, 213; test of advance 
in civilization, 214; test of race, 279; of 
chronology, the dutest found in ruins a 
limit. of their age; it may be later, but 

cannot be earlier, 663. 

Pottery of 1st City, 213: use for all utensils 
of life, cellars, and coffins ; no tiles; best 
of all the pre-historic cities; far the most 
of it hand-made; some wheel-made, 214 
and ”.; lustrous-black colour, 218; how 
produced, 220 ; polished by stones ; rough- 
ness due to materials, 218; mode of fabri- 
cation; clay coating; baking at an open 
jive, ovens unknown, 219; very imper- 
fect, 232; feet of vases, 228, 224; re- 
markable goblet (q.v.), 224; miniature 
pitcher, 225; piece of a slab, perhaps of a 
box, 226; 2 funeral urns (q. v.), injured 
by moisture, 227; terra-cotta whorls (q. v.), 
229; discs (q. v.), 281; the only perfectly 
baked potsherd of the Ist c., 231. 

Pottery of 2nd City: different from Ist, 
264, 278; the gigantic jars (pithoi, q.v.), 
279 ; plates, perhaps for house-walls, 281 ; 
owl-vases (q.v.), 281 f., and covers, 291, 
292; vessel in shape of a sow, 294 (see 
Animal Vases) ; vases with vertical tubu- 
lar holes for suspension, 295; tripods, 
295, 296; all these are hand-made, 296 ; 
a whcel-made tripod, 296; vases with 2 


and 3 handles, 297; potsherds with in- 
cised decoration; one with written cha- 
racters, 298; the inscription discussed, 
697; the remarkable two-handled goblets, 
Homer's δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον (see Amphi- 
kypelion), 299 ; fragments like the remark- 
able vase from the chief’s house of 3rd c., 
802, 303; whorls, 304; plates, all wheel- 
made, very rude, 303. 


Pottery of 8rd City: all hand-made, 329 ; 


imperfectly baked at open fire, 829; much 
(esp. potsherds) completely baked by the 
conflagration, 329, 521; owl-faced idols 
and vases (q. v.), 829 f.; tripod vases, 
304 f.; curious boxes and covers, 360; 
unornamented tripods, 362; vases (q. v.) 
of various forms, 363 f.; vase-covers, 
flat, cap-like, and stopper-shaped, 354, 
3868-70; decorated potsherds, 370; depa 
amphikypella (q. v.), 371; perforated 
tripods, 3873; crown-handled covers, 
374-5 ; vessels in form of animals, 
375 f.; hooks, probably for clothes, 378 ; 
the great jars (pithot), 878 f.; solid 
pitcher for drawing water, 381; various 
vases (q. v.), 881 ; tripod, with three con- 
ined cups, 384; jugs or flagons (q. v.), 
with double spouts of two kinds, 384, 
385 f. ; rude polished wheel-made pitchers, 
peculiar to this city, 893-4; bottles, 390, 
395, 396; wheel-made cup and _ tripod- 
dish; bowls, with handle and _ spout, 
396; large, with two handles, 397; am- 
phore, 397, 398; vases and bottles with 
2, ὃ, and 4 handles, 400-402 ; large mix- 
ing bowls, 403 (see Craters); barrels, 404; 
vessels with spouts in the side, use of, 466 ; 
miniature vessels, 407; fragments deco- 
rated with circles and crosses, 412; curi- 
ously ornamented vase-cover, 412, 413. 


Pottery of 4th City: like 3rd, but some 


Ρ 


new forms; coarser and ruder, wheel- 
made, 518; only half-baked, 520-1; 
owl-heafed female vases, 521; fragments 
of ornamented vases and handles, 524; 
vase-neck, incised, and (perhaps) man 
with uplifted arms, 525; suspension and 
other vases, jugs, pitchers, cups, &c. (¢q.v.), 
525; lilliputian vessels, probably toys, 
abundant in 4th and δίῃ c., 534; depa 
amphikypella, 535 f.; plates, 544; vases, 
jugs, flagons or oenochoae, 545 f.; per- 
forated vessels, 556-8. 

ottery of 5th City: same patterns as 4th, 
hand-made and wheel-made, but generally 
inferior, 574; owl-headed female vases 
and covers (q.v.), all wheel-made and 


POTTERY. 





unpolished ; other pottery polished, 575; 
the depas amphikypellon has become very 
small, 577 (see Bottles, Cups, Goblets, 
Jugs, Pitchers, Vases). Note on pottery 
of 3rd, 4th, and 5th cities, 583 n. 

Pottery of the 6th or Lydian City: totally 
different in shape and fabric from that of 
the five pre-historic cities, and that of 
N. Ilium, 587, 588; the gigantic pithos 
found in situ, 588 ; nearly all hand-made, 
and mixed with crushed stones, particu- 
larly mica; generally bulky; coated with 
a wash of clay before baking; slightly 
baked ; dull black, like the Albano hut- 
urns, but some dull yellow or brown, 588. 

Pottery of N. I.: archaic Greek, painted ; 
fragments of vases, bowls, vase-handles, 
spouts, &c., 612-615; an archaic vase- 
head, with vertical tubular holes for sus- 
pension, 614; potsherd with signs like 
hieroglyphs, 619. Comp. Terra-cottas. 

Pottery found in Besika Tepeh, compared 
with that of Hissarlik. See Besika Tepeh. 

Pottery found in Hanai Tepeh, the pre-his- 
toric Thymbra. See Thymbra, 

Pottery, Etruscan, like that of 6th c. on 
Hissarlik, 587. 

Pounders for crushing coarse particles in 
clay for pottery, Ist'c., 237. 

Practius, R., described, 101. 

Prendergast, G. L., “ Concordance to the 
Jliad of Homer, 408. 

Priam (Πρίαμος, Hom.; Aeol. Πέῤῥαμος, 
Hesych.), first called Podarces, 5. of 
Laomedon, spared by MHerakles and 
ransomed (πριάμενος) by Hesioné; the 
eponym of Pergamon (Grote); marries 
Hecabé (Hecuba), 156; his fifty sons and 
twelve daughters, 157; killed by Neopto- 
lemus, 161; palace of, on the Pergamos, 
140; still shown by the Greek TIlians, 
211 (see Novum Ilium); “ Priam of the 
Ilians,” legend on coins of N. Ilium, 179, 
643; Virchow’s plea for retaining the 
name, 684; his name Πέῤῥαμος, orig. Pe- 
ryamos, not connected with Πέργαμος, but 
with the Lydian πάλμυς, * king,” accord- 
ing to Prof. Sayce, 704. 

Priam, dominion of, 67; Ilium and sur- 
rounding country; cities, Thymbra and 
Txi1um (see Troy), 138. 

Priam, Tumulus of, on the Bali Dagh, 651 ; 
opened by Mr. Frank Calvert; structure 
of stone in the centre, probably the base of 
a monument, 655, 656; a few potsherds, 
but no sign of sepulture, 656, 

Priapus. See Phallus, 


a eee 


INDEX. 


RHOETEUM. 785 


Prokesch- Osten, “ Erinnerungen aus Aegyp- 
ten und Klein-Asien, and “ Denkwiir- 
digkeiten und Erinnerungen aus dem 
Orient, 150. 

Proteus, k. of Egypt, receives and expels 
Paris, detains Helen and restores her to 
Menelaus, 161 x. f.; probably Ramses IIL, 
163 n., 747. 

Pulszky, F., on a Copper Age, 257, 

Punches, copper, 1st and 2nd cities, 250; 
bronze, 8rd c., 505. 

Purple dyeing, from the murex, an ancient 
Trojan industry, 115. 

Pyramid, small, of green gabbro-rock, 
plugged with lead, 3rd c., 444. 

Pytheas of Argos, sculptor of statue of 
Metrodorus found at N. J., 635. 


QUACK, MR., consul of Mecklenburg at 
Amsterdam, aids author, 9. 

Quien, F. C., author’s employer at Amster- 
Uam, 9, 10; commercial house of, 9 n. 

Quoit (δίσκος, discus) of granite, 5th c., 
584; in Homer; etymology; found in 
Denmark and England, 585. 


RAMSES IT., fesostris, k. of Egypt: pco- 
ples of Asia Minor and the islands con- 
federate with the Khita against him, 746 ; 
historical foundation for the tradition of 
his expeditions as far as Thrace, 749, 750. 

Ramses ITl., k. of Egypt, the Proteus of 
Herodotus, 163 n., 747; defeats peoples of 
Asia Minor and the islands allied in the 
invasion of Egypt, 748. 

Rashid Pasha obtains a firman, 44. 

Rattles of terra-cotta, 8rd c., 413; 4thc.; 
found in Moeringen lake-dwellings, 533. 

Ravaisson de Molien, site of Troy, 190. 

Rawlinson, Prof. G., ‘ History of Lero- 

. dotus, 188. 

Len Kiot, tumulus above, 648; excavated 
by Mr. Fred. Calvert; a mere natural 
mound, 655. 

Rennell, Major, ‘ Topography of the Plain 
of Troy, 188; on Alexander’s belief in 
the N. I. site of Troy, 210. 

Rhea, τὰ. of the gods, worship of, common 
to Phrygians and Trojans, 124. 

Rhesus, li., rises in Ida, 68, 100. 

Rhodius, R., rises in Ida, 68; desc. ibed, 100. 

Rhoeteum, Pr. (In Tepeh), on the Hellespont ; 
distance from Sigeum ; several peaks, hence 
named in plural; height; this and Sigeum 
not named in Homer, but once alluded to 
as having the Greek naval camp between 
them, 72, 73, 108. See Camp. 

3 E 


786 


RHOETEUM., 


INDEX. 


SAYCE, A. H. 


——$—— eee 


Rhoeteum, town, 78, 104; independent of 
WN. I., 167. 

Rhouscpoulos, A., Prof., letter to author on 
key in shape of a Hermes-pillar, 621 
and 7. 

Rhyton, a Greek vessel, like those with 
horses’ heads in 6th ο. and Etruria, 595. 

Ribs of animals, sharpened, 4th c., 566. 

Richter, O. F. von, ‘ Wallfahrten im Mor- 
genlande,’ 186. 

Rieckler, J., ‘ Ueber Schliemann’s Ausgra- 
bungen,’ 189. 

ting, of mother-of-pearl, 3rd c., 414; of 
diorite, 8rd c., 480. 

Rings of baked clay, probably stands for 
vases with round or pointed bottoms: 
2nd c., 298; frequent in 8rd and 4th ¢., 
440, 560, 561; in Hungary and Swiss 
lake-dwellings, 440, 561. 

tings, large copper, belonging to helmets, 
ord c., 518. 

tings for fingers and hair: bronze, 8rd c¢., 
505; 5th c., 585-6 ;—gold, 2nd c., 272; 
probably for the hair, 3rd c., Tr., 498, 


502; with spiral ornamentation, Tr., 503. | 


Rivers of the Troad, 73 f. :—names of rivers 
always persistent, 77. 

Roberts, W. Chandler, Prof., on the copper 
of the Ist c., 251; on Trojan metallurgy, 
409, 410; et passim. 

Rock, Native, at Hissarlik, about 53 ft. 
deep, 22; comp. Diagram at p. vii.; of soft 
limestone ; old soil upon, 212. 

Roemer, F., Prof., on implements of jade, 248, 

oma on coins of N. I., 641, 646. 

fomans enter Asia; mutual recognition with 
Jlians, as parents and children; favour 
Tlium and enlarge its territory, 173; letter 
of S.P.Q.R. to Seleucus in favour of Ilium ; 
acknowledge their descent from Troy, 178. 

Roofs, Trojan (ancient and modern), flat, of 
beams covered with clay, 214. 

Rope-pattern: band on the great pithot, 3rd 
c., 879, 880; handle and band on a jug, 
ord c., 390; bands and handles on the 
Besika Tepeh pottery, 667. 

tosettes, ornamentation of Babylonian origin, 
brought by Phoenicians to the West, 494. 

Russdorf, von, pastor of Ankershagen, 
ghost of, 1. 


SACRIFICES to Trojan heroes at N. 1., 
210. 

Saddle-querns (or stone hand-mills), very 
abundant in the 4 lower c., especially 3rd 
and 4th, 448 ; of trachyte and lava in 1st 
0.) 234; parallel examples, 234; 2nd c, 


275; very rare in 5th ο., 573; at Thym- 
bra,741. 

Safvet Pasha aids author, 44. 

Salamis, fortifications of, example of later 
polygonal masonry, 57, 192. 

Salisbury, S., ‘ Troy and Homer,’ 190. 

Salonina, coins of, N. I., 641. 

Samothrace, I., seen from Hissarlik ; seat of 
Poseidon to view battles at Troy, 105; a 
sacred seat of primitive metallurgy, 256. 

Sangarius, R., in Phrygia, abode of Hecuba’s 
brother on, 120. 

Saoce, M., in Samothrace, 105. 

Sarpedon, leader of Lycians, 158; his death 
on coins of N. I., 645, 646. 

Satniois, R., described, 101. 

Sauvastika AH and Svastika ΚΠ, frequent on 
whorls, &¢., brought to Hissarlik by the 
drd settlers, 346; a sign of good omen, 
from Sanskrit sw, “ well,” and as, ‘to 
be” =eveorixn (ed and ἐστί, or εὖ ἔστω), 
346, 347; Prof. Max Miiller upon ; objec- 
tion to use of word out of India; dis- 
tinction between -Y and 4; earliest 
occurrence in India, 3846-7; used for 
marking cattle; origin probably in a 
simple cross; use in Buddhist inscrip- 
tions, coins, and MSS. ; first attested on a 
coin about 300 B.c., 347; in foot-prints 
of Buddha, 347, 349; the Nandydvarta, 
its development, 347; in later Sanskrit 
literature ; occurrence in China, Asia 
Minor, Etruria, and Teutonic nations; 
how the sign got its meaning, 348; 
perhaps a moving wheel as symbol 
of the sun, 348, 353; also of the earth, 
348-9 ; on a Trojan ball; on a potsherd, 
349; frequent on balls and whorls, with 
other symbols, 850; Burnouf’s views 
on the ΓΗ and Y, Gi and Ef, and ga, 
the cross for generating fire, 351; found 
frequently and wide-spread in Europe 
and Asia, 850-2, China, 352, W. Africa, 
352-3 ; at Mycenae, Athens, and Cyprus, 
353; Prof. Sayceand Mr. Thomas on, 358 ; 
on whorls, 8rd c., 416-18, 420. 

Saws, of flint and chalcedony, single and 
double edged: 1st c., 246 (comp. Silex) ; 
parallel examples, 246 ;—3drd ο., 445; fre- 
quent in 4th c., 571;—silex, only 3 in 
5th ¢., 588; such found at Helwan in 
Lower Egypt, 583 ;—none of bronze at 
Hissarlik, except one thin one in the great 
Treasure, 274-5. 

Sayce, A. H., Professor, distinguishes walls 
of 1st and 2nd cities, 24, 213; his *‘ Prin- 
ciples of Comparative Philology, 121; 


SCAMANDER. 


for the Hissarlik site, 190; cited passim ; 
“On the Inscriptions found at Hissarlik,” 
App. IK, p. 691 f. 

Scamander, f. of Teucer, 119. 

Scamander, R, (Mendere): Homer’s warm 
and cold sources near Troy, 144; not the 
springs of Bounarbashi, 18, 55, 78 (comp. 
Springs); sources of in M. Ida described ; 
height; temperature; Virchow’s discus- 
sion of ancient opinions, 58; they are 
in Gargarus, 58, 69; but placed by 
Strabo in Cotylus, 78; called Xanthus 
(yellow) by the gods, 1.6. by the Greek 
settlers, probably a translation of the 
native name, 78, 113 ”., 705; punning 
etymology of Eustathius, 78; its course 
described by Strabo, 78; falls into Hel- 
lespont through the Stomalimne, 79; 
junction with the Simois, 79, 81, 82, 147; 
length and fall, 79; Burnouf’s description 
of its course, 79, 80; its ancient bed (the 
Kalifatli Asmak) described by Virchow ; 
causes of the change, 80; its bed in 
front of Troy ; nature of its sands, 81; 
lower course once through the In Tepeh 
Asmak, 83 ; confirmed by Homer, 92, and 
Pliny, 84; diverted to the Stomalimne 
before 180 B.c., 83; course below mound 
of Ilus, 84; ancient volume much larger 
than now, 85; width of bed of the Kalifatli 
Asmak, 86; Virchow’s investigation of the 
bed, 88; alluvium due to the mountains, 
especially to Ida, 88; ford between Greek 
camp and Troy, 92, 147, 200; the river 
flowed on E. side of the camp, 92; 
Homeric epithets, 93; the river-god, his 
temple and altar; takes part in the 
battles before Troy, 93; reverenced by 
the Trojans, 94; Herodotus on occasional 
lowness of water, confirmed, 94; Pliny’s 
mistakes, 95 ; viewed from Hissarlik, 105, 
117; best ford, 107; ‘flowery mead of,’ 
117; dangerous in floods, 178, 322; the 
Bounarbashi Su, according to Lechevalier, 
185; Virchow on old and new bed, 676, 
677; nature of its delta and valley, 677; 
personified on coins of N. 1., 646. 

Scamandria, town of, now Iné, 57. 

Scamandrius, surname of Astyanax, 94. 

Scepsis, c., mythical foundation. See Palae- 
scepsis. (See also Demetrius.) 

Sceptre (σκῆπτρον), twofold use of the word 
for a staff and royal sceptre, 427 ; handles, 
of bone, lion’s head of fine crystal, 
Egyptian porcelain, and glass, 428, 429 ; 
such named as Egyptian spoils from W. 
Asia, 428 n. 


INDEX, 


187 


SCHLIEMANN, DR. 


Schlie, Dr. Fr.: his works, ‘ Schliemann 
und seine Bestrebungen, 2”., 190; and 
‘ Wissenschaftliche Beurtheilung der 
Funde Schliemann’s in Hissarlik, 190. 

Schliemann, Agamemnon, the author’s son, 
65 7. 

Schliemann, Andromaché, 
daughter, 65 n. 

Schliemann, Elise, the author’s sister, 5 ἢ. 

Schliemann, Rev. Ernest, author’s father, 
1; conversations with about Troy, 3. 

Schliemann, Rev. F., author’s uncle and 
tutor, 6. 

Schliemann, Dr. Henry: motive for writing 
his own life; parentage and birth at Neu 
Buckow ; early life at Ankershagen; 
influence of the local legends, 1-3; dis- 
cussion with his father about Troy, and 
resolve to excavate it, 8; constant firm 
belief in its existence, 5; his mother’s 
death ; separation from Minna Meincke, 
5; education; first Latin essay, on the 
Trojan War; last meeting with Minna; 
employment in shop at Fiirstenberg, 6; 
effect of a drunken miller’s recitation of 
Homer; desire to learn Greek; accident 
and illness; employment at Altona and 
Hamburg, 7; goes to sea and is ship- 
wreckcd, 8; at Amsterdam ; rescued from 
destitution ; self-education; in English ; 
new method of learning languages, 9; 
French, Dutch, Spanish, Italian, and Por- 
tuguese ; in house of B. H. Schréder and 
Co., of Amsterdam, 10; learns Russian, 
10, 11; sent to St. Petersburg; pro- 
posal to Minna, finds her married, 11 ; 
success as a merchant at St. Peters- 
burg; goes to California and becomes 
a citizen of the United States; branch 
house at Moscow; learns Swedish and 
Polish, 12; a marvellous escape from 
ruin by the burning of Memel, 13; pro- 
gress in business; at length finds time 
to learn modern and ancient Greek ; read- 
ing of Greek authors, and especially 
Homer, 14; advice on teaching Greek ; 
study of Latin resumed, 15; proposed 
retirement from business; travels in 
Europe, Egypt, Syria, and Greece ; 
learns Arabic, 16; involved in a law- 
suit ; resumes business with new success ; 
final retirement (1863), 17; travels to 
Tunis (Carthage), Egypt, India, China, 
Japan, America, and settles at Paris to 
study (1866); first book, La Chine et le 
Japon; first visit to Ithaca, the Pelo- 
ponnesus, Athens, and Troy, 18; ex- 


the author’s 


788 


SCHLIEMANN, DR. 


amination of Bounarbashi, the Trojan 
Plain, and Hissarlik, 19; evidence as to 
the site of Troy, 19, 20; resolve to begin 
excavations; work entitled Jthaque, le 
Péloponnese et Trote (1868); diploma of 
Ph.D. from University of Rostock ; return 
to Hissarlik, preliminary excavations 
(1870), 20; first year’s work at Hissarlik 
(1871), 21; second year’s work (1872), 
21 f. ; third year’s work (1873), 26 f.; pub- 
lishes Troy and its Remains; sinks shafts 
at Mycenae (1874) ; lawsuit with Turkish 
government, 43; firman for new excava- 
tions (1876); baffled by officials at the 
Dardanelles, 44; excavations at Tiryns 
and Mycenae (1876); publishes Mycenae 
and Tiryns (1877); obtains new firman 
(1878), 45; meanwhile explores Ithaca 
(1878), 45 f.; fourth year’s work at Troy 
(1878), 50f.; useful escort of gensdarmes, 
51; fifth year’s work at ‘Troy (1879), 
52 f.; heroic tumuli explored, 55; jour- 
neys through the ‘Troad, 55 f.; his for- 
tune and family, 65, 66; destination of 
his collections, 66 ; acknowledgments to 
friends for assistance, 66, 672; the one 
object and reward of his labours to advance 
the love for and study of Homer, 672. 
Schliemann, Dr., brothers and sisters of, ὃ ἢ. 
Schliemann, Louts, author’s brother, dies in 
California, 12. 
Schliemann, Nadceshda, the author’s daugh- 
ter, 65 n. 
Schliemann, Sergius, the author’s son, 65 7%. 
Schliemann, Mrs. Sophia: her enthusiasm 
for Homer and tle excavations, 21; ac- 
companies her fhusband to Troy, 21, 26; 
helps ‘in securing the great Treasure, 41 ; 
excavates Pasha Tepeb, 109, 656-7. 
Schmitz, Dr. L., for the Hissarlik site, 189. 
Schréder, J. C. and G. HH. von, pastors of 
Ankershagen, 4; their portraits, 4. 
Schroder, Miss, in Ankershagen, 4. 
Schroder, Olgartha von, her portrait, 4, ὃ. 
Schriéder, B. H. and Co., of Amsterdam, 
author’s employers, 10; house of, 10 ἡ. 
Schréder, J. H. and Co., of London and 
Hamburg, 13. 
Schroder, Baron J. H.von, of Hamburg, 18 n. 
Echréder, Baron J. H. W. jun. von, of 
London, 19 n. 
Scipio Asiaticus and his army at Ilium, 1738. 
Scoop, terra-cotta, 3rd c.; similar fr. tomb 
at Corneto, 422, 423. 
Scorpion on an ivory disc, 6th c., Egyptian 
symbol of the goddess Selk, 601. 
Scrapers of bone, 3rd c., 319. 


INDEX. 


| Senate-house of Ilium. 


SESTOS. 


Sculptures, Greek, of N. Ilium, abundant 
remains of, 610, 611. 

Sea-baths, preventive of colds, 52. 

Seals, terra-cotta: 8rd c., 414, 415; one in- 
scribed with the Cypriote and Hittite 
character ne, 414 ; another perforated, and 
inscribed with Cypriote characters, 415, 
693 ;—4th c., 561; similar at Pilin, with 
ΤΕ and 16, 562 ;—-5th c., 582, 583. 

Second Pre-historic City on the Site of Troy, 
stratum of, from 30 and 88 to 45 ft. deep, 
discovered ; buildings of large stone 
blocks, 21,22; signs of an earthquake, 21; 
excavation imperfect, why, 212; people 
of, different from the lst, proved by ar- 
chitecture and pottery ; houses built of 
large stones ; Cyclopean wall, 264; great 
internal and external rampart walls, 
265, 267, 269; only substructions for 
fortifications, 268; gates and paved street, 
265-7 ; the c. probably not destroyed, but 
abandoned (see Gates, Street), 267, 305; 
funnel-shaped holes in the débris, 267 ; 
ruins of houses on wall, 268; stone walls 
ofa large edifice, 268 ; remains of 3 houses, 
269; house-walls below chief's house of 
8rd c.; stone house burnt, with f. skeleton 
and ornaments, 271 (see Skeletons, Skulls) ; 
another burnt house, of at least 2 storeys ; 
house-walls below this, with marks of 
great heat, 274; metals; copper brooches 
and needles ; saddle-querns, corn-bruisers, 
hammers, axes (2 of nephrite, g. v.), 
275; a phallus (probably), 276 ; pottery, 
so different from 1st ὁ. as to prove a . 
different people, 278-9; the gigantic 
jars ( pithoi, q. v.), 279; plates, 281; owl- 
vases (q. v.), 281 f., 291 ; vase-covers, 291, 
292; other forms, 294 f. (see Pottery) ; 
the δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον (see Amphiky- 
pellon), 299; whorls; plates, 303 ; lime- 
stone door-socket (probably), 304. 

Seeds from the Troad, described by Dr. 
Wittmack, 320. 

Selleis, R., described, 101. 

Semper, ‘ Keramik, Tektonik, Stereotomie, 
Metallotechnik ;’ on craters, 404. 

See Bouleuterion. 

Serpents, horned, of terra-cotta (probably 
vase-handles), 6th ¢., an ancient Lydian 
symbol ; present superstitious belief about, 
in the Troad, 598 ; none like them in the 
first. 5 c., 599. 

Sesame and solanum, use of seeds for food, 
mentioned by Homer, 118. 

Sestos, Thracians of, led by Asius at Troy, 
133; on Chersonese, opp. Abydos, 183. 


SET. 


INDEX. 


789 


SITE. 





Set, the Egyptian Typhonic deity, symbol 
of foreigners, 742. 

Ceverus, Sep., coins of, N. 1., 643, 645, 646. 

Shafts, 20 sunk on site of N. I., to discover 
limits of Troy, 38, 211, 611; positions, 
depths, and sections of. See Puan 11, 

Shakalsha of Egyptian records, a people of 
Asia Minor, predecessors of Jonians and 
Carians, 747, 750, not the Siculians, 751. 

Shardana of Egyptian records, the Sardians, 
747, not Sardinians, 750, 751. 

Sharks’ bones, in 8rd c., 323. 

Shells, conchylia, species of, 114; much 
used for food, but not mentioned by 
Homer, 114, 115 (see Conchylia): 1st c., 
213; masses of shells in houses of 4th c., 
evidence of low civilization, 518; at 
Thymbra, 711. 

Shield, copper (ἀσπὶς ὀμφαλόεσσα), with 
boss and rim (ἄντυξ), TR., how made; like 
the shields of Ajax and Sarpedon, 473, 474. 

Ships, Greek, on shore between Proms. 
Rhoeteum and Sigeum, 73. See Camp. 

Libyl, the Gergithian, and the Sibylline pro- 
phecies, of 'Teucrian origin, 122, 

Sickle, bronze, 6th c., 604. 

Sigeum, city on Sigeum Pr, wrongly placed 
in Spratt’s map; village of Yeni Shehr on 
its ruins, 72; independent of N. Ilium, 
167; added to N. I. by Romans, 173; de- 
stroyed by the Ilians for its resistance, 72, 
173; coins of at.N. I., 612. 

Sigeum, Pr. (Yeni Shehr), N.W. point of 
Asia; height and formation, 72, 105; 
intended new capital of Constantine near, 
180. Comp. Rhoetewm, Pr. 

Sign of the Cross, made by Christians on 
the forehead, as related by the Emperor 
Julian, 181 and n. 

Sigo or Siko, 'I'rojan god or hero, according 
to Dr. Haug, 143. 

Silex Saws and Knives, the only flint im- 
plements found at Troy, Ist c., 245-247 ; 
their present use for threshing-sledges 
(Soxam), 247. See Knives, Saws. — 

Silk, culture of in road, 118. 

Silver: from Alybé, prob. on the Pontus, 
253; mines in Troad, near Iné, 57, 68, 
253 ; plating with gold on (Homer), 258. 

Silver blades, six Tr.; analysis of, 470; 
are they Homeric “talents”? 471; Prof. 
Sayce on their relation to the money of 
Babylon and Asia Minor, 471. 

Silver, objects of : brooches, 2nd c., 250, 252 ; 
another object ; wire, deteriorated by chlo- 
ride, 252;—38rd c., silver vessels of the 
great ΤῈ, ; small vase-cover with zigzag 


lines, 467; large jug-shaped vase, con- 
taining the 8700 small gold jewels ; how 
made, 467; vase with copper fused onto 
its bottom, 468; vase with another broken 
silver vase cemented to it by chloride, 
468 ; another broken vase cemented to the 
copper plate, 468, 469; two vases with 
caps and tubes for suspension, 469; cup 
and dish (φιάλη), 469; vase found near 
the Tr., 473; all covered with chloride on 
outside, free from it on the inside, 472; 
nugget, turned to chloride, with gold 
beads cemented to it, Tr., 494 ;—5thc., 
ornament, in shape of an animal’s head, 
585-6. | 

Simois, R. (Doumbrek Su), view of its 
plain, 59; rises on Cotylusin Ida, 68, 73 ; 
description by Virchow, 73; N. and 8. 
arms; banks and vegetation; branches, lost 
in great swamp; three springs near Troy, 
their temperature ; course from the swamp 
to the Kalifatli Asmak, 74; mentioned 
seven times in Homer; by other writers; 
proofs of identity ; description by Strabo, 
75,76; confused with the Thymbrius (see 
Doumbrek Su), 76; no ford mentioned in 
Homer, and why, 77; confluence with the 
ancient Scamander, 81, 147; confounded 
with the true Scamander, by Lechevalier, 
185; Virchow on its valley, 677. 

Sinon betrays the Trojans; taken from Arec- 
tinus ; forms of the fable, 161 and n. 

Site of Homer's Ilios (comp. Bounarbashi ; 
Hissarlik ; Ilians, Village of): founded in 
the Plain later than Dardania, 134, which 
agrees with Hissarlik, not with Bounar- 
bashi, 194-5 ; similar sites of Greek cities, 
195; ancient belief in continuity of site 
at N. Ilium, 167-8; no other city ever 
bore the sacred name, 168; attested by 
Polemon, by Hellanicus, by Herodotus, 
168 ; (visit of Xerxes, 168-9 ; remarks of 
Grote and Eckenbrecher, 169, 170;) by 
Xenophon, 170; by Alexander the Great, 
and his successors, 171; by the Romans, 
178; by Pliny, Mela, ‘Tacitus,’ and 
other writers, 178, 179; first questioned 
by Demetrius and Hestiaea from local 
jealousy, 168; their objections, 174; an- 
swered, 175-6; adopted by Strabo only, 
176; proof from coins of N, Ilium, 179; 
by Caracalla, 179; modern opinions, and 
discussion of ; some for Alexandria-Troas ; 
modern philology and Oriental  dis- 
coveries then unknown, 184; theories of 
Lechevalier, 184-5 ; adopted by Choiseul- 
Gouffier, 185; list of followers cf the 


490 


SIXTH ΟἸΤῪ, 


INDEX. 


STADIUM. 


Se 


Bounarbashi theory, 186-188 ; advocates 
of other theories, 188; of the site of 
Troy at Hissarlik, 189, 190; chief argu- 
ments for Bounarbashi answered, 190 f. ; 
distance from Hellespont tested by the 
transactions of single days in the Iliad, 
195 f.; the argument from the ships— 
“ far from the city ”—answered, 201 ; other 
proofs from Homer of short distance, 201, 
202; relative position of Scamander, 202 ; 
alleged growth of Plain (q. v.), 203; dis- 
cussion of arguments founded on a passage 
from Lycurgus, 203 ; on the prophecy of 
Juno in Horace, 204-6; on Aeschylus 
and Lucan, 206; Bournabashi-site in- 
consistent with hydrography ; argument 
from Trojan camp; Greek fleet in sight 
of Troy, 207; other evidence from an- 
cient authors, 208-9; from the sending 
of Locrian virgins to Ilium; continuous 
habitation; value of the local tradition ; 
enthusiasm of the Greek Ilians for the 
Trojan legends, 209,210; Grote on this 
legendary faith; argument of Major 
Rennell on Alexander’s belief; testimony 
of Arrian, Aristides, Dio Chrysostom, 
Pausanias, Appian, Plutarch, 210. Comp. 
Intos and Troy; see also Prof, Virchow, 
App. I. and Pref., and Prof. Mahaffy’s 
criticism of views of Demetrius and 
Strabo, App. II. 

Siath City on the site of Troy, probably a 
Lydian settlement, 128; indicated by 
pottery between the 5th c. and N. L, 
distinct from other cities, generally 6 ft. 
deep, sometimes less, and abundant on 
slopes of the hill,resembling archaic Etrus- 
can pottery in Italy; perhaps founded 
when the Troad was subject to Gyges, 
128, 586, 587; no remains of buildings, 
587; probably levelled by the Greek 
settlers for their Acropolis, 588; this con- 
firmed by débris on side of hill, 588; 
pottery (q. v.), 588 f.; objects of ivory 
and marble, 601, 602; whorls; idols, 602 ; 
bronze implements and vessels, 608 ἢ ; 
chronology, 607. 

Skeletons, human: of an embryo (9. v.), 227 ; 
female, with ornaments, ina house, 2nd c., 
270; of two Trojan warriors, with helmets 
and a lance-head, in a house, 8rd c., 30, 
507 (see Skulls); at Thymbra, 712, 718. 

Skulls, first discovery of, 30, 89; female, in 
house of 2nd c., drawn and described by 
Virchow, 271-2; brachycephalic, 510; 
of two Trojan warriors, 3rd ο., 80, 507; 
drawings and description by Virchow, 


501 f.; dolichocephalic, 510 ; indicate high 
civilization, no mark of the savage, 510; 
of a young woman, found in a jar, 3rd ο., 
dolichocephalic, 39, 511; question of race 
and social position, 510, 511; of a feetus, 
ord c., 512. 

Skyphos. See Cups, 6th c. 

Sling Bullets, of loadstone, hematite, and 
diorite, 3rd c., 437, 488; ancient use of 
the sling, 487; one of copper ore, analysis 
of, 477. 

Sminthos, Smintheus. See Apollo. 

Smith, George, first decipherer of Cypriote 
characters, 091. 

Smith, Philip, on movements of nations to 
and fro across the Hellespont and site of 
Troy, 181; ‘Student's Ancient History 
of the East,’ 132; on the site of Troy, 
189, 195.3 672. 

Smith, Dr. W., ‘Dictionary of Greek and 
Roman Antiquities, 192 n.; “ Dictionary 
of Greek and Roman Geography,’ 189. 

Smyrna, coins of, at N. 1., 612. (Comp. 
Myriné.) 

Snakes in the Troad, 22; numerous and 
venomous, 114. 

Soldering of metals in use at Troy; hardly 
ever at Mycenae, 474. 

Sonderdorp and Ram, consuls at the Texel, 
aid author when shipwrecked, 8. 

Spiral ornaments of gold, Tr. ; how made; 
like those at Mycenae, 490; the form 
also Babylonian and Assyrian, 494. 

Spit-rests, of mica-schist, 8rd c., 4386; fre- 
quent in 4th c., 571, 

Spitting, a Christian sign against the demons 
at baptism in Greek church, 181 ἡ. 

Spoon, large silver, in repoussé work, with 
a boss, probably for libations, Tr., 503. 

Spoons, terra-cotta, for metallurgy, 410. 

Spouts in sides of vessels, probable use of, 
for drinking at fountains, 406. 

Spratt, Τ, A. B., Admiral; his Map of the 
Troad, 187. 

Sprenger, A., Prof., ‘ Die alte Geographie 
Arabiens ;’ on gold and Ophir, 258 ἢ, 

Springs, Homer’s warm and cold, of the 
Scamander; his two, the forty at Bou- 
narbashi (Lechevalier), 183 (see Bounar- 
bashi, Scamander); three, near walls of 
Novum Ilium, with modern enclosures and 
troughs, 110; three, in the Duden swamp, 
at site of Ἰλιέων Koypn, their temperature, 
108; hot, numerous in the Troad, 70. 
See also Ligia Hammam. 

Stadium, of 600 Greek feet = 1-10th of an 
English geographical mile, 71 ἢ. 


STAFF-HANDLES, 


Staff-handles, of bone, terra-cotta, porce- 
lain, glass : 3rd c., 428, 429 ;—4th c., 567. 
Comp. Sceptre. 

Stark, B., his Essays on the site of Troy, 
188; ‘ Reise nach dem _ griechischen 
Orient, 208. 

Statue of Athené, the only Trojan one men- 
tioned by Homer, 281. 

Statues, Greek, of N.I., fragments over the 
whole hill, 609 ; of Metrodorus, in temple 
of Athené, 635. 

Steitz, A., ‘Die Lage des Homerischen 
Troja, 189. 

Stephanus Byzantinus recognizes Troy in 
N. Ilium, 179. 

Stick-knobs, marble, 6th c., 603. 

Stoll, Louis, befriends author, 10. 

Stomalimne, the lagoon at the mouth of the 
ancient Scamander, 79, 83; Virchow’s 
description of, 84; observations on, 87. 

Stone Implements (comp. Axes, Balls, Corn- 
bruisers, Hammers, Mortars, FPestles, 
Polishers, Pounders, Saddle-querns, &c.), 
abundant in 4th stratum; fewer in 3rd 
stratum, 21; in two lowest strata, 22-3: 
—Ist ο., 294 f.; 2nd c., 275 f.; 3rdc., 
436 f.; 4th c., like 3rd but thrice as 
numerous, 518; objects of unknown use, 
570, 571; very rare in δίῃ c., 573, 583-4. 

Stones, unwrought, cemented with earth, 
of 4th city, 21; large, rudely hewn, of 
2nd city, 21; obtained from neighbour- 
hood, 54, 264; of 3rd city, small, from 
the Hissarlik ridge, 316; smoothly hewn 
and cemented with clay, of 4th city, 23; 

_ mode of working by a pick-hammer, sign 
of a Jater age, 55. See Houses, Walls, 
and under the several cities. 

Stcppers, vase-covers in shape of. 
Covers. 

Storeys of Trojan houses, numerous, 268, 
274, 313. 

Stork, return of in March, 38, 52; respect 
shown to in the Troad, by Turks, not 
by Christians, 112, 113; biblical name, 
Chasidah, “pious,” 112; included by 
Homer with cranes (γέρανοι), 113. 

Strabo: proofs that he never visited the 
Troad, 73; follows Demetrius in placing 
Troy at the village of the Ilians, 79, 176. 

Strata of Hissarlik, succession of, discovered, 
21; irregularities of, 23, 30, 63; succes- 
sion shown on block left standing, 62; 
Virchow on their nature, compared with 
other ruins, 62; slanting, of N. L, 610; 
section of, in the great N.W. trench, 611; 
various depths in the shafts, 611, 612; 


See 


INDEX. 


191 


TEKKAR, 


diagram of, vii. (For the seven successive 
strata, see under First, Second, &c.) 

Streets: the principal one, 33; paved with 
flags, 33 (see Pavement) ; made by 2nd 
settlers, used by 3rd, 265, 806; for foot 
passengers only, proved by steep slope 
and absence of wheel-marks, 265 ; Eyssen- 
hardt upon, 148; Virchow upon, 684 
(comp. Gates); only another found, a small 
one or lane, paved with flags, 8rdc., 54; 
and a narrow passage, 54. 

Strymo, ἃ. of Scamander, wife of Laomedon, 
and τὴ. of Priam, 124, 156; the name 
also in Thrace, 124. 

Studs, gold, Tr., for sewing on clothes, 461. 

Suburb of Troy, 3rd c., houses of, 54; in- 
habited by poor people, 328. 

Suidas recognizes Troy in N. Ilium, 179. 

Sulla restores N. Ilium after the injuries 
of Fimbria, 177. 

Sun, Moon, and Stars, on whorls and balls, 
419, 420. 

Suspension Vases (comp. Vases) : 1st c., with 
vertical tubular holes, especially double, 
215, &c.; with horizontal tubular holes, 
217, 223;—2nd c., with vertical holes, 
295, 296 ;—38rd c., an example of double 
tubular holes, 363; 2 from Nimroud, with 
4 holes, 367;—4th ο., 525 ;—one of 6th 
c., 596 ;—at N. L, 614; at Thymbra, 
with horizontal holes, 710. 

Svastika (Suastika, Swastika). See Sau- 
vastika. 

Swamps, in Plain of Troy, in Homer’s time 
and now; increased by want of cultiva- 
tion, 106; one near Troy (Hom.), 144. 

Swan stamped on clay discs of N. I., 619. 

Swords, remarkable absence of, in all the 
pre-historic c., contrasted with their fre- 
quency at Mycenae, 483, Pref. xii. 

Sybel, L., “ Ueber Schliemann’s Troia,’ 188. 

Syllabary, meaning of the term, 691. 

Szihalom, in Hungary, terra-cottas from, 
291 et passim ; crown-shaped vase-covers, 
910. 


TACITUS recognizes identity of N. Ilium 
with Troy, 179. 

Talents, perhaps the Silver Blades, TR. (q. v.), 
or the bars of gold, Tr., 496. 

Tchihatcheff, ‘ Asie Mineure: Description 
physique, statistique, archéologique, &c., 
10. 101, 110; 

Tectosages, Gallic tribe, conquer central 
parts of Asia Minor, 130. 

Tekkar or Tekkri, on Egyptian monuments, 
the Teucrians, 122, 123, 745. 


TELCHINES. 


INDEX. 


THIRD CITY. 


—————$—$—$———_—_—_—_—_—_—_———_— e—en—e—ererereeeeererawnhawnooo Se 


Telchines, artists and metallurgists in Samo- 
thrace, 256. 

Temple of Athené in Acropolis of N. 1., 
the original one built at once on 4th 
stratum, on a site lowered and levelled, 
29, 328, 608; new, built by Lysima- 
chus and restored by Sulla, 608 ; drums 
and capitals of its Corinthian columns, 
608, 609; foundations only in situ, floor 
of slabs ; dimensions, sculptures destroyed, 
609 ; wall and tower belonging to, 609. 

Temple of Apollo, Doric, in the Acropolis of 
Greek Ilium, on the N. side of Hissarlik, 
large ruins of, but even the foundations 
destroyed, 23, 609 ; block of triglyphs and 
metope (q. v.), 609. | 

Temples of Thymbrean Apollo, pre-historic 
and historic, at Thymbra, 714, 719. 

Ten Years’ War of Troy, Grote on the 
mythical significance of, 158. 

Tenedos, I., distances from mainland, Lesbos, 
and Sigeum, 107; seat of worship of 
Sminthean Apollo, 107 ; Greek fleet retire 
behind, 160; coins of, at N. I., 612. 

Tepeh (a ‘‘ low or small hill”), the Turkish 
for tumuli (q. v.), 648. 

Terra-cottas (see Balls, Pottery, Whorls, and 
the names of the various objects): 8rd ¢., 
curious object, perhaps a polisher, 422; 
another, perhaps an ex-voto, 422, 423 ;— 
4th c., cttrious solid object with 4 feet and 
incised patterns, 561-2;—N. I., female 
figure in Assyrian style, 614; another in 
Oriental style on a slab, prob. an idol, 615 ; 
woman and child, best Greek style, 615, 
616; lion; pig covered with stars; slab 
with horseman in relief; archaic head in 
relief, Assyrian style, with winged thun- 
derbolts; bearded head with curious head- 
dress, 616; female heads, prob. of Mace- 
donian period; cup-bottom, 2 boys kiss- 
ing, in relief, 617; mould for impressing 
figures in relief; curious tablets, with 
winged thunderbolts, &c., in relief, nu- 
merous, 618; round objects, shaped like 
watches, with 2 perforations, and stamped 
figures, human, animal, &c., 619, 620 
(see Discs); lamps, 620. 

Terramare of Italy, meaning of the word, 
3873 n.; whorls found in, 230; pottery 
and other objects, passim. 

Teucer, s. of Scamander, reigns in the 
Troad ; adopts and is succeeded by Dar- 
danus, 119; tradition of his migration 
from Attica, 122. 

Teucer, 8. of Telamon and the Zrejan prin- 
cess Hesioné, 121, 


Teucrians, ancestors of the Trojans, named 
from King Teucer, 119; a remnant of 
them at Gergis, 119, 121; cross the 
Bosporus with the Mysians, conquer 
Thrace, &c., as far as the Ionian Sea, and 
the Peneus, 119; name used for ‘Trojans 
by Roman poets, 119, 120 ; not connected 
with Troy by Homer, 121; tradition of 
their migration from Crete, and of the 
field mice, derived from the poet Callinus, 
121-2; their worship of Apollo Smin- 
theus, 122; resemblance of Cretan and 
Trojan names, 122; on the Egyptian 
monuments, 122, 123 n., 745; the Sibyl- 
line prophecies of Teucrian origin, 122; 
connection with the Paeonians, 122, 123. 

Texier, C., ‘Description del Asie Mineure,’ 
186. 

Theatre, great, of Ν. 1., excavated in the rock 
on the slope W. of Hissarlik, probably 
Macedonian, 108, 109, 610; fragments of 
its sculptures, 611. 

Thebé (Θηβή, never Θῆβαι), a fortified Cili- 
cian c. of the road, ‘‘ the sacred c. of 
Eétion,” destroyed by Achilles; site, near 
Adramyttium ; Homeric epithets; doubt- 
ful why called ‘‘ hypoplacian ;” relations 
with the Egyptian and Boeotian Thebes, 
according to Mr. Gladstone, untenable, 
135, 136. 

Thebes (Θῆβαι), Boeotian, a Phoenician 
colony, name probably Semitic; native 
meaning according to Varro, 136; con- 
firmation of its legendary history by 
Homer’s use of the name Ὑποθῆβαι, 
516, 

Thebes, Exyptian, name of, 135 n., 136. 

Theophrastus for the Hissarlik site, 208. 

Thera, I., suspension-vases found at, 221; 
date, 222; buildings of small stones, like 
the 2ndc. of Troy, 274; rude flagons with 
necklaces and breasts, 293 ; other objects 
passim. 

Third Pre-historic City, the Burnt City, 
at Hissarlik, stratum of, discovered : cal- 
cined débris, bricks, saddle-querns, few 
stone implements, good pottery, 21; 
called Yroy for convenience, 26; its 
whole area laid bare (1879), 53; strata, 
generally 22 or 23 ft. to 30 or 88 ft. 
deep, but reached at only 12 ft. deep 
on N. and N.E. side, outside the city 
wall, 828, 499, 500; proofs; explained 
by a suburb, 3828; founded on levelled 
site of the abandoned 2nd city, 3805 
(see Buildings, Gates, Walis); much 
smaller than 2nd city on Εἰ. side, 360; 


THOMAS, E. INDEX. TOMBS. 798 


whole circuit of city wall brought to light, 
306 ; débris of city after the conflagration, 
810, 311; the c. of a triangular form; 
Burnouf’s description of its remains, 313; 
the houses (q. v.), 313-317; food of the 
people, remnants described by Virchow, 
318-321 (see Food); social condition, 
agriculture and fishing, 321, 822; royal 
house (see House), 324 f.; irregularity of 
strata (q. v.), 327 ; pottery ; rude idols and 
owl-headed yases (q. v.), not for want of 
ability to mould human features, but a 
sacred tradition of the Palladium, 329, 
330 f.; the re and 4, 345 f. (see Sau- 
vastika); tripod vases (q. v.) in enormous 


number, and others (see Vases, Pottery), - 


B54 f. ; δέπα ἀμφικύπελλα, 371 (see Amphi- 
kypellon) ; mixing vessels, 403 (see Cra- 
ters); plates, 407-8; crucibles, cups, 
spoons, and funnels, for metallurgy, 409, 
410; various objects of terra-cotta, 413 
f.; seals and cylinders, decorated and 
inscribed, 414-416; whorls and balls, 
their various patterns, 416 f.; other 
objects of terra-cotta, wood, and ivory, 
423; musical instruments, 424, 425; 
handles of sceptres, &c. in bone, terra-cotta, 
fine crystal, Egyptian porcelain, and glass, 
427-9; glass buttons, balls and beads, 
429; comb, needles, awls, of bone, ivory, 
and horn, 430, 431 ; boars’ tusks and fish- 
vertebrae, 432; moulds for casting, 482- 
436; spit-props, &c., 486; sling-bullets, 
437; stone weapons and implements, 498 
f.; the great Treasure (q. v.), 453 ;—the 
9 other treasures, 485 f. ; other metal orna- 
ments, arms, and implements, 503 f.; the 
skeletons and arms of 2 warriors, 507, 508 ; 
sxulls (q. v.) discussed by Virchow, 508 f. ; 
other objects found, 514; one unique, of 
gypsum, 514 ; the question—‘‘ Was this 
Burnt City Homer’s Troy?” 514 f. (see 
Troy) ; tradition that Troy was not utterly 
destroyed; probable connection between 
the inhabitants of 3rd and 4th ο., 518 
(see Fourth City). 

Thomas, E., ‘ The Indian Swastika and its 
Western Counterparts,’ 353. 

Thracians, connection of, with the Trojans, 
123, 124; allies of Troy in Homer, 124, 
158 ; of Sestos, allies of Troy, 183. 
Threshing-sledges (δοκάνι), with flint flakes, 
now used in Asia Minor, 246-7. 
Thucydides on the Dorian invasion, 127. 
Thunderbolt, winged, on terra-cottas of N.I., 
616, 617. 

Thymbra (Thymbré), town in Priam’s 





dominion, named by Homer, with temple 
of Thymbrian Apollo, ruins in mound 
of Hanai Tepeh, 77; Mr. Frank Calvert 
on, App. IV., 706 f.; placed inland by 
Homer, 706, 707; site defined by Deme- 
trius and Strabo, 707;—the historic 
city at Akshi Kioi (mow the farm of 
Thymbra), 719; painted pottery, glass 
vases, sepulchral inscriptions, pithoi, and 
cists found, 718, 719; marble blocks 
(probably) of temple of Thymbrean 
Apollo, 719;—the pre-historic city, at 
Hanai Tepeh, excavated by Mr. Calvert and 
Dr. Schliemann, 229, 709; three strata of 
successive habitations, 708; their walls, 
houses, pottery, remains of food, stone 
and bronze implements, and other objects, 
numerous tombs and skeletons, remains 
of old temple of Thymbrean Apollo, with 
altars and ashes, &c., 709-718; vases 
with horizontal holes for suspension, 223 ; 
marks of distinction from the five pre- 
historic cities of Hissarlik, and of resem- 
blance to the 6th or Lydian c., 223, 720. 

Thymbrius, R. (Kemar Su), rises near Oulou 
Dagh, falls into the Scamander opposite 
Bounarbashi; meaning of modern name; 
not named by Homer, 77; Burnouf’s 
description; swamp of, now drained, 78 ; 
not the Doumbrek Su, as Lechevalier 
held, 185, 677 (comp. Doumbrek) ; section 
of Trojan Plain in its valley, 719. 

Tiarks, Henry, partner in the house of 
Messrs. J. Henry Schréder & Co., of 
London, 13 7. 

Tiles, not used for roofing in the pre-historic 
cities, 214. 

‘ Times,’ the, on jade, 449 n. 

Tin, small (accidental) traces in copper of 
Ist c., 251; otherwise unknown, as _ it 
perishes without leaving a trace, 258, 612 ; 
Sir J. Lubbock on, 257 ; whence obtained 
by the Trojans for their bronze, 479 ; 
origin of the name, kastira, κασσίτερος, 
not Sanscrit but primitive Babylonian, 
pointing to the tin mines of the Caucasus 
(Sayce), 479; Sir J. Lubbock on the 
Phoenician trade with Cornwall, 479; fre- 
quent mention of tin in the Bible and 
Homer, 480; Lenormant’s opinion that it 
was obtained from Crete, 481. 

Tithonus, s. of Laomedon, 156. 

Tolisbojt, Gallic tribe, settle in Aeolis and 
Tonia, 130. 

Tombs, Greek, found in the shafts on site 
of N. L., 38, 39; at Thymbra, 712, 713; 
of heroes, see Tumuli. 


794 TOP. INDEX. TROAS. 
εὐ -ὕ0θ(0ὥἸῳῷῷὐϑὔὸὔῦὦ env συ συ τ 


Top, terra-cotta, 3rd ο., 413. 

Torches, Homeric (datdes), pieces of resinous 
wood, 621. 

Tortoises, land and water, abundant in 
Troad; not eaten either at Troy or now, 
114, 318. 

Towers: of Homer’s Troy, 141; the Great 
Tower of Iliwm, over the Scaean Gate, 
144; pair of great walls so called, sub- 
struction walls, in 2nd and 8rd c., 25, 26, 
265, 305; connection with city wall, 54 
(comp. Walls); a wooden tower (pro- 
bably) over the gates, 267. 

Tower, Greek, N. I., of the Macedonian age, 
20, 23, 40; probably built by Lysimachus 
on older foundations, 609. 

Toys, Trojan, of terra-cotta, 3rd c., 331, 413. 
See also Miniature Pottery. 

Tozer, H. F., ‘ Researches in the Highlands 
of Turkey, 187. 

Treasures, 10 large and small, all found in 
the 3rd c., the Burnt or Gold City, and 
all but one in or near its principal house 
(see House of King or Chief), 48, 51, 52, 
54, 211, 290; Virchow’s remarks on, 683 
and Pref. xiv.; discovery of the Great 
Treasure (1873); the spot described, 40; 
excitement and danger, 41; how it came 
to be there, 41, or it and the others may 
have fallen from upper storeys, 454; 
wall of 4th c. built over the spot, 454; 
general view of, 42; list of, 453 (see 
under the several articles); the chest 
(supposed) and key, 454 ;—three small 
(2nd, drd, 4th) found and stolen by work- 
men (1873), and mixt in division among 
them, partly recovered, but partly remade 
into modern work: all in Museum at 
Constantinople, 43, 485 f.; another (5th) 
found in presence of officers of H.M.S. 
Monarch (1878), in a broken terra-cotta 
vase, fallen from an upper storey, 490; 
two more (6th and 7th) in vases similarly 
fallen, 493 ; another larger (the 8th) on 
the house-wall, 494; another small (the 
9th), found in the presence of MM. Bur- 
nouf and Virchow, only 13 ft. deep, on 
N. side of the hill (1879), 328, 499; its 
position explained; same style of work 
as all the rest, 499, 500; a 10th dis- 
covered in presence of MM. Burnouf and 
Virchow, close to the royal house and the 
place of the Great Treasure, 502. 

Tree ornament, on vases and many whorls, 
367, 368, &c.; of Hittite and Baby- 
lonian origin, 703. 

Trenches. See Excavations at Hissarlik. 


Treres, neighbours of Thracians, invade the 


Troad with the Cimmerians, 130. 


Triglyphs, Doric, block of, 28, 623. See 


Metope. 


Tripod, curious small dish of terra-cotta, 


ornamented with caterpillar, tree, and 
cross, 4th c., 562. 


Tripod Vases, terra-cotta: of 1st c., 220; 


funeral urns (q. v.), 227 ;—2nd c., with 
vertical tubular holes for suspension, 295, 
296; one wheel-made, 296;—8rd ο., 
nearly all the vases tripods; differ from 
the Mycenean; feet never perforated, 
but vertical side tubes and holes in rim 
and cover for suspension, or no holes in 
rim but tubes on cover, 354; the method 
shown (No. 252), 357; examples of very 
long tubes, 356; of perforations in edges 
of the body, 357, 860; of various forms 
and decorations, some with the suspen- 
sion system, some without, 857 f.; with 
spiral handles and feet, 858, 359; curious 
box and cover, with ornament like a cuttle- 
fish, 360; examples of unornamented, 
362; a lustrous-black two-handled, 3738; 
curious perforated, with handle, made 
to stand on its side, 873; wheel- 
made, 380; one finely decorated, 883; 
triple cup, 384; jug, 384; barrel, 405; 
small globular decorated vessel, perhaps 
for scented oil, not a lamp (q.v.), 405; 
wheel-made, 405, 406; with spout in 
side, 406; small globular, 407 ;—4th c., 
528; with vertical suspension tubes, and 
with handle and ears on sides, 530, 531; 
globular, like a bottle, 5381; jugs and 
pitchers, 532, 533; box, 534; two- 
handled pitchers, 540; with 3 and 4 cups 
on one body, 540; wheel-made and hand- 
made, 544; mode of putting on the feet, 
544; flagon or oenochoe, 548, 549; per- 
forated, to stand on its side, 557, 558 ;— 
5th c., jugs, wheel-made, 578, 579 ;— 
feet of tripods at Thymbra, 711. 


Tripod Vases, terra-cotta, not used in 


Greece in historic times, except censers; 
examples of, from Jalysus, Etruria, and 
Peru ; none in Lake-dwellings, 355. 


Tripods, bronze or copper, none found at 


Troy, not even in 6th c., and only one 
at Mycenae, but must have been still 
used in Homer’s time, 355; problems 
thus raised, 356; uses of them in Homer, 
as presents, 855; prizes in games, orna- 
ments of rooms, for heating water, and 
cooking, 356. 


Troas, the Troad (ἡ Tp@ds): extent as 


TROCMI1. INDEX. TROY. 795 


defined by Strabo, 67; dominions, 68; 
mountains, 68 f.; geology and surface 
undulations, 70 ; promontories, 72 ; rivers, 
73 f.; climatology, 101; panoramic view 
of the N. part, 103; of the S. part, 107; 
zoology, 110; flora, 116; called Aeolis 
from the Aeolian colonization, 128; in- 
vaded by Treres and Cimmerians, Gauls 
or Galatians, 130; dominions, 68, 132 
(see Dominions) ; population of (see Eth- 
nography and Trojans); gold, silver, and 
copper mines, 253-5; the heroic tumuli, 
648 f, 

Trocmi, Gallic tribe, settle on Hellespont, 
130. 

Troilus, 5. of Priam, 157. 

Trojan Territory between the R. Aesepus 
and Caicus, 158. 

Trojan War, 158 f.; see Troy, History of. 

Trojans, the (οἱ Τρῶες), the people of the 
Troad, but sometimes only of Ilium and 
its territory, 67; ethnography, 119 f.; 
they were Teucrians, 119; called Zeweri 
by Roman poets, Z’rojani by prose writers, 
119, 120; called Phrygians by Attic tra- 
gedians and Roman poets, but distin- 
cuished in a Homeric hymn, 120; the 
Troad peopled by non-Hellenic tribes, ac- 
cording to Homer; their names men- 
tioned on Egyptian monuments, 123; the 
Tr. a Thracian race, intermarried with 
native Phrygians (Forbiger), 123; con- 
firmation from Strabo, 128-4 ; names com- 
mon to Thrace and the Troad, 124; the 
Trojans were Greeks (Dionys. Halic.), 
124; Aeolian colony after the Trojan war, 
127, 128; the country called Aeolis ; 
Milesian settlers at Abydos in Lydian 
times; Tr. subject to Gyges, king of 
Lydia, 128; the Turash or Turisha of 
Egyptian records, 747, 751; relations Οἵ 
the people and their language to the 
Mysians and Phrygians, 704. 

Trojans of the Burnt City, ‘their social 
condition, agriculture, and fishing, like 
that of the modern inhabitants, 321, 322. 

Tros, 5. of Erichthonius, eponym of the Tro- 
jans, 152, 156; his sons, Ilus, Assaracus, 
and Ganymedes, and d. Cleopatra, 152 ; 
immortal horses given him by Zeus, 153. 

Troy (Τροία, Tpoin Hom. and Ion., name of 
the city and country; Ilios (q. v.) of the 
city only; called Lliwm and Troja by 
Latin writers, 139): author’s first desire 
to excavate, 3; constant firm belief in 
its existence, 5; opinions on site of, 18; 
results of first investigations (L868) against 








Bounarbashi, in favour of Hissarlik, 19; 
the special object of the excavations, 23; 
the 3rd c., specially called Troy, 25; small 
extent of, even less than the hill of His- 
sarlik, 38; last king or: chief, his house, 
51; present state of the ruins, 60 f.; 
Troy now at the bottom of a hollow in 
the middle of the hill, 65. See App. I. 
and Pref. 

Homeric Topography: Troy the do- 
minion of Priam, 138; special dominion 
of Hector, 68, 188; the Acropolis or Per- 
gamos (q. v.), containing the palace of 
Priam, Agora, houses of Hector and Paris, 
temples of Athené, Apollo, and Zeus, 140; 
wall built by Poseidon and Apollo; 
towers, 141 ; course round wall easy, 142 ; 
one gate only, the Scaean (see Gate), 143; 
tower over it; chariot-road to the two 
sources of the Scamander ; stone washing 
troughs; swamp, 144; beech-tree, 144-5 
(see Beech) ; the Ileian plain ; wheat-field, 
145; Callicoloné, 145-6; the θρωσμὸς πε- 
δίοιο, the Upper Plain; tumulus of Batieia 
(ψ. v.)or Myriné, 146; of Aesyetes ; con- 
fluence of Scamander and Simois; ford of 
Scamander; tumulus of Ilus, 147; the 
Naustathmus, naval camp of the Greeks 
(see Camp), 148, 148 :— 

History, 152 f.; mythical genealogy : 
Dardanus, son of Zeus, builds Dardania; 
his sons Ilus and Erichthonius, father of 
Tros, eponym of the Trojans; his sons 
lus, Assaracus, Ganymedes, 152; Ilus 
head of the Trojan line—Laomedon, Priam, 
Hector; Assaracus of the Dardanian— 
Capys, Anchises, Aeneas, 153 ; Ilus builds 
Ilium, 153, 643; receives the Palladium 
from Zeus, 153 ; his son Laomedon ; walls 
built by Poseidon (and Apollo), 156; Troy 
destroyed by Herakles; Priam ransomed, 
his family, 156; Paris, rape of Helen; 
Greek expedition against Troy, 157 (q. v.); 
‘Trojans and allies routed and shut up in 
the city; irregular war for nine years, 158; 
events of fifty-one days of 10th year in the 
Iliad (q. v.), 158-9 ; sequel from allusions 
in Homer and other sources; Penthesileia 
and Memnon killed by Achilles, 159; 
arrival of Philoctetes and Neoptolemus; 
loss of the Palladium ; stratagem of the 
wooden horse, 160; capture and destruc- 
tion, 161-2; tradition of Troy’s rebuilding, 
and Aeneas reigning there, 166; Achaean 
and Aeolian colonization, 127,128; Ly- 
dian settlement, 128; Lydian foundation 
of N. Ilium, according to Strabo, 167; 


196 


TROY. 


INDEX. 


VASES. 





proof of continued habitation from pottery; 
also a tradition of the Greek Ilians, 167, 
168 ; cities built from the ruins of Troy, 
a gratuitous assumption of Demetrius, 
175-6 ; connection of Troy with Assyria, 
128; with Egypt, 745 f. (History con- 
tinued under NV. Jliwm.) 

Troy and Ilissarlik :—Was the 8rd, the 
Burnt City, Homer’s Troy ?—Small size 
of primitive Greek cities, 514, 515; the 
acropolis the city proper; Homer never 
saw ‘Troy, but sang of real events from 
tradition ; remarks of Sayce ; Lenormant ; 
Gladstone, 515, 516; points of agreement 
with the 3rd c., 516; the event preserved 
by tradition, detatls imagined by the poets, 
517; civilization of Homer’s time, that of 
Novum Ilium rather than the burnt city, 
517 :— 

Virchow on “Troy and Hissarlik,” App. 
I.; legends of Troy before the Jliad, 673; 
fitness of the site for poetic legends, 674 
and Pref.; its scenery the scenery of the 
Iliad, 674-5 and Pref.; the view from 
Hissarlik the horizon of the poem, 682 and 
Pref.; the mythological arena wider than 
the strategical, 678 and Pref.; this scenic 
background only darkened by the student's 
lamp, 681; differences from Homer’s de- 
scription, 681-683 ; the Iliwm of fiction 
must be a fiction ttself, 681; points of 
likeness in the “burnt city,” which is 
also a ‘‘city of gold,” 688, 684, and Pref. 

Troy (Troja), the Egyptian (¢ardu), has 
no etymological connection with Troy; 
but the likeness of name made it the 
seat of Trojan legends in Egypt, 751. 

Tumuli, Heroic (so called), of the Troad, 
explored in 1879, 55; meaning of the 
word ; described in order; the Cynossema, 
or tomb of Hecuba; a 2nd near site of 
Dardanus; a 3rd; 4th above Ren Kioi 
(7. v.); 5th and 6th; 7th on the heights 
of Rhoeteum (comp. In Tepeh); the ori- 
ginal tomb of Ajax on the shore, 648 ; 
tombs of Achilles and Patroclus (4. v.), 
648 ; Hagios Demetrios Tepeh (7. v.), 650 ; 
Besika Tepeh (q. v.); Ujek Tepeh (¢. v.) ; 
four on the Bali Dagh; tombs of Hector 
and Priam; another opp.' the Bali Dagh ; 
the Hanai Tepeh (q. v.) on the Thymbrius ; 
the Pasha Tepeh (7. v.) ; two smaller; one 
N. of Koum Kaleh, the tum. of Ilus (¢. v.), 
651; tum. just S. of N. Ilium; shaft 
sunk ; only a few Roman bricks, 669. 

Tureen, two-handled, 6th c., wheel-made, 
589, 590. 








Tweezers, bronze, 5th c., 585-6. 

Tyrsenians, led from Lydia to Umbria by 
Tyrsenus, s. of Atys, 129 ; same as Etrus- 
cans, 129 (q. v.). 


UEINEN,: Uinen (the ‘ shining’), the later 
Egyptian name for the Hellenes, 745. 

Ujek Tepeh (ujek =< fire-side’), so called from 
the fires upon it on the festival of St. Elias ; 
traces of them, 651, 658; the highest 
tumulus in the Troad, wrongly identified 
with the Tomb of Aesyetes (q. v.) by 
Lechevalier, Choiseul-Gouffier, &c., 107, 
185 ; excavated by Dr. Schliemann (1879) 
from the top and side, 55, 659 f.; pro- 
gress and difficulties of the work, 659- 
662; a massive quadrangular tower above 
a circular enclosure of polygonal stones of 
the Macedonian age, probably a sacred 
shrine, 662; the mound identified with 
the cenotaph of Festus, killed by Caracalla 
to provide a Patroclus for funeral games 
in imitation of Achilles; no trace of a 
funeral fire; fragments of Greek pottery 
of δίῃ cent. B.c. or earlier, and of Roman 
pottery fixing the date; alleged resem- 
blance to the Cucumella at Vulci, 6638 ; 
—view from its summit of the arena of 
the Jlad, and to the wider range of its 
mythological scenery, 679, 680. 

Ulysses, fetches Neoptolemus from Scyros ; 
steals the Palladium from ‘Troy, 160; 
ambassador to Troy before the war, 164. 

Ulysses, Castle of (so called), on M. Aétos 
in Ithaca, 18, 47; Palace of, Sir W. 
Gell’s, imaginary, 49. 

Urns, with 2 handles, 3rd ο., 899, 400; 
hand-made, 4th c., 539. 

Urns, Funeral, 2 tripod, found on native 
rock, one containing human ashes and the 
skeleton of an embryo; interment ex- 
plained, 227;—of 3rd c., in shape of a 
box, 860-1 ; many found in 3rd and 4th 
c., 39 ;—No. 426, type of funeral urns of 
8rd c.; No. 424, type of those of 4th ο. ; 
only two such in 8rd; similar one from 
Thera, 400; of Roman age, with human 
ashes, in N. I., 39. 


VALERIANUS I, coins of, N. I., 645. 

Valonea Oak, abundant in Troad, prepara- 
tion of acorns for tanning, 116, 118. 

Vase Covers, terra-cotta. See Covers. 

, silver T'R.: see Silver. 

Vase-handles, with heads of serpents (q. v.) 
and cows (q. v.), 6th ¢., 598, 599. 

Vases, silver, of great Tr. See Silver. 








VASES. 


INDEX. 


797 


VIRCHOW, PROF. 





Vases, owl-headed: containing a treasure, 
43; broken, containing a treasure, 52. 
See Owl-headed Vases. 

Vases, terra- cotta (comp. Pottery) : of Istc., 
214; with double vertical holes for sus- 
pension, common, but rare elsewhere, 215 ; 
none such in 2nd c., 279; parallel exam- 
ples, 215 ; ornamentation (η. v.), 216 ; with 
remnants of suspending cord, 217 ; colour, 
fabric, and baking (see Pottery); with 
four perforations in rim, 220; mode of 
closing ; with sing'e tubular holes, 221; 
parallel examples rare, 222; more fre- 
quent with horizontal holes, as at Hanai 
Tepeh, 223, 720; large two-handled, 227, 
228; curious red, 227, 228. 

of 2nd City: pithoi (7. v.), 279; owl- 

headed (q. v.), 290; suspension and tripod, 

295; two and three handled, 297. 

of 8rd City: remarkable, with hollow 

wing-like projections, from chief's house, 

302, 808, 829 f.; with well-modelled 

human head, 8380; owl-headed (4. v.), 

389 f.; fragment with ornament like a rose, 

340, 341; vase with projections like birds’ 

beaks, 345; tripods (q. v.), with female 

characteristics, 325, &c.; decorated and 
plain, 354 f.; without feet, 363 f.; with 
double tubular holes, only two or three 
found in 38rd c., 363, 364; various forms, 
ornamented and plain, with and without 
system for suspension, 364 f.; decoration 
of rows of dots, 8366; tworemarkable (No. 

302), with incised ornaments of branches, 

368 ; one likea melon, 368, 869 ; with in- 

scription round body, 369 ; with waveorna- 

ment likeCypriote ko, 369, 383,384; small, 

rude, with breast-like projections, 369; 

globular, curiously decorated, 370; with 

handles and wing-like projections, 381; 

splendid lustrous-red, with long and re- 

curved hollow projections, spiral and fish- 
spine ornaments, from royal house, 381 ; 
others of like form, 982, 383; globular, 

395, 396; with two, three, and four 

handles, 898-402. 

of 4th City: like 8rd, 518; owl- 

headed (q.v.) and female, 521-523 ; with 

vertical suspension tubes, 525 f.; with 
spiral perforated handles, 526; wheel- 
made, with spiral handles and suspension 
tubes between, 526; with curious cha- 
racters, probably not a real inscription, 

526, 527, 697; most of these are hand- 

made, 527; various incised decorations ; 

tripods, 528 f.; one with 3 bottoms, 


529; one with small jug adhering 








to it, 529; with 3 and 4 cups on one 
body, 540; large two-handled : two- 
handled with wave ornament, 541; others, 
542 ; with one vertical and one horizontal 
handle, 542; globular, with 4 breast-like 
bosses, 543; with tubular spout, unique, 
543 ; with 4 thin handles, wide mouth, and 
large border, only 3 such found, 545, 546; 
three-handled, 547; large two-handled, 
with pointed foot, 547; with 3 hardles 
and cover, 547, 548 ; with 4 handles, 548; 
with 3 mouths and 2 handles, unique, 
553-4 ; with 2 handles and 2 wings, 556; 
perforated, 556, 557. 

Vases of 5th City: owl-vases (q. v.), 574 f.; 
with female characteristics, 576; two- 
handled, with breasts, 577, 578 ; globular, 
wheel-made, with zigzag round neck, 
580; large wheel-made, with double 
upright handles, of later fabric than in 
preceding cities, with crown-shaped cover, 
580; with tubes at side and holes in 
rim, for suspension, 581; double, joined, 
582. 

of 6th City: very large, four-handled, 
wheel-made, 590; globular, two-handled, 
wheel-made, 590, 591; large hand-made, 
with one common handle, and three like 
ram’s horns, explaining excrescences on 
Etruscan vases, 591-2, and protuberances 
on others, 5938-6; with vertical tubes for 
suspension, 596, 597; in shape of a bugle, 
with three feet, frequent ; similar from 
Rhodes and Cyprus ; perhaps the Etruscan 
and Greek Aryballos ; the δέπας ἀμφικύ- 
πελλον, 596; other forms, 597. 

Vases, painted terra-cotta, of N.I.; an ar- 
chaic vase-head, hand-made, with tubular 
holes for suspension, 614; fragments of 
wheel-made, 614, 615. 

‘athy, capital of Ithaca, not the site of an 
ancient city, 49. 

Veneti or Eneti, led by Antenor from Paphla- 
gonia to the Adriatic, 164. 

Vertebrae of sharks, dolphins, and tunnies, 
3rd c., 3238, 482. 

Villanova, cemetery of, whorls found in; its 
age, 230. 

Vimpos, Th., author’s teacher in Greek, now 
Archbishop of Athens, 14. 

Virchow, Prof. Rudolf, on learning Greek, 
15 n.; his drawings and descriptions of 
Trojan skulls, 30, 89 (see Skulls); joins 
author at Troy (1879), 53; his re- 
searches there, 53; medical practice in 
the Troad, 53, 721 f.; on the construction 
of Trojan houses, 53 f.; on the sources of 


498 


VIRCHOW, ADLE. 


INDEX. 


WHEEL, 





the Scamander, 58; speech on the exca- 
vations, 60 f. (see Hxcavations at Hissar- 
lik and Troy); on the Scamander and 
Plain of Troy, 80 f.; his ‘ Bettrdge zur 
Landeskunde der Troas,’ 80, 95, 190, &c. ; 
account of Conchylia, 114 f.; for the His- 
sarlik site, 190; also Pref., and App. 1., 
p. 676 f.; excavations at Zabordwo, in 
Posen, 223; on domestic architecture of 
ancient and modern ‘Trojans, 314-317 ; 
on food of the people from remnants at 
the burnt city, and their social condition, 
318-321; on “Troy and Hissarlik,” App. I, 
678 f.; ‘‘ Medical Practice in the Troad,” 
App. V5 po F208 

Virchow, Adéle, her excavations at Zabo- 
rowo, 223 et passim. 

Virchow, Dr. Hans, 223 et passim. 

_ Virlet d Aoust, ‘Description topographique et 
archéologique de la Troade,’ 189. 

Vitellius, coins of, N. I., 646. 

Vivien de Saint-Martin, L., ‘ L’ Ilion @ Ho- 
mere, l’ Ilium des Romains, 188. 

Vogler., Mr., partner in the house of Messrs. 
J. H. Schréder & Co., in Hamburg, 13 ἡ. 

Voss, J. H., residence at Ankershagen, 2 ἢ. 

Vulci, vase resembling the Trojan δέπα 
ἀμφικύπελλα found at, 302. 

Vultures in the Troad, 118. 


WALL, earthen, of the Greek camp, 151. 

Wall of Herakles, Trojan rampart near the 
sea-shore, 151. 

Wall of Troy, built by Poseidon, 141, or by 
him and Apollo, 156. 

Walls (see also House-walls, and the arts. on 
the several cities) : a Cyclopean wall in 2nd 
c., resting on a retaining wall of smaller 
stones of Ist c., 24, 264; pair of great 
(see Tower of Ilium), 25; two Trojan, 
27; Greek, 28, 29; of fortification below 
temple of Athené, 30, 31; of sun-dried 
brick, near the 9 large jars, 33; great in- 
ternal wall of 2nd c., 40, 265; another 
of 2nd c., 265 ; of Lysimachus, 40; stands 
on débris thrown down, 63; others, 40; of 
Troy disclosed in its whole circuit, 54; 
retaining wall, 1st c., 213 ;—rampart wall 
of 2nd c., N.W. of gate, paved with flags, 
267-8 ;—walls of 2nd and 8rd c., their 
relation to each other, 268; great slope, 
easy to scale, proves them only substruc- 
tions, 268 ;—of 8rd c., new wall added to 
wall of 2nd c.; its pecwtiar construction, 
305; of brick, 805; densely inhabited 
works of defence over, 306; city wall 
brought to light in its whole circuit, 306; 


its course, 307; construction of brick, 
upon a few courses of slabs, founded on 
clay cakes (q.v.), 307; Burnoutf’s descrip- 
tion and sections of the brick walls, 308; 
section of remnant of the brick wall, 312; 
—of 4{} ο. ; no large city wall, properly so 
called, 518, 519; one N.W. of tower-road ; 
ancient enclosure wall, with battlements, 
on N.W.; 2 more on §.E.; all beyond 
precincts of 8rd ο., 819; no brick walls of 
defence, 320 ;—of 5th c., doubtful; per- 
haps destroyed by succeeding settlers, 574; 
—of N. 1. ; great Hellenic wall built im- 
mediately on débris of 8rd c., 811; only 
the lower courses of the Greek tower pre- 
Macedonian, 609; great city wall ascribed 
to Lysimachus, well preserved ; probably 
repaired by Sylla; traces of an inner wall, 
connecting 2 quadrangular forts, 610. 

Walpole, “ Memoirs relating to European 
and Asiatic Turkey, 186. 

Washing-troughs, stone, of Trojan women 
outside Troy, 144. 

Wave-line ornament on fragment of a great 
pithos, 280. 

Wave ornament on vases, like Cypriote cha- 
racter go, ko, or kho,' 369, 388, 384, &c. 
Weapons, bronze, TR., mass mo!ten together 
by fire, 482; long quadrangular bar with 
sharp end, Tr., 482; another such, and 
2 smaller, Tr., 494. See Battle-Awes ; 
Daggers ; Lance-heads. (N.B. No swords 

found.) 

7ebb, P. Barker, his ‘ Topographie de la 
Troade, 20, 188 et passim ; places Troy 
at Chiblak, 20; geology of Ida and its 
valleys, 69, 70; description of climate 
and beauty of the Trojan land, 102-3; 
account of Flora of the Troad, 116. 

Weight, standard of, in Asia Minor. 
Mina. 

Weights: 8rd c., one (probably) of green 
gabbro-rock, 436; for doors, looms, or 
nets, of terra-cotta, 411; of stone, 442, 
443, 444 ;—4th c., of stone for nets, 570, 
584; similar in Denmark, 584. 

Welcker, ‘ Kleine Schriften, 187. 

Well, Greek, in the Acropolis of N. I., 211. 

Wendt, J. F., kindness to the author, 8; 
death, 9 2. 

Wheat, a field of, under the walls of Troy 
(Hom.), 118, 145; remains of, in Trojan 
houses, 320; other grain, 320 ἢ. 

Wheel, leaden, with 4 spokes, 4th c., doubt- 


See 





1 These are only various readings of the same 
character, f\,. See p. 695, a, near the top. 


WHEELS, 


less model of wheels in use there; com- 
pared with other forms of wheels; eight 
spokes in Homer’s chariot of Heré, 565. 

Wheels, moving, on whorls, 417. 

Whetstones: 1st c., of indurated slate; ex- 
amples from Egypt and elsewhere, 248; 
—3rdc., of green stone ; common in all the 
pre-historic cities, but rare at Mycenae, 
443; similar at Szihalom and Thera, 
443 ;—4th c., porphyry, with inscription, 
567, 697; many of slate and porphyry, 571. 

Whorls, stone, of steatite, about 50 collected, 
422; contrast with the great number found 
at Mycenae, 422, 443. 

Whorls, terra-cotta: 1st c., plain and orna- 
mented; the latter known by the flat 
form; probably offerings to Athené 
Ergané, 229; found in various parts 
of Europe, Mexico, Mycenae (very few, 
but many of stone), Thera, 231 ;—2nd 
c., also all black, smaller than in Ist, 
with incised ornamentation as in upper 
cities, 303 ;—3rd c., double, or top-shaped, 
rare, 416; various forms and patterns, 
416 f.; nearly half have incised pat- 
terns, 416: generally on one side only, 
sometimes on both; crosses, with dots, 
re and τῇ, man with uplifted arms, 418; 
a moving wheel, written characters, burn- 
ing altars, animals, plants, flowers, zigzags, 
the sun, birds, probably storks, 416-420 ; 
rudeness of representation due to a sacred 
tradition ; uniformity of style, 419; 
spirals, strokes, and dots, 420; all perfo- 
rated, of coarse clay, coated with fine clay 
and polished—colours red, yellow, black 
or grey, thoroughly baked (but in other 
cities imperfectly) ; ornamentation in- 
cised, and filled with white chalk; 
hardly any show signs of wear, 421; 
probably votive offerings to Athené Er- 
gané, 419, 420, 422; more than 18,000 
collected; comparison with the few at 
Mycenae, 422;—thousands in 4th ο., 
like those in 8rd, 518, 571; various 
patterns; written characters, 562-564, 
571, 572; patterns of 3rd c. recur, 571; 
crosses, altars, ΓΒ! and 44, hares and other 
animals, zigzags, a man (probably), sym- 
metrical patterns, 571-2 :—5th c., patterns 
often different from 3rd and 4th; fabric 
inferior; shape more elongated and 
pointed; examples of new forms; one 
with three deer; another with strange 
scratchings, 573 ;—6th c., ornamented, 
594, 596; frequent, of same dull- 
black clay as the other pottery; de- 


INDEX. 





199 


XERXES. 


coration linear, with ΓΒ and 4{;—1are in 
stratum of N.I., thoroughly baked and 
plain, 618; their place seems taken by 
the stamped lenticular dises (q. v.). 

Winckelmann, E., of Ankershagen, 2 n. 

Wind, at Hissarlik, troublesome from N., 
25; Homer’s icy blasts of Boreas, 26; 
table of prevalent winds, 101. 

Wine, huge jars (miOor) for (see Pithot) ; 
making of in modern Troad, 118 ; mixing- 
vessels for (see Craters); wine-mer- 
chant’s magazine under temple of Athené, 
379 (comp. Cellars). 

Wing-like projections, on Trojan idols, 331, 
&c.; and vases, 339, 381, &c. 

Wire, gold, Trojan, drawn finer on account 
of the purity of the gold, 458; quadran- 
gular, Tr., 494. 

Wittmack, Dr., on seeds from the Troad, 
320 n. 

Wolf with Romulus and Remus, on coins of 
N. I., 641, 647. 

Wollert, ‘Hopping Peter,’ village tailor of 
Ankershagen, his stories, 4, 5. 

Wood, beams for floors, in 2nd and 8rd c¢., 
30, 274; difficulty of working with the 
stone axes, 274; largely used for build- 
ings of 8rd c., as shown by quantity of 
ashes, 266 ; wooden houses of 5th c., 5738. 

Wooden Horse, legend of, 160, 161; opinions 
about, 207; bearing on argument upon 
the site of Troy, 208. 

Wool, ancient export of, from Phrygia, 112 ; 
wooilen thread, carbonized, still on a 
distaff, 3rd c., 327. 

Workmen, numbers and wages of, 21, 22, 
24, 27, δ1. 

Worsaae, ‘ Nordiske 
passim. 

Writing, in Asia Minor, long before the intro- 
duction of the Phoenician alphabet, proved 
by Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries, 691. 

Written characters, on scals, 415; on 
whorls, 417-420. . 


Oldsager, 215 et 


XANTHUS, Lydian historian, on the 
Mysian language, 119. 

Xanthus, R. (‘yellow’), the ‘divine,’ 1.6. 
Greek name, equivalent to the native 
Scamander (q. v.), 705. 

Xenophon for the N. I. site, 170. 

Xerxes, his bridge of boats, 1383; visits N. 
Ilium as Homer’s Trog; sacrifices to 
Athené; makes libations to Trojan heroes, 
168, 680; topography of his march, 168- 
9 n.; N. I. of no importance then but for 
its shrine, 689. 


800 


YENI KIOI. 


YENI KIOZ, Christian village, fever- 
stricken, 106. 

Yeni Shehr, 105, 
Sigeum (q. v.). 

Yerkass?, military farm, 101. 


site of the ancient 


ZABOROWO, in Posen, pre-historic grave- 
yard, excavated ky Professor Virchow and 
his children, pottery from, 228 et passim. 

Zarpanit or Zirbanit, Babylonian goddess, 
prototype of the Trojan female idols 
(Lenormant), 339. 

Zeleia, Lycian c. on the Aesepus, 192; at 
end of a chief branch of Ida, 68. 

Zeus, temple of, in the Pergamos, 140. 

Zeus Herkeios, altar of, Priam slain at, 211; 
shown by Greek Ilians, 211. 

Zeus Meilichios = Moloch, 154. 

Zeus Nikephoros, with Palladium, on coins 
of Ν. 1., 642. 


INDEX. 


ZOOLOGY. 





Zigzag ornament on a Trojan tripod, 857; 
pattern on whorls, 418, 420, &c. 

Zine (WevdSapyvpos) in M. Ida, 253-4, 
Comp. Brass, 

Zoology of the Troad: Barker Webb and 
Tchihaitcheff on; wild beasts in Ida, 110; 
lions, bears, panthers, wolves; the boar; 
horses, asses, mules, oxen, goats, camels; 
sheep, 111; use of the ox for agriculture ; 
buffalo also used in farming; the Bactrian 
camel; stag rare; deer, roebuck, and gazelle 
frequent; birds, various but little known, 
112; the stork, 112, 118; cranes; various 
vultures; one eagle; a bird, probably 
Homer’s Chalcis or Cymindis (q. v.) ; owls, 
113; snakes, numerous and _ poisonous ; 
tortoises, land and water ; annelids, leeches; 
locusts; Kermes worm, 114; Virchow’s 
report on Conchylia, 114 f.; their use for 
food, 115, 110. 


THE END, 






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the deepest excavations. NA 

The numbers indicate in metres ἧς , Be OE : 
the depth below the adjoining level. 7 ] (HH a i Ξ 
The simple hatchings mdicate the shou Ξ Υ a ‘ ws 
debris of the eacavations. = 4 yw, ἴα > 
The crossed hatchings mark, the ΞΞ. κ Y)} yy) ys 
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Wy ΠΤ ΝᾺ 
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frst & lowest city. LA A inaaeral / 7 =< & = BY 

north trench, hy Thick walls LEA Ui WF δ EMILE BURNOUF. 

Jars. @ (red) Wells. Ὁ 77,7 " WS IN Ay aw 5 en 

KFench dug by Mr Frank Calvert. /} If} Ν My 

Δ' Place where the large treasure was found (eee fe 
NOTE. The Red Colour marks PGE chive he level of the sew. a. δ’ a I ὦ 


The cae potrt Ais 49 métres 43 core? 





Harper & Broth ἐς NewYork. 
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23 New York. 





PLAN the 


of the 
HELLENIC ILIUM 









































5 : \ ὴ 
“νὸς. Ι 7 yy Task, ee 
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0 “0 100 200 300 metres l 2 Qe χ 7 Ί Whi Dy τ “a 
Kal AYR S γε ES Jas in i 
The numbers indicate the Altitudes \\\ [yy Yi VIMEO I Uy 
eat, τὶ Ai tldtre\ 222 i ly 
SAW SSS CANN, "GAGA rh HL TY 
"Sunk Shaft s : «\ \(( ὯΝ \ | | Sh ᾿ Vy al ΠΝ ΜΠ ΝΖ 
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70 Clay el 
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Ὁ Εις 


7212. \\ ἜΠΕΣΕ εἰ eg ey 
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In Metres and Centimetres. 


με 





Plan Il. 


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Trojan walls 















called the tower ‘ 
REFERE i Plan 
' EFERENCES: From thet a [I]. THE GREAT CERAL TRICH, FROM NORTH TO SOUTH: WEST sipe. (LeNoTH OF XY; 
: of stones, which be ; r : 
; which wa ον M. White lumestone rock.—V. The stratum ot dkbris of the Hime aty 23 metres deep, with three house walls OuTieane 105 metres.) 
the third, th «ployed to uucrease fhe eatent: of the city: 7 [ ἢ ' ; ᾿Ξ ΟΣ The ται Ὁ Daa 
iat ᾿ C ze city. —J- The cavities hid: σαν σι débris by the ram and tilled up with stones. Ὁ. The ruins of a U rh, ΕΣ: 
τα ἡ = s of the second city 3 to δ metres deep. P. The oblique layers of das and the masses 


sed of large stones belonging to the second city.— 8. 1) orvzontal level of 


Pp τ i brick city, the Homer’ Thon. _T. The housewalls of the tourty, rebuilt) 1—U. The stratam of débris of the fourth city.gG. Housewalls of 
déebru ty. 96. sewalls 


the Homerte Lon. J. The moand of débris. outstde the 


ei ae 


tice, Comp 
| composed. ὶ uy layers of the three last: prehustore Cues, upper Vea v . . ve Ge 

larti wt the ἢ 7 Austorue Cu th l 7:1 ἠδρντδ 

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Harper & Brothers New ¥ 
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ba 

sats δον, Helleric wall, 25 métres long. Ww ye tte pasapine seas EE 
papa ‘ ee Pes hy NA λα αν ΝΡ sind asf ema 4 ate Aca Pt δΆ ΜΝ, Pali aa ‘ 

4 “apa ΤΥΓΙΣΥΞΞ 

τ a 


<a Ξ : : i ἢ ED CD Ὁ A 3 το Py Oy iis CATES Cm Al 
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East Z 






i Clay-cakes on Which 
Ramp ἰ ὰ rest 16 courses af 
a massive Pall of Teepin bricks. Trojan bricks 


ELEVATION OF SOUTH SIDé OF TRENCH FROM Z TO thee 





the excavations 


PlanIV. GREAT TRENCH, FROM SOUTH-EAST Τὸ NORTH-WEST: NORTH FRONT (length=/75 métres.) 


__ 4p metres 








| rere ee ἘΞ es z= D - = 
___150 Feet 








Harper $/Anthmns New Yoric 


PLAN OF THE SUBTERRANE Plan V 


AN BUILDINGS 


























































































































































































































thewoll BB. 


Ι ΚΖ Ως ή Ne . ; 
BO @ . sete ε΄ 
/ | i i 3 τὸ. = τ ἐξ - fet a i "ἢ ἡ 
i i a i . ᾿ Tost εἶτ' = Ute "ὦ 
ia a ᾿ hi a ‘i HL Vertes μεν ᾿ Hi 
i al iM is o 4 . is wera at ad Ἐμε πον πε τς ὅτι ae 
7 i ane La ᾿ ͵ ᾿ ae Yet er τ απ τ  ἘῸ- 
ae os sf co ee Nae 
SS ah OR i iit .. aes ftir cea er 4 Ἵ ay mY " ae ee NI 
72 cas ie snes " Pita BN ci .. ea i 'κ 
΄ i Hii Hl P pr = : {11} i i ny {iM 
7 ae ay | ae ni ΝΞ =e δ ss i 
SS a iw Ae ty id ὦ ἢ Ar ! γ τὸν i " NK nh tN : 4 
+: ee Po Meee LLL. 
a ᾿ a i on i ᾿Ξ see coon etre a a / 
7 ihe Hd Hi ip nae ST es HIKIKi i Wa 
ih ae "ἃ She Aaah "" ΥΩ 
Hit Hi "" Ξ Ἢ ͵ te τὶ: i ΠΧ. 
x ΠΝ: -- og 
“gp 11}}}|}}}}}}}}}}} aN EA ἡ" TTL add 
7 os a i a " ᾿ oH ae . .. a, 
ΚΖ MMMM HAE AD oe aa i ᾿ an it WWWAA AA 
7 LC ee ue 4 7 
ZY i iy LAE i‘ Hh aa "" ne WALL, 
f cH ug we He el a A ῳ it ih »» a Hil a a! "2 Ly ; 
: ye thie iy 
Cnet Yj yyy, 
LG Ng 722 ip iy, 
| 75 Yj 77 ld ' 1D 
MA herve oqnare tower reaching almastto 777, ih ie 7, NOTE. The dark parts indicate the tannels dng. The αὖ 
the top of the tamulas, haght 11.80 métres. VEE Se comes trom the outside and gies access to the Laney ξ * 
ὃ ΕΣ, | WAAAY ; \ -long. Ti * part 
BB Gp ea pa of polygonal stones passing yy cy " i arcalar walls, this tarmel is 30 métres long. T Mes “5 any 
7 a ie "": hate sunk from the top of the tamulus ts mdi 
beneath the tower AA. 7 a at ‘a " Nuit met dotied lines indicate the tunnels dag 
C4 J hte) I leaning agamnst/ WY, 11} tt Hi Hi AHH htt the square space EE” The dottu 


Je down to the varguv 
ast PP? τὸ a shatt sam 

below the tower. Fv the ma 

sow 


rs New York 


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“2 σ᾽ —— ΤΩ 
ΚΖ ΝΙΝ =e τ τα ge 
2 Y Hh ΙΞΞΞΕΙ͂ΞΞ Speen = Win WY 
MMM ΞΞΞ3ἢ3 Bee ἅ 
ACAI GA re ence a kare SS 
in a me A he - : ae et Ι 
ἐλ cache scaal ip 
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BUR AY ys ey ἯΙ 
| | if ‘ ἐδ 1 αὶ 
ΠΤ ΔΙ ATI | toe 
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+ ΠΤ «,., ara V7, 
My Le head 


Plan VI. 


AK Masstve square tower 
BB' Grealar wall of potygonal ΣΝ 
underneath the massive tower A.M. 
CC Another arcalar wall. 
00 ' Cavity found wv the massive tower. 
PP'Shat sunk along the αὐτὶ of the tower: 
abcdef,a, Zanels dug to bring to 
light the curcalar walls & the sides of 
the square masswve tower. 
XY Fregalar tannel made beneath’ 
the tower. 





nc) RESIS To mi 


“ah Rayos A 


N°S 1801-1816 . 





SPECIMEN SECTIONS OF WHORLS DUG UP AT TROY. 


Harper & Brothers New York. 


=u 


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Ss 


-— 


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SPECIMEN PATTERNS OF WHORLS DUG UP AT ΤΡΟΥ.. 
Harper & Rrothers New York 


ΝΒ 1833-1848. 


\Vv 1836 
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SPECIMEN PATTERNS OF WHORLS DUG UP AT TROY 


Harper & Brothers New York 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &&. DUG UP AT TROY. 


Harper & Brothers New York. 


Wes 1856 1860. 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &&. DUG UP ΑΤΊΤΒΟΥ. 


Harper & Brothers New York. 





SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &. DUG UP Av TROY. 


Harper ὦ Brothers New York 


N°S 1865-1871. 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &C. DUG UP AT TROY- 
Harper & Brothers New York. 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &c. DUG UP 


Harper & Brothers New York. 





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NS 1872-1876 . 


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N° 1879-1880 . 





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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &C. DUG UP AT TROY- 


Harper ἢ Brothers Wew Vork. 


NOS 1881-1884. 


1883 





SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, Kc. DUG UP AT TROY. 


Harper & Brothers New York. 


N°S 1885-1890. 


1888 


4 LEO Raa, 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS ἄς DUG UP AT TROY. 


Harper & Brothers New York 


N°S 1891-1896. 





SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, δ, DUG UP AT TROY- 


iew Yor’ 


N 
1 


Harner & Lrothrrs 


N° 1897-1902. 





SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &C. DUG UP AT TROY_ 


Harper & Brothers New York. 


Nes 1903-1908. 


= 
% 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &C. DUG UP AT TROY_ 


Harper & Brothers New York. 


N°S 1910-1915. 





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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &C. DUG UP AT TROY- 


Harper ἃ Brothers New York. 


Nes 1936 -132]. 





SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &&. DUG UP AT TROY. 


Harper ὦ Brothers New York. 


IWS 1922-1926. 


ae 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &c. DUG UP AT TROY. 


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NS 1927-1932. 





SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &C. DUG UP AT TROY. 


Harper & Brothers New York 


NS 1933-1938. 


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PUUG SEAT TROY. 


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PECiIMENS OF WHORLS, & 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS &c. DUC UP AT TROY. 


Harper & Brothers New York. 


N°S 1940 -1950. 





SPECIMENS @F WHORLS, &c. DUG UP AT TROY. 


Harper & Brothers New Yorx 


N® 1951-1954. 





SPECIMENS OF WHORLS δ, DUC UP AT TROY. 


there New York lke r 


Harner ἃς ra 


NOS 1955-136C. 





SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &c. DUG UP AT TROY- 


Harver %& Rrathers New York. 





; NS 1966-1971. 


“προ πιο eee 





SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, κο. DUG UP AT ΤΒΟΥ. 


Brothers New York 








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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &c. DUG UP AT TROY. 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &c. DUG UP AT TROY- 


Harper & Brothers New York. 


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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &&. DUG UP Ai TROY-~ 


Harper ὦ Brothers New York. 





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SPECIMENS OF WHORLS, &C. DUG UP AT TROY. 


Harper & Brothers New York 


N° 1991-1992. 







——— 


N°S 1993-1996. 


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